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LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


OF 


JOHN  WINTH  R 0 P. 


1630  — 1649. 


STATU  EOF 


^@^7  E JSiF]  ® tm  KT  liil 


AT  MOUNT  AUBURN 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


OP 


JOHN  WINTHROP, 


FROM  HIS  EMBARKATION  FOR  NEW  ENGLAND  IN  1630, 
WITH  THE  CHARTER  AND  COMPANY  OF  THE  MAS- 
SACHUSETTS BAY,  TO  HIS  DEATH  IN 

1 6 49. 


BY 

ROBERT  C.  WINTHROP. 


VOL.  II. 

THIRD  EDITION. 


2.  b'l  <6  (s> 


BOSTON: 

LITTLE,  BROWN,  AND  COMPANY, 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1866,  by 
ROBERT  0.  WINTHROP, 

In  the  Clerk’s  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


University 


Press:  John  Wilson  & Son, 
Cambridge. 


y 2.  3 ,Z7  3 

W 7 

P 

/.  -2- 

PREFATORY  NOTE. 


I must  not  omit  to  acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to  Charles 
Deane,  Esq.,  A.M.,  of  Cambridge;  to  the  Rev.  Chandler 
Robbins,  D.D.,  of  Boston;  to  the  Rev.  George  E.  Ellis, 
D.D.,  of  Charlestown;  and  to  Dr.  John  Appleton,  the  As- 
sistant Librarian  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  — 
for  valuable  aid  in  the  preparation  of  this  volume  for  the 
press. 

I may  add,  that,  after  every  thing  except  this  Prefatory  Note 
was  in  type,  my  younger  friend,  Mr.  William  S.  Appleton, 
on  his  return  from  England,  kindly  communicated  to  me  the 
following  extract  from  an  account  of  the  principal  Suffolk 
Families,  which  he  had  copied  from  the  Tanner  MSS.  in  the 
Bodleian  Library  at  Oxford,  and  which,  though  containing  no 
new  fact,  is  interesting  as  an  evidence  that  Governor  Winthrop 
was  not  unremembered  in  the  land  of  his  birth  : — 

“ Winthrop.  — John  W.  of  Groton,  Esq.  went  into  N.  E.  and  was 
there  first  Governour  after  they  had  their  patent  from  King  Charles, 
— reputed  a very  wise  man  and  oftimes  chosen  their  Governour.  He 
ended  his  dayes  in  N.  E.” 


25  1 g 0> 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Statue  of  Governor  Winthrop  in  the  Chapel  at 

Mount  Auburn Frontispiece 

Fac-simile  of  the  Letter  of  Rev.  John  Wilson 


AND  OTHERS  ANNOUNCING  GOVERNOR  WlNTHROP’S 

Death  to  his  eldest  Son  ........ 


395 


TO  THE  VENERABLE 


JAMES  SAVAGE,  LL.D., 

MY  PREDECESSOR  IN  THE  PRESIDENCY  OF  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 
AND  NOW  ITS  SENIOR  MEMBER,  TO  WHOSE  LABORS  IN  EDITING 
WINTHROP’S  44  HISTORY  OF  NEW  ENGLAND”  I HAVE 
BEEN  SO  DEEPLY  INDEBTED 

®bis  Volume 


IS  GRATEFULLY  AND  AFFECTIONATELY  INSCRIBED 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

FAQK 

Introductory.  Winthrop’s  Voyage  to  America ; its  Incidents 
and  Perils.  Farewell  Letter  to  the  Church  of  England. 
Winthrop’s  Sermon  on  the  Passage.  The  Arrival  ...  1 

CHAPTER  II. 

The  State  of  Things  in  New  England  when  Winthrop  arrived 
there.  The  Improvements  which  were  soon  witnessed,  with 
contemporaneous  Accounts  of  Winthrop’s  Personal  Labors  in 
accomplishing  them  23 


CHAPTER  III. 

Winthrop  goes  to  Massachusetts  Bay.  Death  of  his  Son  Henry. 
Removal  to  Charlestown.  Church  Covenant.  Settlement 
of  Boston.  Temperance  Movement  . 33 

CHAPTER  IV. 

First  Winter  in  New  England.  Impending  Famine.  Fast 
turned  into  Thanksgiving.  Letters  to  his  Wife  and  Son. 
Winthrop  re-elected  Governor.  Blessing  of  the  Bay. 

Night  Scene  at  Mistick.  Visit  to  Salem  ......  .56 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  Birth  of  a Daughter  at  Groton.  The  Sale  of  Groton  Manor. 

The  Marriage  of  John  Winthrop,  Jr.  The  Death  of  Forth 
Winthrop.  Correspondence  of  Margaret  Winthrop  and  her 
Son  John.  Their  Voyage  to  America 67 


CONTENTS. 


xii 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Pi!  OB 

Governor  Wintkrop’s  Controversy  with  Deputy-Governor 

Thomas  Dudley 01 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Winthrop’s  Visit  to  Plymouth  and  other  Places,  with  some 

amusing  Passages  from  his  Journal  103 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Winthrop  re-elected  Governor  in  1633.  John  Cotton’s  Political 
Sermon,  and  its  Result.  Dudley  elected  Governor  in  1634, 
and  Winthrop  called  to  an  Account.  His  Vindication  of 
Himself Ill 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Winthrop’s  Agency  in  the  Division  of  the  Town-Lands,  and  the 
Reservation  of  Boston  Common.  The  Arrival  of  Hugh 
Peters  and  Henry  Vane.  Winthrop  accused  of  too  much 
Lenity.  Renewal  of  the  Church  Covenant 128 

CHAPTER  X. 

Councillors  for  Life.  Winthrop  chosen  one  of  them.  Religious 

Controversies.  Correspondence  with  his  Son  .....  142 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Religious  Experience  of  his  Maturer  Years,  written  on  his  Fif- 
tieth Birthday,  1636-7  160 

CHAPTER  XTI. 

Winthrop  re-elected  Governor,  after  a Violent  Struggle.  Cor- 
respondence with  his  Wife.  Controversy  between  Vane  and 
Winthrop  about  Toleration.  The  young  Lord  Leigh.  Vane’s 
Departure.  Winthrop’s  Letters  to  Governor  Bradford  about 
the  Pequot  War  . 175 


CONTENTS. 


Nlll 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

More  Strife.  The  great  New-England  Coup  d'etat.  Essay  on 
the  Power  of  the  Church.  Winthrop’s  Letters  to  his  Wife 
and  Son  


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Winthrop  chosen  Governor  again.  Visited  by  the  Indians.  The 
Colony  Charter  in  Danger,  and  saved.  First  Printing-press 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Winthrop  exercises  his  Regiment.  Chosen  Governor  again. 
Jealousy  of  the  Magistrates.  Anecdotes.  Temperance 
Legislation  


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Another  Will.  Loss  of  Property.  Sympathy  and  Succor  of 
Friends.  Dudley  chosen  Governor.  Anecdotes  .... 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

1641.  Bellingham  chosen  Governor.  Body  of  Liberties. 
Ward’s  Election  Sermon.  1642.  Winthrop  re-elected 
Governor.  Richard  Saltonstall’s  Book.  Winthrop’s  Let- 
ters ................... 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

The  Stray  Sow,  and  the  Negative  Voice . . 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Great  Scarcity  in  New  England.  Winthrop’s  Account  of  Mat- 
ters, and  his  own  noble  Resolution  to  stand  by  the  Colony. 
First  Commencement  at  Harvard  College  ...... 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Winthrop  re-elected  Governor.  The  New-England  Confedera- 
tion. The  La  Tour  and  D’Aulnay  Controversy.  Beautiful 
Letter  of  Winthrop  to  his  Son  .......... 


Page 

201 


219 


239 


250 


267 


280 


296 


305 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

Pagb 

Endicott  elected  Governor,  and  Winthrop  Dejiuty- Governor. 

Discourse  on  Government  322 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

The  Impeachment  of  Winthrop,  and  his  celebrated  Speech  . . 330 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Winthrop  Governor  again.  More  Controversies  at  home  and 
abroad.  A Picture  of  Social  Life.  Eliot’s  Labor  for  the 
Indians.  Letters  from  the  Governor  to  his  Son  John  . . 345 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Winthrop  again  chosen  Governor  in  1647.  His  Tribute  to 
Thomas  Hooker.  The  Death  of  his  Wife  Margaret.  Letters 
of  her  Sons  Stephen  and  Samuel.  Arrival  of  Governor 
Stuyvesant  359 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

Winthrop  re-elected  Governor.  Letters  to  his  Son.  Character- 
istic Anecdotes.  The  Conclusion  of  his  History.  His  Illness, 
Death,  and  Burial.  Tributes  to  his  Career  and  Character  . 374 


Appendix  : 

I.  — Letters  of  Arthur  and  Deane  Tyndal 413 

II.  — John  Winthrop  to  his  Son 415 

III.  — Rough  Draft  of  a Letter  from  Governor  Winthrop  to 

the  Rev.  Henry  Painter 416 

IV.  — John  Winthrop  to  his  Son 418 

V. — John  Winthrop  to  Thomas  Prince  . . • 419 

VI.  — Rough  Draft  of  a Letter  of  Governor  Winthrop  to  Rev. 

Ezekiel  Rogers  419 

VII.  — Rough  Draft  of  Governor  Winthrop’s  Letter  to  Rev. 

Thomas  Hooker,  in  1638  421 

VT1T.  — Letter  of  Lord  Say  and  Sele  to  John  Winthrop  . . . 422 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


IX.  — A Replye  to  the  Answ : made  to  the  Discourse  about 

the  Neg : Vote 

X.  — List  of  Books  presented  to  the  Library  of  Harvard 

College  by  Governor  John  Winthrop 

XI.  — Arbitrary  Governm!  Described : & the  Government  of 
the  Massachusetts  Vindicated  from  that  Aspersion  . 

XII. — Rough  Draft  of  Governor  Winthrop’s  Letter  to  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  ........... 

XIII.  — Epitaph  appended  to  Dr.  Cotton  Mather’s  Sermon  at 

the  Funeral  of  the  Honorable  Wait  Winthrop,  who 
died  Nov.  7,  1717  

XIV.  — Percival  Lowell’s  Elegy  on  Governor  Winthrop  . . 

XV.  — Extracts  from  Letters  of  Governors  Haynes  and  Cod- 

dington 


Page 

427 

438 

440 

459 

461 

465 

467 


Index 


471 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


OF 


JOHN  WINT  II  R O P. 


CHAPTER  I. 

INTRODUCTORY.  WINTHROP’S  VOYAGE  TO  AMERICA;  ITS  INCIDENTS 
AND  PERILS.  FAREWELL  LETTER  TO  THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 
WINTHROP’S  SERMON  ON  THE  PASSAGE.  THE  ARRIVAL. 

In  out  previous  volume,  we  have  given  the  Life  and 
Letters  of  John  Winthrop  in  Old  England.  All  that 
remained  of  his  correspondence,  all  that  could  be  ascer- 
tained of  his  career,  up  to  the  moment  of  his  depart- 
ure from  his  native  land,  was  included  in  that  volume. 
In  closing  it,  we  left  him  just  sailing  for  America,  in 
the  early  spring  of  1630,  in  the  forty -third  year  of 
his  age,  attended  by  the  Company  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Bay,  of  which  in  the  previous  autumn  he  had 
been  chosen  Governor,  and  bringing  with  him  the 
Charter  of  the  Colony  over  which  he  had  thus  been 
called  to  preside.  His  reasons  for  entering  upon  so 
responsible  and  arduous  a service,  his  preparations  for 
quitting  his  home  and  country,  his  tender  partings  with 
his  wife  and  such  of  his  children  as  were  to  remain 
behind  him  for  a time,  and  his  affectionate  farewells  to 
the  many  cherished  relatives  and  friends  whom  he  was 

l 


YOL.  II. 


2 


LITE  AND  LETTERS 


to  see  no  more  for  ever,  were  all  abundantly  set  forth. 
Nothing,  indeed,  was  omitted  which  could  help  us  to 
form  a just  portrait  of  the  old  Puritan  leader  as  he 
embarked  on  his  memorable  enterprise ; and  we  should 
he  disappointed,  we  confess,  if  there  were  not  reason 
for  thinking,  that  some  false  impressions,  both  of  his  own 
character  and  of  the  characters  of  those  who  were  asso- 
ciated with  him,  had  in  this  way  been  corrected. 

We  all  knew  that  the  Fathers  of  Massachusetts  were 
men  of  piety  and  prayer.  We  all  knew  that  they 
were  men  of  the  Bible  and  of  the  Sabbath.  We  all 
knew  that  they  were  men  of  faith  and  hope.  Without 
an  abundant  measure  of  all  these  elements  of  character, 
they  would  never  have  undertaken  the  work  of  planting 
a political  Colony,  and  founding  a Christian  Common- 
wealth, in  a remote  and  desolate  wilderness ; or,  if  they 
had  undertaken  it,  they  never  could  have  succeeded. 
Nothing  but  faith  and  hope  and  prayer,  resting  upon  the 
promises  of  God’s  word,  and  sustained  by  the  institutions 
which  cluster  about  the  Christian  Sabbath,  could  have 
given  them  strength  and  courage  for  such  an  enterprise, 
or  could  have  called  down  those  blessings  from  on  high 
which  were  essential  to  its  success. 

But  not  a few  of  us  had  doubted  how  far  these  old 
Fathers  of  Massachusetts  were  men  of  charity.  Not  a 
few  of  us  had  feared  that  this  greatest  of  the  three 
pre-eminent  Christian  graces,  upon  which  the  richest 
treasures  of  apostolic  eloquence  were  poured  forth  and 
almost  exhausted,  had  found  but  a feeble  recognition 
in  some  of  their  hearts.  They  have  been  associated, 
certainly,  with  an  austerity  of  disposition,  a sternness  of 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


3 


character,  and  a severity  of  conduct,  which  have  often 
subjected  them  to  the  reproach  of  history,  and  which 
have  sometimes  rendered  them  repulsive  even  to  their 
own  posterity. 

We  are  glad  to  believe,  that  the  Life  and  Letters  of 
Winthrop,  as  thus  far  given,  have  done  something  to 
mitigate,  if  not  to  dispel,  this  prejudice.  They  have 
served  to  exhibit  at  least  one  of  the  foremost  of  the 
Massachusetts  Fathers  as  abounding  in  tenderness  and 
love.  If  any  thing  of  severity,  or  any  thing  of  bitter- 
ness, shall  be  developed  in  what  remains  of  his  life,  it  is 
plain  that  he  brought  no  root  of  either  of  them  with 
him.  We  have  seen  him  severe  indeed,  but  towards  no 
one  except  himself.  We  have  seen  him  dealing  unspar- 
ingly with  his  own  short-comings,  with  his  own  ‘ sins, 
negligences,  and  ignorances  but  overflowing  with  kind- 
ness and  affection  towards  all  around  him,  and  whi- 
ning back  a full  share  of  kindness  and  affection  from 
all  around  him  in  return.  At  times,  indeed,  we  have 
been  almost  disposed  to  distrust  the  bravery  and  self- 
reliance  of  his  nature,  and  to  doubt  whether  one  of  so 
much  delicacy  of  sentiment,  of  such  a depth  of  sensi- 
bility and  sympathy,  could  be  qualified  for  enduring  the 
hardships,  and  confronting  the  deprivations  and  dangers, 
which  he  was  now  destined  to  encounter. 

Such  an  impression,  perhaps,  has  resulted  in  part  from 
the  fact,  that  almost  all  the  letters  of  his,  which  belong 
to  the  part  of  his  life  thus  far  described  and  which  have 
survived  the  lapse  of  time,  are  addressed  to  his  wife, 
his  children,  or  his  nearest  and  dearest  relatives,  and 
are,  of  course,  mainly  occupied  with  allusions  to  theii 


4 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


domestic  condition  and  circumstances.  His  letters  on 
business,  on  public  affairs,  or  on  other  topics  of  general 
interest,  have  disappeared  with  those  to  whom  they  were 
written ; and  no  copies  of  them  have  been  preserved. 
Had  any  of  them  been  left,  they  would  doubtless  have 
shown  that  he  was  a man  of  practical  wisdom,  as  well 
as  of  refined  sensibility ; a man  of  decision,  resolution, 
and  energy,  as  well  as  of  piety  and  charity ; and  would 
have  prepared  us  for  that  exhibition  of  vigorous  effort 
and  manly  endurance  which  will  be  found  in  the  part 
of  his  career  which  remains  to  be  described. 

But,  before  turning  to  the  Life  and  Letters  of  John 
Winthrop  in  New  England,  we  must  give  some  account 
of  his  voyage  across  the  Atlantic ; no  holiday  excursion 
at  that  period  of  the  history  of  ocean  navigation,  how- 
ever it  may  often  be  at  this.  No  less  than  eleven  ships 
were  provided  for  the  transportation  of  the  Massachusetts 
Company,  and  the  transfer  of  the  chief  government,  to 
New  England.  These  were  the  Arbclla,  the  Ambrose, 
the  Jewel,  the  Talbot,  the  Charles,  the  Mayflower,  the 
William  and  Francis,  the  Hopewell,  the  Whale,  the 
Success,  and  the  Trial.  The  name  of  the  Arbella  had 
been  adopted  in  compliment  to  the  noble  lady  whom  we 
shall  presently  find  among  her  passengers.  The  ship 
had  long  been  known  as  the  Eagle;  and  we  are  almost 
disposed  to  regret  that  the  vessel  in  which  so  many  of  the 
earliest  germs  of  political  independence  were  brought 
over  to  America,  and  the  voyage  which,  as  much,  certainly, 
as  any  which  preceded  or  followed  it,  must  be  always 
associated  with  the  permanent  and  prosperous  settle- 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


5 


ment  of  the  American  continent,  should  have  been 
deprived  by  any  act  of  gallantry,  however  delicate  or 
deserved,  of  so  auspicious  an  omen.  But  the  Eagle  was 
still  there  in  every  thing  but  in  name  ; and  no  one  can 
look  back  at  the  circumstances  and  consequences  of  that 
voyage,  without  descrying,  in  the  mind’s  eye  at  least,  our 
cherished  national  emblem  as  the  figure-head  of  that  fore- 
most ship.1  The  Mayflower  was  there  too,  consecrated 
in  every  New-England  heart  as  the  carrier,  ten  years 
before,  of  the  pioneer  Pilgrim-band,  which  planted  the 
great  principles  of  religious  freedom  upon  our  shores. 

Only  the  four  first-named  of  these  ships,  however, 
were  ready  at  the  time  fixed  for  sailing ; and  it  was 
determined  that  these  four  should  set  out  at  once  hi  com- 
pany, and  leave  the  others  to  follow  as  soon  as  might  be. 
The  Arbella  was  designated  as  the  admiral  of  the  fleet, 
the  Talbot  as  vice-admiral,  the  Ambrose  as  rear-admiral, 
and  the  Jewel  as  captain. 

The  Arbella  was  a ship  of  three  hundred  and  fifty 
tons,  carrying  twenty-eight  guns  and  fifty-two  men. 
Peter  Milbourne  was  her  master  and  part  owner.  In 


1 John  Adams,  — than  whom  there  could  be  no  better  authority  on  such  a point,  — 
in  the  second  of  his  letters  to  Judge  Tudor  (1S18),  insisted  that  “ the  principles  and 
feelings  which  produced  the  Revolution  ought  to  be  traced  back  for  two  hundred  years, 
and  sought  in  the  history  of  the  country  from  the  first  plantations  in  America.”  In 
1807,  he  had  written  to  Benjamin  Rush  still  more  emphatically,  “ I have  always  laughed 
at  the  affectation  of  representing  American  Independence  as  a novel  idea,  as  a modern 
discovery,  as  a late  invention.  The  idea  of  it  as  a possible  thing,  as  a probable  event, 
nay,  as  a necessary  and  unavoidable  measure,  in  case  Great  Britain  should  assume  an 
unconstitutional  authority  over  us,  has  been  familiar  to  Americans  from  the  first  settle- 
ment of  the  country,  and  was  as  well  imderstood  by  Gov.  Winthrop  in  1675,  as  by  Gov. 
Samuel  Adams,  when  he  told  you  that  Independence  had  been  the  first  wish  of  his  heart 
for  seven  years.”  The  date  1675  was  evidently  named  as  a mere  antithesis  to  1775,  and 
could  have  had  no  reference  to  any  event  of  that  particular  year. — The  Life  and  Works 
of  John  Adams , vol.  ix.  p.  596;  and  vol.  x.  p.  284.  See  also  Palfrey's  Hist,  of  N.  E., 
vol.  i.  p.  308.  and  vol.  ii.  p.  266,  foot-note,  where  similar  views  are  admirably  suggested. 


6 


LIFE  AND  LEXTERS 


this  vessel  were  almost  all  the  principal  members  of  the 
Company,  with  such  of  their  families  as  accompanied 
them.  The  excellent  Lady  Arbella  Johnson,  the  daugh 
ter  of  the  Ear1  of  Lincoln,  was,  of  course,  on  board  the 
ship  which  had  been  named  for  her ; and  her  no  less 
excellent  husband,  Isaac  Johnson.  In  the  same  ship 
were  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  with  three  of  his  sons, 
Richard,  Henry,  and  probably  Samuel,  and  his  two 
daughters,  Grace  and  Rosamond ; George  Phillips,  the 
minister,  and  his  wife  ; William  Coddington  (afterwards 
Governor  of  Rhode  Island)  and  his  wife ; Thomas  Dud- 
ley, the  Deputy-Governor  of  the  Massachusetts  Com- 
pany, with  at  least  one  son,  Samuel,  and  with  four 
daughters,  — Anne,  Patience,  Sarah,  and  Mercy,  — the 
eldest  of  whom  had  just  become,  at  only  sixteen  years 
of  age,  the  youthful  bride  of  Simon  Bradstreet,  who  of 
course  accompanied  her,  and  who  lived  to  be  “ the  Nes- 
tor of  New  England.”  William  Vassall  and  Increase 
Nowell,  with  their  wives,  may  have  been  with  them  also. 
And  we  would  willingly  believe  that  John  Wilson,  the 
destined  pastor  of  the  first  Boston  church,  was  in  the 
same  ship  ; but,  no  mention  being  made  of  him  hi  any 
account  of  the  voyage,  it  seems  probable  that  he  was  in 
the  Talbot,  Ambrose,  or  Jewel.1  Governor  Winthrop, 
certainly,  was  in  the  Arbella,  with  his  sons,  Stephen  and 
Adam,  — the  former  of  twelve,  the  latter  of  only  ten, 
years  of  age ; their  elder  brother  Henry  having  been 
prevented  by  an  accident  (as  we  shall  see),  at  the  last 


1 The  fact  of  Wilson’s  name  not  being  appended  to  the  Humble  Request,  would 
seem  to  settle  the  question  that  he  was  not  on  board  the  Arbella. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


7 


moment,  from  joining  them,  and  being  left  to  follow  in 
the  Talbot. 

The  little  fleet  sailed  from  Southampton  on  the  22d, 
and  from  “ the  Cowes  ” on  the  29th,  of  March,  1629-30  ; 
but  they  were  soon  compelled  to  come  to  an  anchor 
again  off  Yarmouth,  where  the  wind  detained  them  for 
more  than  a week.  On  Thursday,  the  8th  of  April,  they 
weighed  anchor  again;  and,  on  that  day,  the  voyage  may 
fanly  be  said  to  have  commenced. 

Governor  Winthrop,  however,  begins  the  Journal, 
which  is  now  commonly  known  as  the  “History  of  New 
England,”  on  “ Easter  Monday,  March  29,”  while  the 
ships  were  still  riding  at  the  Cowes.  He  may  not  have 
been  unwilling  thus  to  associate  the  outset  of  his  enter- 
prise with  the  glorious  hopes  of  the  great  festival  of  the 
Resurrection.1  He  certainly  needed  all  those  hopes  to 
sustain  him  under  the  trials  through  which  he  was  now 
passing,  and  the  still  greater  trials  which  he  was  still 
destined  to  encounter.  It  is  from  the  almost  daily 
record  of  events  then  begun,  and  continued  until  within 
a few  weeks  of  his  death,  that  we  are  to  derive  the 
greater  part  of  what  remains  to  be  told  of  the  story  of 
his  life.  He  seems  to  have  appreciated  the  full  magni- 
tude of  the  work  in  which  he  had  engaged ; to  have 
realized  that  he  was  going  out  to  lay  the  foundation  of  a 
great  commonwealth ; and  to  have  felt  that  no  incident 


1 It  may  be  pleasant  to  remember  that  it  was  the  same  Easter  for  which  John  Milton, 
still  at  the  University,  had  essayed  to  prepare  an  “ Ode  on  the  Passion,”  but  had  stopped 
short  in  despair  at  the  eighth  stanza;  adding  afterwards  this  manly  confession:  “ This 
subject  the  author,  finding  to  be  above  tte  years  he  had  when  he  wrote  it,  and  nothing 
satisfied  with  what  was  begun,  left  unfinished.” — Masson's  Lije  if  Milton , Am.  ed., 
vol.  i.  p.  167-8 


8 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


connected  with  such  an  enterprise  could  be  too  trifling  to 
be  recorded.  Yet  now  and  then  the  pressure  of  public 
duties  or  private  cares  would  interrupt  him,  and  compel 
him  to  leave  gaps  in  the  record,  which,  though  greatly 
to  be  regretted,  are  hardly  less  expressive  than  the 
written  story.  It  is  not  proposed  to  follow  him  in  all 
this  detail,  but  only  to  borrow  from  his  Journal  such 
facts  and  observations  as  may  serve  to  throw  light  on  his 
own  course  and  character.  It  will  often  be  found  inter- 
esting to  do  this  by  setting  down  the  precise  entries  as 
he  made  them,  instead  of  attempting  to  describe  the 
same  events  by  slight  alterations  or  transpositions  of  his 
phraseology,  as  has  sometimes  been  done  by  others.1 
We  shall  exhibit  in  this  way  his  style  as  an  historian 
or  a journalist,  as  well  as  illustrate  his  public  and  pri- 
vate career.  Thus  the  spirit  in  which  the  voyage  was 
commenced  may  be  inferred  from  the  following  record 
on  the  fifth  day  after  the  embarkation : — 

"Friday,  2 (April).  We  kept  a fast  aboard  our  ship  and 
the  Talbot.  The  wind  continued  still  very  high  at  W.  and  S., 
and  rainy.  In  the  time  of  our  fast,  two  of  our  landmen  pierced 
a rundlet  of  strong  water,  and  stole  some  of  it,  for  which  we 
laid  them  in  bolts  all  the  night ; and  the  next  morning  the  prin- 
cipal was  openly  whipped,  and  both  kept  with  bread  and  water 
that  day.” 

Here,  too,  is  a pleasant  incident  of  one  of  the  early 
days  of  the  voyage,  pleasantly  described : — 


1 Hubbard’s  History  of  New  England  (1680)  borrows  largely  from  Winthrop’s  then 
unpublished  manuscripts,  with  little  or  no  acknowledgment,  unless  it  were  contained 
in  some  of  the  missing  or  mutilated  pages  of  his  manuscript. 


OF  JOIIN  WINTHEOF. 


9 


"Tuesday,  6 (April).  Capt.  Burleigh,  captain  of  Yar- 
mouth Castle,  a grave,  comely  gentleman,  and  of  great  age, 
came  aboard  us,  and  stayed  breakfast;  and,  offering  us  much 
courtesy,  he  departed,  our  captain  giving  him  four  shot  out  of 
the  forecastle  for  his  farewell.  He  was  an  old  sea-captain  in 
Queen  Elizabeth’s  time,  and,  being  taken  prisoner  at  sea,  was 
kept  prisoner  in  Spain  three  years.  Himself  and  three  of  his 
sons  were  captains  in  Roe’s  voyage.”1 

But  a more  interesting  visit  than  that  of  the  veteran 
captain  of  Yarmouth  Castle  took  place  on  the  afternoon 
of  the  same  day.  It  was  the  visit  of  Matthew  Cradock, 
a merchant  of  London,  Winthrop’s  only  predecessor  as 
Governor  of  the  Massachusetts  Company,  who,  not  being 
ready  for  immediate  emigration,  and  perhaps  feeling 
himself  better  fitted  for  presiding  over  a commercial 
company  than  over  a political  commonwealth,  had 
resigned  his  place  in  view  of  the  transfer  of  the  govern- 
ment to  New  England.  He  evidently  watched  the  de- 
parture of  his  old  associates  with  eager  and  affectionate 
interest  to  the  last;  and  to  him,  too,  the  Arbella  paid  the 
compliment  of  a salute  as  he  quitted  the  ship,  “ our 
captain  (says  the  Governor)  giving  him  three  shot  out 
of  the  steerage  for  a farewell.”  Cradock  had  taken 
leave  of  the  Company  once  before,  on  the  day  of  their 
first  embarkation,  when  a similar  compliment  was  paid 
him.  But  now  his  farewell  was  final.  No  further 
opportunity  of  visiting  the  ships  occurred  before  they 
sailed;  and  he  never  fulfilled,  if,  indeed,  he  ever  seriously 


1 In  a footnote  to  this  passage,  Mr.  Savage  has  given  an  interesting  account  of  Sii 
Thomas  Roe’s  career. — Winthrop's  Hist,  of  N.  E .,  vol.  i.  p.  5. 

9 


VOL.  II. 


10 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


entertained,  the  purpose  of  following  Wintlirop  to  Ame- 
rica.1 

On  the  next  day  after  these  visits,  and  while  the 
Arbella  was  still  awaiting  a fair  wind  off  Yarmouth, 
the  Governor  and  Company  addressed  the  following 
admirable  letter  to  tlieh’  brethren  of  the  Church  of 
England ; which  was  immediately  published  in  London, 
under  the  title  of  “ The  Humble  Request  of  His 
Majesty’s  Loyall  Subjects,  the  Governor  and  the  Com- 
pany late  gone  for  New  England ; to  the  rest  of  their 
Brethren  in  and  of  the  Church  of  England ; for  the 
obtaining  of  then  Prayers,  and  the  removal  of  suspicions, 
and  misconstructions  of  then  Intentions  : ” — 

" Reverend  Fathers  and  Brethren,  — The  general 
rumor  of  this  solemn  enterprise,  wherein  ourselves  with  others, 
through  the  providence  of  the  Almighty,  are  engaged,  as  it 
may  spare  us  the  labor  of  imparting  our  occasion  unto  you,  so 
it  gives  us  the  more  encouragement  to  strengthen  ourselves  by 
the  procurement  of  the  prayers  and  blessings  of  the  Lord’s 
faithful  servants.  For  which  end  we  are  bold  to  have  recourse 
unto  you,  as  those  whom  God  hath  placed  nearest  Iris  throne  of 
mercy ; which  as  it  affords  you  the  more  opportunity,  so  it 
imposeth  the  greater  bond  upon  you  to  intercede  for  his  people 
in  all  their  straits.  We  beseech  you,  thei’efore,  by  the  mercies 
of  the  Lord  Jesus,  to  consider  us  as  your  brethren,  standing  in 
very  great  need  of  your  help,  and  earnestly  imploring  it.  And 
howsoever  your  charity  may  have  met  with  some  occasion  of  dis- 
couragement through  the  misreport  of  our  intentions,  or  through 
the  disaffection  or  indiscretion  of  some  of  us,  or  rather  amongst 
us  (for  we  are  not  of  those  that  dream  of  perfection  in  this 


1 Cradock  was  a liberal  and  devoted  friend  to  the  Colony.  He  had  an  agent  and 
servants  and  several  houses  in  New  England.  A house  built  for  him  at  Medford  is  still 
standing,  and  is  one  of  our  most  ancient  edifices 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


11 


world),  yet  we  desire  you  would  be  pleased  to  take  notice 
of  the  principals  and  body  of  our  Company,  as  those  who 
esteem  it  our  honor  to  call  the  Church  of  England,  from  whence 
we  rise,  our  dear  mother ; and  cannot  part  from  our  native 
Country,  where  she  specially  resideth,  without  much  sadness  of 
heart  and  many  tears  in  our  eyes,  ever  acknowledging  that 
such  hope  and  part  as  we  have  obtained  in  the  common  sal- 
vation we  have  received  in  her  bosom,  and  sucked  it  from  her 
bi’easts. 

" We  leave  it  not  therefore  as  loathing  that  milk  wherewith 
we  were  nourished  there ; but,  blessing  God  for  the  parentage 
and  education,  as  members  of  the  same  body,  shall  always 
rejoice  in  her  good,  and  unfeignedly  grieve  for  any  sorrow  that 
shall  ever  betide  her,  and  while  we  have  breath,  sincerely  desire 
and  endeavour  the  continuance  and  abundance  of  her  welfare, 
with  the  enlargement  of  her  bounds  in  the  Kingdom  of  Christ 
Jesus. 

" Be  pleased,  therefore,  reverend  fathers  and  brethren,  to  help 
forward  this  work  now  in  hand ; which  if  it  prosper,  you  shall 
be  the  more  glorious,  howsoever  your  judgment  is  with  the 
Lord,  and  your  reward  with  your  God.  It  is  a usual  and  laud- 
able exercise  of  your  charity,  to  commend  to  the  prayers  of 
your  congregations  the  necessities  and  straits  of  your  private 
neighbours : do  the  like  for  a Church  springing  out  of  your  own 
bowels.  We  conceive  much  hope  that  this  remembrance  of  us, 
if  it  be  frequent  and  fervent,  will  be  a most  prosperous  gale  in 
our  sails,  and  provide  such  a passage  and  welcome  for  us  from 
the  God  of  the  whole  earth,  as  both  we  which  shall  find  it,  and 
yourselves,  with  the  rest  of  our  friends,  who  shall  hear  of  it, 
shall  be  much  enlarged  to  bring  in  such  daily  returns  of  thanks- 
givings, as  the  specialties  of  his  providence  and  goodness  may 
justly  challenge  at  all  our  hands.  You  are  not  ignorant  that 
the  spirit  of  God  stirred  up  the  Apostle  Paul  to  make  continua. 
mention  of  the  Church  of  Philippi,  which  was  a Colony  from 
Rome ; let  the  same  spirit,  we  beseech  you,  put  you  in  mind, 
that  are  the  Lord’s  remembrancers,  to  pray  for  us  without  ceas- 


12 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


ing,  who  are  a weak  colony  from  yourselves,  making  continual 
request  for  us  to  God  in  all  your  prayers. 

" What  we  entreat  of  you  that  are  the  ministers  of  God , that 
we  also  crave  at  the  hands  of  all  the  rest  of  our  brethren, 
that  they  would  at  no  time  forget  us  in  them  private  solicitations 
at  the  throne  of  grace. 

" If  any  there  be  who,  through  want  of  clear  intelligence  of 
our  course,  or  tenderness  of  affection  towards  us,  cannot  con- 
ceive so  well  of  our  way  as  we  could  desire,  we  would  entreat 
such  not  to  despise  us,  nor  to  desert  us  in  their  prayers  and  affec- 
tions, but  to  consider  rather  that  they  are  so  much  the  more 
bound  to  express  the  bowels  of  their  compassion  towards  us, 
remembering  always  that  both  nature  and  grace  doth  ever  bind 
us  to  relieve  and  rescue,  with  our  utmost  and  speediest  power, 
such  as  are  dear  unto  us,  when  we  conceive  them  to  be  running 
uncomfortable  hazards. 

"What  goodness  you  shall  extend  to  us  in  this  or  any  other 
Christian  kindness,  we,  your  brethren  in  Christ  Jesus,  shall 
labor  to  repay  in  what  duty  we  are  or  shall  be  able  to  perform, 
promising,  so  far  as  God  shall  enable  us,  to  give  him  no  rest 
on  your  behalf's,  wishing  our  heads  and  hearts  may  be  as  foun- 
tains of  tears  for  your  everlasting  welfare  when  we  shall  be  in 
our  poor  cottages  in  the  wilderness,  overshadowed  with  the 

spirit  of  supplication,  through  the  manifold  necessities  and 
tribulations  which  may  not  altogether  unexpectedly,  nor,  we 
hope,  unprofitably,  befall  us.  And  so  commending  you  to  the 
grace  of  God  in  Christ,  we  shall  ever  rest 

"Your  assured  friends  and  brethren, 

“John  Winthrope,  Gov.  Richard  Saltonstall, 

Charles  Fines,1  Isaac  Johnson, 

Thomas  Dudley, 

George  Phillipps,  William  Coddington, 

&c,.  &c. 

“From  Yarmouth,  aboard  the  Arbella,  April  7,  1630.” 


1 Doubtless  of  the  family  of  Fiennes,  Lord  Say  & Sele,  one  of  whose  daughters  mar- 
ried the  young  Earl  of  Lincoln,  a brother  of  Lady  Arbella  Johnson.  Mr.  Savage  thinka 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROJt. 


13 


The  authorship  of  this  touching  and  beautiful  letter  is 
not  certainly  known.  Hubbard,  in  his  History  of  New 
England,  says  that  it  was  commonly  ascribed  to  “ Mr. 
White,  that  famous  minister  of  Dorchester  ; ”*  1 and  other 
later  historians  have  adopted  this  conjecture  or  tradition 
without  question.  Dr.  Young,  however,  who  gives  the 
letter  a conspicuous  place  in  his  Chronicles  of  Massa- 
chusetts, thinks  it  more  probable  that  it  was  written  by 
Winthrop  or  Johnson,  or  some  one  of  the  others  who 
signed  it.2  There  is  certainly  nothing  in  the  style  of 
Winthrop’s  correspondence,  as  it  has  thus  far  come  to 
light,  which  would  induce  one  to  imagine  that  he  would 
have  resorted  to  another  pen  than  his  own  for  a letter 
of  which  he  was  to  be  the  leading  signer.  It  is  a strik- 
ing fact,  however,  that  no  allusion  to  it  of  any  sort  is 
found  in  his  Journal,  notwithstanding  there  is  a dis- 
tinct, though  brief,  record  of  the  doings  of  the  day  on 
which  it  was  dated.  This  circumstance  leads  to  the 
conjecture,  that  the  letter  may  have  been  previously 
prepared  and  signed,  and  that  the  date  was  left  to  be 
inserted  at  the  last  moment  before  their  final  departure,  or 
perhaps,  by  another  hand,  after  they  should  have  fairly 
sailed.  However  this  may  be,  the  letter  bears  Win- 
throp’s signature,  with  his  official  title  appended  to  it ; 
and  it  presents,  therefore,  the  most  authentic  index  to 
the  views  and  feelings  of  himself  and  his  associates 
towards  those  to  whom  it  was  addressed.  John  Win- 


that  Fines  came  over  with  the  Johnsons,  and  returned  home  after  their  death.  Dr 
Young  says  he  never  came  to  N.  E.  — See  Forster's  Life  of  Sir  John  FKot,  p.  470,  note. 
Proceedings  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  1860-62,  p.  94.  Young’s  Chron.  of  Mass.  p.  298,  note. 

1 Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  2d  ser.  vol.  v.  p.  126. 

2 Young’s  Chronicles  of  Mass.,  p.  299 


] 4 


LITE  AND  LETTERS 


throp  was  not  a man  to  put  his  name  to  any  paper, 
whether  written  by  himself  or  by  another,  which  con- 
tamed  sentiments  that  he  did  not  cordially  approve.  He 
had  been  a humble  but  faithful  worshipper  at  Groton 
Church,  and  had  never  renounced  the  communion  of  his 
fathers.  The  records  of  that  parish  still  show  that  the 
baptisms  and  marriages  and  burials  of  his  family  had 
been  solemnized  beneath  its  roof,  and  according  to  its 
ritual,  for  nearly  seventy  years.  He  could  thus  subscribe 
himself,  in  all  sincerity,  as  one  of  “ those  who  esteem  it 
our  honor  to  call  the  Church  of  England  our  dear 
mother;  and  cannot  part  from  our  native  country,  where 
she  specially  resideth,  without  much  sadness  of  heart, 
and  many  tears  in  our  eyes.” 

It  is  a striking  fact,  in  connection  with  this  letter,  and 
with  the  charge  of  insincerity,  and  even  hypocrisy,  which 
has  sometimes  been  so  wantonly  based  upon  it,  that  the 
first  ground  on  which  Roger  Williams  “ refused  to  join 
with  the  congregation  at  Boston,”  after  his  arrival  in  the 
Colony  in  February,  16-30-1,  is  stated  by  Winthrop  to 
have  been,  “ because  they  would  not  make  a public 
declaration  of  then'  repentance  for  having  communion 
with  the  churches  of  England  while  they  lived  there.”1 
The  voyage  of  the  Arbella  and  her  consorts  was 
unusually  long  and  stormy.  It  was  attended,  too,  with 
other  perils  besides  those  of  the  sea.  England  was 
at  war  with  Spain  at  that  time ; and  Spanish  cruisers 
seem  to  have  been  swarming  about  Dunkirk  and  other 
ports  of  the  Spanish  Netherlands.  On  the  day  but 


1 Winthrop’s  Hist,  of  N.  E.,  vol.  i.  pp.  62-3. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHKOP. 


15 


one  after  the  date  of  the  Humble  Request,  an  alarm 
occurred,  from  the  appearance  of  eight  strange  sail  heal- 
ing down  towards  them,  which  gave  occasion  to  all  on 
board  to  exhibit  their  coolness  and  courage  in  preparing 
to  meet  an  enemy,  and  which  afforded  Winthrop,  more- 
over, an  opportunity  for  vivid  description,  which  he  did 
not  fail  to  turn  to  the  best  advantage  in  his  Journal. 
Not  a word  can  be  spared  from  his  account  of  the  affair; 
and  it  is  given  accordingly  in  his  own  language  : — 

(April  9.)  "In  the  morning  we  descried  from  the  top 
eight  sail  astern  of  us,  (whom  Capt.  Lowe  told  us  he  had  seen 
at  Dunnose  in  the  evening.)  We  supposing  they  might  be 
Dunldrkers,  our  captain  caused  the  gunroom  and  gundeck  to 
be  cleared,  all  the  hammocks  were  taken  down,  our  ordnance 
loaded,  and  our  powder-chests  and  fireworks  made  ready,  and 
our  landmen  quartered  among  the  seamen,  and  twenty-five 
of  them  appointed  for  muskets,  and  every  man  written  down 
for  his  quarter. 

" The  wind  continued  N.  with  fair  weather,  and  after  noon  it 
calmed,  and  we  still  saw  those  eight  ships  to  stand  towards  us  ; 
having  more  wind  than  we,  they  came  up  apace,  so  as  our  captain 
and  the  masters  of  our  consorts  were  more  occasioned  to  think 
they  might  be  Dunldrkers,  (for  we  were  told  at  Yarmouth,  that 
there  were  ten  sail  of  them  waiting  for  us  ;)  whereupon  we  all 
prepared  to  fight  with  them,  and  took  down  some  cabins  which 
were  in  the  way  of  our  ordnance,  and  out  of  every  ship  were 
thrown  such  bed  matters  as  were  subject  to  take  fire,  and  we 
heaved  out  our  long  boats,  and  put  up  our  waste  cloths,  and 
drew  forth  our  men,  and  armed  them  with  muskets  and  other 
weapons,  and  instruments  for  fireworks  ; and  for  an  experiment 
our  captain  shot  a ball  of  wild-fire  fastened  to  an  arrow  out  of 
a crossbow,  which  burnt  in  the  water  a good  time.  The  lady 
Arbella  and  the  other  women  and  children  were  removed  into 
the  lower  deck,  that  they  might  be  out  of  danger.  All  things 


16 


LITE  AND  LETTERS 


being  thus  fitted,  we  went  to  prayer  upon  the  upper  deck.  It 
was  much  to  see  how  cheerful  and  comfortable  all  the  company 
appeared ; not  a woman  or  child  that  showed  fear,  though  all 
did  apprehend  the  danger  to  have  been  great,  if  things  had 
proved  as  might  well  be  expected,  for  there  had  been  eight 
against  four,  and  the  least  of  the  enemy’s  ships  were  reported  to 
carry  thirty  brass  pieces  ; but  our  trust  was  in  the  Lord  of 
Hosts ; and  the  courage  of  our  captain,  and  his  care  and 
diligence,  did  much  encourage  us.  It  was  now  about  one  of 
the  clock,  and  the  fleet  seemed  to  be  within  a league  of  us  ; 
therefore  our  captain,  because  he  would  show  he  was  not  afraid 
of  them,  and  that  he  might  see  the  issue  before  night  should 
overtake  us,  tacked  about  and  stood  to  meet  them,  and  when  we 
came  near  we  perceived  them  to  be  our  friends,  — the  Little 
Neptune,  a ship  of  some  twenty  pieces  of  ordnance,  and  her 
two  consorts,  bound  for  the  Straits  ; a ship  of  Flushing,  and  a 
Frenchman,  and  three  other  English  ships  bound  for  Canada 
and  Newfoundland.  So  when  we  drew  near,  every  ship  (as 
they  met)  saluted  each  other,  and  the  musketeers  discharged 
them  small  shot ; and  so  (God  be  praised)  our  fear  and  danger 
was  turned  into  mirth  and  friendly  entertainment.” 1 

On  the  next  day,  the  Governor  furnishes  the  following 
account  of  the  unfortunate  detention  of  his  son  Henry. 
We  give  it  in  full  the  rather,  as  such  a misadventure  at 
the  outset  of  the  voyage  seems  almost  like  a presage  of 
the  sad  fate  which  was  to  befall  him  at  its  close : — 

"Saturday,  10  (April).  I should  have  noted  before,  that 
the  day  we  set  sail  from  the  Cowes,  my  son,  Henry  Winthrop, 
went  on  shore  with  one  of  my  servants  to  fetch  an  ox  and  ten 
wethers,  which  he  had  provided  for  our  ship,  and  there  went 
on  shore  with  him,  Mr.  Pelham,  and  one  of  his  servants. 


1 Winthrop’s  Hist,  of  N.  E.,  vol.  i-  pp-  6,  7. 


OF  JOHN"  WTNTHEOP. 


17 


They  sent  the  cattle  aboard,  but  returned  not  themselves. 
About  three  days  after,  my  servant  and  a servant  of  Mr. 
Pelham’s  came  to  us  in  Yarmouth,  and  told  us  they  were  all 
coming  to  us  in  a boat  the  day  before,  but  the  wind  was  so 
strong  against  them,  as  they  were  forced  on  shore  in  the  night, 
and  the  two  servants  came  to  Yarmouth  by  land,  and  so  came 
on  ship-board,  but  my  son  and  Mr.  Pelham  (we  heard)  went 
back  to  the  Cowes  and  so  to  Hampton.  We  expected  them 
three  or  four  days  after,  but  they  came  not  to  us,  so  we  have  left 
them  behind,  and  suppose  they  will  come  after  in  Mr.  Goffe’s 
ships.  We  were  very  sorry  they  had  put  themselves  upon  such 
inconvenience,  when  they  were  so  well  accommodated  in  our 
ship.  This  was  not  noted  before,  because  we  expected  daily 
their  return;  and  upon  this  occasion  I must  add  here  one  obser- 
vation, that  we  have  many  young  gentlemen  in  our  ship,  who 
behave  themselves  well,  and  are  conformable  to  all  good 
orders.” 

Several  days  of  severe  storm  having  now  intervened, 
the  folio  whig  entry  is  found  in  the  Journal : — 

April  27th.  "We  appointed  Tuesdays  and  Wednesdays  to 
catechise  our  people,  and  this  day  Mr.  Phillips  began  it.” 

Here,  too,  is  a record  of  the  observance  of  a Sunday 
during  the  voyage  : — 

"Lord’s  Day,  2 (May).  The  tempest  continued  all  the  day, 
with  wind  W.  and  by  N.,  and  the  sea  raged  and  tossed  us 
exceedingly  ; yet,  through  God’s  mercy,  we  were  very  comfort- 
able, and  few  or  none  sick,  but  had  opportunity  to  keep  the 
Sabbath,  and  Mr.  Phillips  preached  twice  that  day.” 

It  would  seem,  however,  that  Mr.  Phillips  may  not 
have  been  the  only  preacher  on  board  the  Arbella  during 
this  memorable  voyage.  A discourse  has  been  preserved, 

vol.  ii.  3 


18 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


with  the  following  title:  “A  Modell  of  Christian  Charity, 
written  on  board  the  Arbella,  on  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  by 
the  Hon.  John  Winthrop,  Esq.,  in  his  passage  (with  a 
great  company  of  Religious  people,  of  which  Christian 
tribes  he  was  the  Brave  Leader  and  famous  Governor  ;) 
from  the  Island  of  Great  Brittaine  to  New-England  in  the 
North  America,  Anno  1630.” 

In  this  discourse,  after  an  elaborate  discussion  of 
Christian  charity  or  love,  the  Governor  proceeded  to 
speak  of  the  great  work  in  which  they  had  embarked, 
and  of  the  means  by  which  it  was  to  be  accomplished. 
The  spirit  of  the  whole  is  condensed  in  the  following 
passage  from  the  conclusion : — 

"Thus  stands  the  ease  between  God  and  us.  We  are 
entered  into  a Covenant  with  Him  for  this  work.  We  have 
taken  out  a commission.  The  Lord  hath  given  us  leave  to 
draw  our  own  articles.  We  have  professed  to  enterprise  these 
and  those  ends,  upon  these  and  those  accounts.  We  have  here- 
upon besought  of  Him  favor  and  blessing.  Now  if  the  Lord 
shall  please  to  hear  us,  and  bring  us  in  peace  to  the  place  we 
desire,  then  hath  he  ratified  this  Covenant  and  sealed  our 
Commission,  and  will  expect  a strict  performance  of  the  articles 
contained  in  it ; but  if  we  shall  neglect  the  observation  of  these 
articles  which  are  the  ends  we  have  propounded,  and,  dissem- 
bling with  our  God,  shall  fall  to  embrace  this  present  world  and 
prosecute  our  carnal  intentions,  seeking  great  tilings  for  our- 
selves and  our  posterity,  the  Lord  will  surely  break  out  in 
wrath  against  us  ; be  revenged  of  such  a (sinful)  people,  and 
make  us  know  the  price  of  the  breach  of  such  a Covenant. 

" Now  the  only  way  to  avoid  this  shipwreck,  and  to  provide 
for  our  posterity,  is  to  follow  the  counsel  of  Micah,  to  do  justly, 
to  love  mercy , to  walk  humbly  with  our  God.  For  this  end,  we 
must  be  knit  together,  in  this  work,  as  one  man.  We  must 


OF  JOHN  WIXTHF.OP. 


19 


entertain  each  other  in  brotherly  affection.  We  must  be  willing 
to  abridge  ourselves  of  our  superfluities,  for  the  supply  of 
other’s  necessities.  We  must  uphold  a familiar  commerce 
together  in  all  meekness,  gentleness,  patience,  and  liberality. 
W e must  delio’ht  in  each  other ; make  other’s  condition  our 
own ; rejoice  together,  mourn  together,  labor  and  suffer 
together,  always  having  before  our  eyes  our  commission  and 
community  in  the  work,  as  members  of  the  same  body.  So 
shall  we  keep  the  unity  of  the  spirit  in  the  bond  of  peace.  The 
Lord  will  be  our  God,  and  delight  to  dwell  among  us,  as  his 
own  people,  and  will  command  a blessing  upon  us  in  all  our 
ways.  So  that  we  shall  see  much  more  of  his  wisdom,  power, 
goodness  and  truth,  than  formerly  we  have  been  acquainted 
with.  We  shall  find  that  the  God  of  Israel  is  among  us,  when 
ten  of  us  shall  be  able  to  resist  a thousand  of  our  enemies  ; 
when  he  shall  make  us  a praise  and  a glory,  that  men  shall  say 
of  succeeding  plantations,  ' The  Lord  make  it  likely  that  of 
New  England .’  For  we  must  consider  that  we  shall  be  as  a 
City  upon  a hill.  The  eyes  of  all  people  are  upon  us.  Soe  that 
if  we  shall  deal  falsely  with  our  God  in  this  work  we  have  under- 
taken, and  so  cause  him  to  withdraw  his  present  help  from  us, 
we  shall  be  made  a story  and  a by-word  throughout  the  world. 
We  shall  open  the  mouths  of  enemies  to  speak  evil  of  the  ways 
of  God,  and  all  professors  for  God’s  sake.  We  shall  shame 
the  faces  of  many  of  God’s  worthy  servants,  and  cause  their 
prayers  to  be  turned  into  curses  upon  us  till  we  be  consumed 
out  of  the  good  land  whither  we  are  a-going. 

" I shall  shut  up  this  discourse  with  that  exhortation  of 
Moses,  that  faithful  servant  of  the  Lord,  in  Ins  last  farewell  to 
Israel  (Deut.  30) . Beloved,  there  is  now  set  before  us  life  and 
good,  Death  and  evil,  in  that  we  are  commanded  this  day  to  love 
the  Lord  our  God,  and  to  love  one  another,  to  walk  in  his  ways 
and  to  keep  his  Commandments  and  his  Ordinance  and  his  Laivcs, 
and  the  articles  of  our  Covenant  with  him,  that  we  may  live  and 
be  multiplied,  and  that  the  Lord  our  God  may  bless  us  in  the  land 
whither  ire  go  to  possess  it.  But  if  our  hearts  shall  turn  away,  so 


20 


LIFE  A2STD  LETTEKS 


that  we  will  not  obey,  but  shall  be  seduced , and  worship  and  serve 
other  Gods , our  pleasure  and  profits,  and  serve  them;  it  is  pro- 
pounded unto  us  this  day,  ice  shall  surely  perish  out  of  the  good 
land  whither  we  pass  over  this  vast  sea  to  possess  it ; Therefore  let 
us  choose  life  that  we,  and  our  seed  may  live,  by  obeying  His 
voice  and  cleaving  to  Him,  for  He  is  our  life  and  our  pros- 
perity.”1 2 

Governor  Winthrop’s  Journal  is  as  entirely  silent  in 
regard  to  this  discourse,  as  it  is  in  regard  to  the  Fare- 
well Letter  to  the  Brethren  of  the  Church  of  England ; 
but  there  can  hardly  be  a doubt  that  the  author  of  it  — 
who,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  was  not  unaccustomed 
to  “ prophecy  ” hr  the  congregations  — found  some  fit 
occasion  for  delivering  what  he  had  taken  such  pains  to 
write.  Possibly  it  may  have  been  referred  to  by  some  of 
those  mysterious  et  coder  as 2 with  which  the  Governor’s 
entries  abound;  as,  for  example,  under  date  of  Thursday, 
May  20,  where  we  find  the  following : — - 

" In  the  great  cabin,  at  nine  at  night,  etc.,  and  the  next  day 
again,  etc.  The  storm  continued  all  this  night.” 

The  word  “ Fast,”  inscribed  in  the  margin,  against  this 
passage,  would  give  color  to  the  idea,  that  it  referred  to 
religious  exercises  or  exhortations  of  some  sort,  and  per- 
haps by  himself. 


1 This  discourse  was  originally  printed  in  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections, 
3d  series,  vcl,  vii.  pp.  31-48.  The  Italics  are  followed  from  this  copy. 

2 Winthrop  may  have  derived  his  evident  respect  for  an  (fc.  from  my  Lord  Coke’s 
Preface  to  the  First  Part  of  the  Institutes,  where  he  says,  “Certain  it  is,  that  there  is 
never  a period,  nor  (for  the  most  part)  aword,  nor  an  <fc.,  but  affordeth  excellent  matter 
of  learning.”  The  first  edition  of  Coke  was  published  in  1628,  and  the  second  in  1629* 
both  of  them  in  season  for  Winthrop  to  have  read  them  before  his  departure  from 
England. 


or  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


21 


The  Governor  did  not  omit  to  make  note  from  time  to 
time  of  such  things  as  seemed  strange  to  him  in  the 
appearance  of  the  heavens  during  the  passage,  or  of 
any  other  natural  phenomena  which  fell  under  his  obser- 
vation. On  Thursday,  the  6th  of  May,  we  find  the  fol- 
lowing entry : — 

"Four  things  I observed  here.  1.  That  the  declination  of 
the  pole  star  was  much,  even  to  the  view,  beneath  that  it  is  in 
England.  2.  That  the  new  moon,  when  it  first  appeared,  was 
much  smaller  than  at  any  time  I had  seen  it  in  Eng- 
land. 3.  That  all  the  way  we  came,  we  saw  fowls  flying  and 
swimming,  when  we  had  no  land  near  by  two  hundred  leagues. 
4.  That  wheresoever  the  wind  blew,  we  had  still  cold  weather, 
and  the  sun  did  not  give  so  much  heat  as  in  England.” 

It  would  be  tedious  to  prolong  this  account  of  the 
voyage  of  the  Massachusetts  Company  by  enumerating 
the  various  mcidents  which  were  common  to  all  voyages 
in  that  day.  It  is  enough  to  add,  that,  on  the  seventieth 
day  out,  land  was  at  length  descried ; that,  on  the 
seventy-second  day,  “ there  came  a smell  of  the  shore, 
like  the  smell  of  a garden ; ” and  that  on  the  seventy- 
sixth  day,  being  Saturday,  the  12th  of  June,  the  Arbella 
came  to  anchor. 

The  Governor  finishes  the  journal  of  the  voyage  with 
the  following  pleasant  description : — 

"Saturday,  12.  About  four  in  the  morning  we  were  near 
our  port.  We  shot  off  two  pieces  of  ordnance,  and  sent  our 
skiff  to  Mr.  Peirce  his  ship  (which  lay  in  the  harbour,  and  had 

been  there  days  before) . About  an  hour  after,  Mr. 

Allerton  came  aboard  us  in  a shallop  as  he  was  sailing  to 
Pemaquid.  As  we  stood  towards  the  harbour,  we  saw  another 


22 


LITE  AND  LETTERS 


shallop  coming  to  us ; so  we  stood  in  to  meet  her,  and  passed 
through  the  narrow  strait  between  Baker’s  Isle  and  Little  Isle, 
and  came  to  an  anchor  a little  within  the  islands. 

"Afterwards  Mr.  Peirce  came  aboard  us,  and  returned  to 
fetch  Mr.  Endecott,  who  came  to  us  about  two  of  the  clock,  and 
with  him  Mr.  Skelton  and  Capt.  Levett.  We  that  were  of  the 
assistants,  and  some  other  gentlemen,  and  some  of  the  women, 
and  our  captain,  returned  with  them  to  Nahumkeck,  where  we 
supped  with  a good  venison  pasty  and  good  beer,  and  at  night 
we  returned  to  our  ship,  but  some  of  the  women  stayed  behind. 

" In  the  mean  time  most  of  our  people  went  on  shore  upon 
the  land  of  Cape  Ann,  which  lay  very  near  us,  and  gathered 
store  of  fine  strawberries.” 

And  thus,  on  the  twenty-second  day  of  June,  1630 
(according  to  our  present  style  of  designating  the  date), 
Governor  Winthrop  and  the  Massachusetts  Company  are 
fairly  arrived  on  the  shores  of  New  England,  and  the 
Arbella  is  safely  moored  hi  the  harbor  of  Salem.  Our 
next  chapter  may  fitly  be  devoted  to  some  brief  descrip- 
tion of  the  condition  of  things  in  New  England  at  this 
memorable  date.  The  Governor  gives  us  a foretaste  of 
what  we  are  to  find  there,  when  he  closes  the  description 
of  the  day  of  his  arrival  by  telling  us  that  “ an  Indian 
came  aboard  us,  and  lay  there  all  night ; ” and  when  he 
begins  the  record  of  the  next  day,  which  was  the  “Lord’s 
Day,”  by  saying,  that,  “ in  the  morning,  the  Sagamore  of 
Agawam  (Masconomo)  and  one  of  his  men  came  aboard 
our  ship  and  staid  with  us  all  day.” 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


23 


CHAPTER  H. 

THE  STATE  OF  THINGS  IN  NEW  ENGLAND  WHEN  WINTHROP  ARRIVED 
THERE.  THE  IMPROVEMENTS  WHICH  WERE  SOON  WITNESSED, 
WITH  CONTEMPORANEOUS  ACCOUNTS  OF  WINTHROP’S  PERSONAL 
LABORS  IN  ACCOMPLISHING  THEM. 

The  arrival  of  Governor  Winthrop,  with  the  Massa- 
chusetts Company  and  the  Charter  of  the  Colony,  has 
sometimes  been  assumed  by  chronologists  and  historians 
as  the  date  of  the  permanent  colonization  of  Massachu- 
setts. And  it  would  certainly  be  difficult  to  over-estimate 
the  influence  of  that  event,  not  only  in  promoting  and 
multiplying  settlements  where  they  had  never  before  been 
attempted,  but  hi  giving  security  and  permanence  to  those 
which  already  existed.  No  one  can  be  ignorant,  how- 
ever, that  local  plantations  had  been  previously  com- 
menced at  various  points  which  are  now  included  within 
the  limits  of  Massachusetts ; and  though  some  of  them 
had  already  died  out,  and  others  were  in  a weak  and 
precarious  condition,  more  than  one  of  them  has  happily 
vindicated  its  claim  to  be  regarded  as  having  been  perma- 
nent, by  surviving  to  this  day. 

First  of  all,  there  was  the  ever-honored  Pilgrim  settle- 
ment at  Plymouth  in  1620,  which  is  estimated  to  have 
contained  about  three  hundred  inhabitants,  of  all  ages 
and  sexes,  when  Winthrop  arrived.  This  was  a Colony 
by  itself,  under  rulers  of  its  own,  and  continued  such 


24 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


until  it  was  united  with  the  Massachusetts  Colony  in  the 
year  1692. 

Next  there  was  the  Wessagusset  or  Weymouth  settle- 
ment, by  Weston’s  Company,  in  1622 ; but  this  never 
numbered  more  than  fifty  or  sixty  persons,  and  was 
broken  up  in  the  following  year.  The  same  site  was  soon 
afterwards  occupied  by  a second  company,  under  the  lead 
of  Robert  Gorges,  a son  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges ; but 
it  had  been  again  abandoned  long  before  the  arrival  of 
Wintlirop. 

Then  there  was  the  Nantasket  attempt,  by  Conant, 
Lyford,  and  Oldham,  in  the  year  1623  or  1624  ; which 
was  abandoned,  in  1625,  for  a fishing-settlement  at  Cape 
Ann,  over  which  Roger  Conant  presided,  under  a charter, 
as  has  recently  been  alleged,  from  Lord  Sheffield.1 

Still,  again,  there  was  the  “Merry-Mount”  settlement, 
in  1625,  under  Morton  and  Wollaston ; which  consisted 
only  of  about  thirty  persons  at  the  outset,  and  which  was 
thoroughly  disgraced,  if  not  wholly  dispersed,  in  1630. 

And  lastly,  and  more  important  than  all  save  that  at 
Plymouth,  there  was  the  plantation  at  Naumkeag,  now 
Salem,  commenced  originally  by  Roger  Conant  and 
others  hi  1626,  and  renewed  and  re-enforced  by  Endicott 
and  those  who  came  with  him  in  1628,  and  by  Higginson 
and  his  associates  in  1629. 

There  were  also,  or  had  been,  scattering  settlements 
elsewhere : among  others,  that  of  William  Blackstone  at 
Shawmut,  now  Boston  ; that  of  Thomas  W alford  at  Mish- 


1 “ Landing  at  Cape  Anne,”  by  J.  Wingate  Thornton.  But  see  also  Deane’s  not6 
on  page  168-9  of  his  invaluable  edition  of  Bradford.  — Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  4th  series,  voJ.  iii. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHKOP. 


25 


awum,  now  Charlestown ; and  that  of  Samuel  Maverick 
on  Noddle’s  Island. 

There  is  some  discrepancy  between  the  accounts 
which  have  come  down  to  ns  of  the  number  of  persons 
by  whom  Endicott  was  accompanied.  White,  in  his 
“ Planter’s  Plea,”  published  hi  1630,  says  as  follows : — 

" Master  Endicott  was  sent  over  Governor,  assisted  with  a 
few  men  ; and  arriving  in  safety  there  in  September,  1628,  and 
uniting  his  own  men  with  those  which  were  formerly  planted  in 
the  country  into  one  body,  they  made  up  in  all  not  much  above 
fifty  or  sixty  persons.” 1 

But  Higginson,  in  his  “ New  England's  Plantation,” 
estimates  the  number  of  persons  in  the  Colony  previous 
to  his  own  arrival  at  about  one  hundred.  He  brought 
two  hundred  persons  with  him ; and  was  thus  able  to 
say,  in  September,  1629,  “ There  are  in  all  of  us,  both 
old  and  new  planters,  about  three  hundred,  -whereof  two 
hundred  of  them  are  settled  at  Nehum-kek,  now  called 
Salem,  and  the  rest  have  planted  themselves  at  Masathu- 
lets  Bay,  beginning  to  build  a town  there,  which  we  do 
call  Clierton  or  Charlestown.”  2 

The  entire  population  of  the  plantation  may  thus, 
perhaps,  be  estimated  at  not  very  far  from  three  hundred 
persons,  when  Governor  Winthrop  and  the  Massachusetts 
Company  came  over ; though,  as  will  presently  be  seen, 
the  intervening  whiter  had  made  somewhat  serious 
inroads  upon  their  number. 


1 Young’s  Chron.  of  Massachusetts,  p.  13. 

2 Ibid.,  p.  259. 


VOL  II. 


4 


26 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


Roger  Conant  had  presided  over  the  Salem  Plantation 
until  1628,  and  had  been  succeeded  by  Endicott  on  his 
arrival.  Endicott  was  sent  over,  at  first,  under  the  patent 
obtained  from  the  Plymouth  Council,  March  19,  1628. 
In  the  following  year,  after  the  Royal  Charter  had  been 
obtained  (March  4,  1629),  a commission  was  made  out 
for  him  as  “ Governor  of  London’s  Plantation  in  the 
Mattachusetts  Bay  in  New  England.”  In  the  exercise 
of  this  commission,  he  was  subordinate  to  “ the  Gover- 
nor and  Company  of  the  Mattachusetts  Bay  in  New 
England,”  by  whom  he  was  deputed,  and  who,  from  time 
to  time,  sent  him  elaborate  instructions  for  the  regulation 
of  his  conduct.  The  Instructions  of  the  Governor  and 
Company  to  Endicott,  dated  17th  of  April,  1629,  and 
28th  of  May,  1629,  are  among  the  most  interesting 
and  valuable  of  our  early  colonial  papers,  and  show 
clearly  the  relation  which  existed  between  the  plantation 
at  Naumkeag  and  the  Governor  and  Company  in 
London. 

On  the  arrival  of  Governor  Winthrop,  all  this  double 
machinery  was  abolished.  The  chief  government,  as  we 
have  seen,  was  transferred ; and  the  local  government 
was,  of  course,  absorbed  in  it.  Winthrop  came  over  at 
once  as  Governor  of  the  Company,  and  to  exercise  a 
direct  and  personal  magistracy  over  the  Colony.  Nor 
was  the  change  a mere  nominal  or  formal  change.  He 
brought  with  him  a Company  to  be  governed.  Not  less 
than  a thousand  persons  were  added  to  the  Colony  about 
the  period  of  his  arrival.  Seven  or  eight  hundred  per- 
sons came  with  him,  or  speedily  followed,  as  a part  of 
his  immediate  expedition.  Two  or  three  hundred  more 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


27 


arrived  almost  simultaneously,  though  in  ships  not  in- 
cluded in  the  Company’s  fleet.1  A second  thousand  of 
inhabitants  was  soon  afterwards  added,  under  the  same 
influence  and  example.  Winthrop  was,  in  a word,  the 
chosen  leader  of  “ the  great  Suffolk  emigration,”  as  it 
has  been  called,  whereby  that  which  had  been  hitherto 
regarded  as  a precarious  plantation  was  at  once  trans- 
formed into  a permanent  and  prosperous  Commonwealth. 
He  came,  with  his  companions,  “ to  continue  and  in- 
habite,”  agreeably  to  the  compact  which  had  been  signed 
at  Cambridge;  and  henceforth,  instead  of  two  or  three 
hundred  pioneer  planters,  thinly  scattered  around  the 
Bay,  looking  to  a Governor  and  Company  across  the  wide 
and  wintry  ocean  for  their  authority  and  instructions,  two 
or  three  thousand  inhabitants  are  to  be  seen,  with  a Gov- 
ernor and  Legislature  upon  their  own  soil,  and  of  their 
own  selection  ; erecting  houses,  building  ships,  laying  out 
villages  and  towns ; establishing  churches,  schools,  and 
even  a college  ; and  laying  broad  and  deep  the  founda- 
tions of  an  independent  Bepublic. 

Such  was  the  residt.  of  that  transfer  of  the  chief  gov- 
ernment, which  Matthew  Cradock,  the  first  Governor  of 
the  Massachusetts  Company  in  Old  England,  moved  on 
the  twenty-eighth  day  of  July,  1629,  and  which  John 
Winthrop,  the  first  Governor  of  the  Company  in  New 
England,2  was  the  honored  instrument  in  carrying  out  to 


1 Young’s  Chron.  of  Mass.,  pp.  310,  311,  note. 

2 We  have  seen  in  our  former  volume  (p.  352)  that  he  was  emphatically  styled  “the 
first  Governor  of  the  jurisdiction”  by  Nathaniel  Morton,  in  his  New  England’s  Memo- 
rial, in  1669.  We  might  cite  Increase  Mather,  Cotton  Mather,  Prince,  Trumbull,  Bel- 
knap, Holmes,  Eliot,  Alden  Bradford,  Savage,  and  Palfrey,  to  the  same  effect.  Both 
Hubbard  and  Hutchinson,  too,  imply,  if  they  do  not  express,  the  same  idea.  Indeed, 
we  have  never  happened  to  see  any  other  designation  of  Governor  Winthrop  until  within 


28 


LITE  AND  LETTERS 


its  completion  on  the  twelfth  (twenty-second)  day  of 
June,  1630.  On  that  day  the  transfer  was  consummated, 
and  the  consequences  soon  began  to  develop  themselves. 

Governor  Winthrop,  however,  commenced  his  admin- 
istration in  New  England  under  no  very  hopeful  circum- 
stances. 

"We  found  the  Colony”  (says  Dudley  in  his  letter  to  the 
Countess  of  Lincoln)  "in  a sad  and  unexpected  condition,  above 
eighty  of  them  being  dead  the  winter  before,  and  many  of  those 
alive  weak  and  sick ; all  the  corn  and  bread  amongst  them  all 
hardly  sufficient  to  feed  them  a fortnight,  insomuch  that  the 
remainder  of  a hundred  and  eighty  servants  we  had  the  two 
years  before  sent  over,  coming  to  us  for  victuals  to  sustain  them, 
we  found  ourselves  wholly  unable  to  feed  them,  by  reason  that 
the  provisions  shipped  for  them  were  taken  out  of  the  ship  they 
were  put  in  ; and  they  who  were  trusted  to  ship  them  in  another 
failed  us,  and  left  them  behind  : whereupon  necessity  enforced 
us,  to  our  extreme  loss,  to  give  them  all  liberty,  who  had  cost  us 
about  £16  or  £20  a person,  furnishing  and  sending  over.” 


the  last  twenty  or  thirty  years,  when  a controversy  on  the  point  has  been  somewhat 
acrimoniously  waged.  It  is  a mere  dispute  about  terms.  There  is  no  historical  fact 
involved  in  it,  and  no  personal  merit  or  demerit.  Both  Conant  and  Endicott,  un- 
questionably, were  called  Governor  before  Winthrop.  Whether  they  were  Governors 
of  Massachusetts  in  the  sense  in  which  that  title  is  properly  applied,  is  a different  ques- 
tion. Matthew  Cradock  was  the  first  Governor  of  the  Massachusetts  Company;  but  he 
never  left  England.  John  Endicott  was  the  first,  last,  and  only  Governor  of  “ London’s 
Plantation  in  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New  England,”  subordinate  to  the  “ Governor  and 
Company  of  the  Mass118  Bay  in  New  England.”  John  Winthrop  was  the  first  Governor 
of  the  Massachusetts  Company  on  the  soil  of  Massachusetts,  uniting  all  the  authority  of 
Cradock  and  Endicott;  and  hence  the  general  current  of  history  for  two  centuries  has 
given  him  the  title  of  first  Governor  of  Massachusetts.  Cradock  and  Endicott  and  Win- 
throp can  all  afford  to  rest  their  claims  to  consideration  on  something  more  substantial 
than  any  mere  titular  priority.  They  never  quarrelled  for  precedence  themselves;  and 
it  seems  a pity  that  any  attempt  to  put  a new  gloss  upon  the  history  of  either  of  them,  at 
this  late  day,  should  create  an  impression  of  a jealousy  and  rivalry  which  had  no  exist- 
ence in  their  own  bosoms.  An  exact  idea  of  the  successive  relations  of  Endicott  and 
Winthrop  to  the  Massachusetts  Colony  is  given  in  the  admirable  opinion  of  Chief-Justice 
Shaw,  — Commonwealth  vs.  City  of  Roxbury;  Gray's  Mass.  Reports , vol.  ix.  pp.  484-5. 
The  elaborate  notes  of  the  accomplished  reporter  will  not  be  unobserved.  See  also  Bar- 
ry’s History  of  Massachusetts,  vol.  i.  p.  184. 


Or  JOHN  TOTHEOP. 


29 


It  would  thus  appear,  that  no  less  than  one  hundred 
and  eighty  of  the  residents  under  Endicott  were  the 
bond-servants  of  the  planters  that  were  to  follow,  and 
that  one  of  the  first  acts  of  Winthrop’s  administration  was 
to  emancipate  all  of  them  who  were  living ; not,  indeed, 
from  any  considerations  of  abstract  philanthropy,  bnt 
from  absolute  inability  to  provide  for  then’  sustenance. 
The  whole  Colony  was  evidently  in  a weak  and  almost 
starving  condition  when  the  Arbella  arrived.  It  is  not 
surprising,  therefore,  that  Dudley  speaks  of  the  “ too 
large  commendations  of  the  country,  and  the  commodities 
thereof ; ” and  adds,  “ Salem,  where  we  landed,  pleased 
us  not.” 

The  famous  Capt.  John  Smith,  “sometimes  Governour 
of  Virginia,  and  Admirall  of  New  England  ” (as  he 
styles  himself,  in  his  “ ^Advertisements  for  the  unexperi- 
enced Planters  of  New  England,  or  any  where  ; Or,  the 
Pathway  to  experience  to  erect  a Plantation,”  published 
in  London  in  1631),  gives  a fearful  account  of  the  con- 
dition of  tilings  in  New  England  when  the  Massachusetts 
Company  arrived. 

"It  is  true”  (says  he)  "that  Master  John  Wynthrop,  their 
new  Governour,  a worthy  gentleman  both  in  estate  and  esteeme, 
went  so  well  provided  (for  six  or  seven  hundred  people  went 
with  him)  as  could  be  devised  : but  at  Sea,  such  an  extraordi- 
narie  Storme  encountered  his  Fleet,  continuing  ten  daies,  that 
of  two  hundred  Cattell  which  were  so  tossed  and  brused,  three- 
score and  ten  died,  many  of  their  people  fell  sicke ; and  in  this 
perplexed  estate,  after  ten  weekes,  they  arrived  in  New  England 
at  severall  times,  where  they  found  threescore  of  their  people 
dead,  the  rest  sicke,  nothing  done,  but  all  complaining,  and  all 
things  so  contrary  to  their  expectation,  that  now  every  mon- 
strous humor  began  to  shew  itselfe.” 


30 


LITE  AND  LETTERS 


After  describing  some  of  these  “ monstrous  humors, 
Smith  continues : — 

"Notwithstanding  all  this,  the  noble  Govern  our  vras  no  way 
disanimated,  neither  repents  him  of  his  enterprise  for  all  those 
mistakes,  but  did  order  all  things  with  that  temperance  and 
discretion,  and  so  releeved  those  that  wanted  with  his  owne 
provision,  that  there  is  six  or  seven  hundred  remained  with  him, 
md  more  than  1600  English  in  all  the  Country,  with  three 
or  foure  hundred  head  of  Cattell.”  1 2 

An  original  “ Narrative  concerning  the  Settlement  of 
New  England,”  on  the  files  of  tier  Majesty’s  Public- 
Eecord  Office,  in  London,  throws  additional  light  on  this 
early  period  of  the  Colony.  Under  date  of  1629, 2 it  says 
as  follows : — 

" This  yeare  there  went  hence  6 shippes  with  1000  people  in 
them  to  the  Massachusetts,  having  sent  two  yeares  before  be- 
tweene  3 & 400  servants  to  provide  bowses  and  Corne  against 
their  coming,  to  the  charge  of  (at  least)  10.000b  : these  Servants 
through  Idleness  & ill  Government  neglected  both  theire  build- 
inge  & plantinge  of  Corne,  soe  that  if  those  6 shippes  had  not 
arived  tire  plantation  had  ben  broke  & dissolved.  Now  so  soone 
as  Mr.  Winthrop  was  landed,  perceiving  what  misery  was  like  to 
ensewe  through  theire  Xdlenes,  he  presently  fell  to  worke  with  his 
owne  hands,  & thereby  soe  encouradged  the  rest  that  there  was 
not  an  Idle  person  then  to  be  found  in  the  whole  Plantation,  & 
whereas  the  Indians  said  they  would  shortly  retorne  as  fast  as 
they  came,  now  they  admired  to  see  in  what  short  time  they  had 
all  housed  themselves  and  planted  Corne  sufficient  for  theire 
subsistence.”  3 

1 Mass.  Hist.  Soo.  Coll.,  3d  series,  vol.  iii.  pp.  40,  41. 

2 The  embarkation  at  South  Hampton  was  in  1629;  though  the  new  year  had 
opened  before  the  fleet  had  got  beyond  the  Cowes. 

3 This  Narmtive,  procured  for  me,  while  in  London  in  1860,  by  W.  Noel  Sainsbury, 
Esq.,  F.S.A.,  will  be  found  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Society,  vol.  iii.  pp 
129-31. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


31 


Still  another  contemporaneous  account  of  the  Colony 
and  of  its  Governor  is  found  in  the  following  passage 
from  a letter  of  Thomas  Wiggin1  to  “ Sir  John  Cooke,  knt. 
principal!  Secretary  to  his  Ma'tie,  and  one  of  his  highnes. 
most  hono’ble  privie  councell,”  dated  Nov.  19,  1632: — ■ 

" For  the  plantation  in  the  Mattachusetts , the  English  there 
being  about  2000  people,  yonge  & old,  are  generally  most 
industrious  and  fitt  for  such  a worke,  having  in  three  yeares 
done  more  in  buyldinge  and  plantinge  then  others  have  done  in 
seaven  tymes  that  space,  and  with  at  least  ten  tymes  lesse  ex- 
pence. 

"Besides  I have  observed  the  planters  there,  and  by  theire 
loving  just  and  kind  dealinge  with  the  Indians,  have  gotten 
theire  love  and  respect,  and  drawne  them  to  an  outward  conform- 
ing to  the  English,  soe  that  the  Indians  rep  air  e to  the  English 
Governor  there  and  his  deputies  for  justice. 

" And  for  the  Governor  himselfe,  I haue  observed  him  to  be  a 
discreete  and  sober  man,  givinge  good  example  to  all  the  plant- 
ers, wearinge  plaine  apparell,  such  as  may  well  beseeme  a meane 
man,  drinking  ordinarily  water,  and  when  he  is  not  conversant 
about  matters  of  justice,  putting  his  hand  to  any  ordinarye 
labour  with  his  servants,  ruling  with  much  mildness,  and  in 
this  particular  I observed  him  to  be  strict  in  execution  of  Justice 
upon  such  as  have  scandalized  this  state,  either  in  civill  or 
ecclesiastical!  government,  to  the  great  content™1  of  those  that 
are  best  affected,  and  to  the  terror  of  offendors.”2 

No  worthier  testimony  to  Winthrop’s  character  and 
services  could  be  furnished  than  that  supplied  by  these 
representations  of  him.  Waiving  all  considerations  of 


1 Wiggin  was  an  eye-witness  of  what  he  describes ; haying  come  over  to  America  iD 
1631.  His  letter  was  written  in  England,  whither  he  had  recently  returned  for  a short 
stay  before  finally  settling  in  New  England. 

2 Savage’s  Gleanings  for  N.  E.  History,  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  viii..  3d  series, 
pp.  322-3. 


32 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


official  dignity,  and  working  with  his  own  hands,  he  gave 
an  example,  more  forcible  than  any  exhortations  to  others 
could  have  been,  of  that  industry,  humility,  self-denial, 
and  self-devotion,  by  which  alone  the  infant  Colony  was 
to  be  rescued  from  ruin,  and  reared  up  into  a prosperous 
and  noble  Commonwealth. 

It  was,  doubtless,  in  view  of  such  accounts  of  the 
Governor’s  “ self-denying  and  self-neglecting  carriage,” 
that  John  Humfrey  wrote  to  him  so  earnestly  from 
London,  imploring  him  not  to  be  prodigal  of  his  life  and 
health  ; telling  him,  that,  while  some  needed  the  spur,  he 
needed  the  rein ; and  bidding  him  take  heed  lest  his 
“ bodie,  not  accustomed  to  hardnes  of  unusual  kindes, 
& not  necessitated  unles  by  a voluntarie  & contracted 
necessitie,  should  sinke  under  his  burthen,  & fall  to  ruine 
for  want  of  a more  conscionable  tenaunt.” 1 


1 Letter  of  John  Humfrey , Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  4th  series,  vol.  vi.  p.  6.  Humfrey  had 
been  originally  chosen  Deputy-Governor  to  Winthrop,  but  was  prevented  from  coming 
over  until  some  years  afterwards. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


33 


CHAPTER  III. 

WTNTHROP  GOES  TO  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY.  DEATH  OF  HIS  SON 
HENRY.  REMOVAL  TO  CHARLESTOWN.  CHURCH  COVENANT. 
SETTLEMENT  OF  BOSTON.  TEMPERANCE  MOVEMENT. 

The  Plantation  at  Salem,  although  clearly  embraced  in 
the  Charter  brought  over  by  Governor  Wintlirop,  seems 
not  to  have  been  originally  understood  as  included  in  the 
general  name  of  Massachusetts,  or  Massachusetts  Bay. 
The  first  letter  of  instructions  from  the  Governor  and 
Company  in  England  to  Endicott  directs  him  “ to  send 
forty  or  fifty  persons  to  Mattachusetts  Bay  to  inhabit 
there.”  So  Dudley,  in  describing  the  first  settlements 
to  the  Countess  of  Lincoln,  says  that  “ some  were  sent  to 
the  Bay  to  search  up  the  rivers  for  a convenient  place  ; ” 
and  thus  Winthrop,  in  his  Journal,  a few  days  after  his 
arrival,  says,  “Thursday,  17  (June).  We  went  to  Matta- 
chusetts to  find  out  a place  for  our  sitting  down.”  1 

This  journey  of  exploration  resulted  in  the  immediate 
removal  of  the  Governor  and  Company  to  what  is  now 
called  Charlestown,  and  led  soon  afterwards  to  the  settle- 
ment of  Boston.  Meantime,  however,  Winthrop  had 
been  called  to  sustain  a severe  affliction.  His  second  son, 
Henry,  who  had  so  narrowly  missed  accompanying  his 


1 The  Second  Centennial  Anniversary  of  this  date  was  celebrated  at  Charlestown, 
when  a brilliant  address  was  delivered  by  Hon.  Edward  Everett,  on  the  Settlement  of 
Massachusetts.  — Everett's  Orations  and  Speeches,  vol.  i.  p.  215. 

5 


VOL  II. 


34 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


father  in  the  Arbella,  and  who  immediately  followed  him 
in  another  of  the  ships  (the  Talbot),  was  accidentally 
drowned  at  Salem  on  the  very  day  after  his  arrival. 
“A  sprightly  and  hopeful  young  gentleman  he  was  (says 
Hubbard),  who,  though  he  escaped  the  danger  of  the 
main  sea,  yet  was  unhappily  drowned  in  a small  creek, 
not  long  after  he  came  ashore,  even  the  very  next  day, 
July  the  2d,  after  his  landing,  to  the  no  small  grief  of 
his  friends,  and  the  rest  of  the  company.”1  He  was 
twenty-two  years  of  age,  and  had  left  a young  wife 
behind  him  at  Groton  to  give  birth  to  a daughter.  He 
had  already  been  a good  deal  of  an  adventurer  for  one 
so  young.  An  old  family  pedigree  speaks  of  him  as 
having  been  “ chief  proprietor  and  commander-in-chief 
of  Barbadoes.”  But  however  exaggerated,  or  altogether 
apocryphal,  this  title  may  have  been,  he  was  undoubtedly 
among  the  earliest  planters  in  that  island.  We  have 
seen  that  he  made  a voyage  there  at  eighteen  years  of 
age,  and  that  he  had  involved  himself  in  some  plans 
of  colonization,  and  in  some  speculations  in  trade,  which 
were  quite  beyond  his  means,  and  which  had  called  for 
the  reproof  of  his  father  in  a letter  which  has  already 
been  given.2  The  energy  which  he  had  thus  displayed, 
and  the  experience  which  he  had  thus  acquired,  would 
doubtless  have  rendered  him  a valuable  assistant  to  his 
father  in  the  wilderness-work  they  had  now  jointly 
undertaken ; and  certainly  we  can  hardly  imagine  a 
heavier  blow  to  a parent  than  the  loss  of  a son  under 
the  precise  circumstances  of  the  case.  A family  record, 


1 Hubbard’s  Hist,  of  X.  E.,  pp.  131-2. 

2 Life  and  Letters  of  John  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  pp.  286-6. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


35 


of  ancient  but  uncertain  date,  says,  that,  “the  very  day 
on  which  he  went  on  shore  in  New  England,  he  and 
the  principal  officers  of  the  ship,  walking  out  to  a place 
now  called,  by  the  Salemites,  Northfield,  to  view  the 
Indian  wigwams,  they  saw  on  the  other  side  of  the  river 
a small  canoe.  He  would  have  had  one  of  the  com- 
pany swim  over  and  fetch  it,  rather  than  walk  several 
miles  on  foot,  it  being  very  hot  weather : but  none  of 
the  party  could  swim  but  himself ; and  so  he  plunged 
in,  and,  as  he  was  swimming  over,  was  taken  with  the 
cramp,  a few  roods  from  the  shore,  and  drowned.” 

Winthrop  did  not  trust  himself  to  deal  with  the  event 
in  his  Journal,  but  confined  himself  to  the  simple  state- 
ment, “ My  son,  Henry  Winthrop,  was  drowned  at 
Salem.”  His  first  letters  from  New  England  to  his  wife 
and  his  eldest  son,  however,  contain  touching  allusions  to 
this  bitter  bereavement ; but  they  contain,  also,  renewed 
evidence  of  the  fortitude  with  which  he  bore  up  under  all 
the  trials  which  he  was  called  to  encounter.  “ Yet  for 
all  these  things,  I praise  my  God,”  says  he,  “ I am  not 
discouraged  ; nor  do  I see  cause  to  repent  or  despair  of 
those  good  days  here,  which  will  make  amends  for  all.” 
“ These  afflictions  we  have  met  with  need  discourage 
none  ; for  the  country  is  exceeding  good,  and  the  climate 
very  like  our  own.” - — “Here  is  sweet  air,  fan*  rivers, 
and  plenty  of  springs ; and  the  water  better  than  in 
England.  Here  can  be  no  want  of  any  thing  to  those 
who  bring  means  to  raise  out  of  the  earth  and  sea.” 

But  these  first  letters  from  New  England  are  too  inter- 
esting to  be  abridged ; and  we  must  give  them  in  full. 
The  second  of  them  is  now  printed  for  the  first  time, 


36 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


having  been  found  among  the  family  papers  which  have 
recently  come  to  light.1 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Wife. 

“ To  my  very  loving  Wife,  Mrs.  Winthrop,  the  elder,  at  Groton,  in 
Suffolk,  near  Sudbury.  From  New  England. 

“ Chakleton  in  New  England,  July  16,  1630. 

"My  dear  Wife,  — Blessed  be  the  Lord,  our  good  God 
and  merciful  Father,  that  yet  hath  preserved  me  in  life  and 
health  to  salute  thee,  and  to  comfoi’t  thy  long  longing  heart  with 
the  joyful  news  of  my  welfare,  and  the  welfare  of  thy  beloved 
children. 

"We  had  a long  and  troublesome  passage,  but  the  Lord 
made  it  safe  and  easy  to  us ; and  though  we  have  met  with 
many  and  great  troubles,  (as  this  bearer2  can  certify  thee,)  yet 
he  hath  pleased  to  uphold  us,  and  to  give  us  hope  of  a happy 
issue. 

"I  am  so  overpressed  with  business,  as  I have  no  time  for 
these  or  other  mine  own  private  occasions.  I only  write  now, 
that  thou  mayest  know,  that  yet  I live  and  am  mindful  of  thee 
in  all  my  affairs.  The  larger  discourse  of  all  things  thou  shalt 
receive  from  my  brother  Downing,  which  I must  send  by  some  of 
the  last  ships.  We  have  met  with  many  sad  and  discomfortable 
things,  as  thou  shalt  hear  after ; and  the  Lord’s  hand  hath  been 
heavy  upon  myself  in  some  very  near  to  me.  My  son  Henry  ! 
my  son  Henry  ! ah,  poor  child  ! Yet  it  grieves  me  much  more 
for  my  dear  daughter.  The  Lord  strengthen  and  comfort  her 


1 The  letters  printed  for  the  first  time  in  this  volume,  as  in  the  former  volume, 
may  be  distinguished  from  those  taken  from  the  Appendix  to  Savage’s  edition  of  Win- 
throp’s  History  of  New  England,  or  from  other  sources,  by  the  fact  that  we  have 
retained  the  old  spelling. 

2 The  next  letter  proves  that  this  was  Arthur  Tyndal,  the  brother  of  Winthrop’s 
wife,  who  must  have  come  over  with  the  Governor,  and  returned  in  the  Lion,  the  first 
ship  which  went  back.  W e give  in  the  Appendix  a letter  of  his  to  Winthrop,  dated  10th 
November,  1629,  pledging  himself  to  the  enterprise,  and  also  a letter  of  his  brother, 
Deane  Tyndal.  discouraging  it.  See  Appendix  No.  I. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


37 


heart,  to  bear  this  cross  patiently.  I know  thou  wilt  not  be 
wanting  to  her  in  this  distress.  Yet,  for  all  these  things,  (I 
praise  my  God,)  I am  not  discouraged;  nor  do  I see  cause  to 
repent  or  despair  of  those  good  days  here,  which  will  make 
amends  for  all. 

"I  shall  expect  thee  next  summer,  (if  the  Lord  please,)  and 
by  that  time  I hope  to  be  provided  for  thy  comfortable  enter- 
tainment. My  most  sweet  wife,  be  not  disheartened ; trust  in 
the  Lord,  and  thou  shalt  see  his  faithfulness.  Commend  me 
heartily  to  all  our  kind  friends  at  Castleins,  Groton  Hall,  Mr. 
Leigh  and  his  wife,  my  neighbor  Cole,  and  all  the  rest  of  my 
neighbors  and  their  wives,  both  rich  and  poor. 

" Remember  me  to  them  at  Assington  Hall,  and  Codenham 
Hall,1  Mr.  Brand,  Mr.  Alston,  Mr.  Mott,  and  their  wives, 
goodman  Pond,  Charles  Newton,  etc.  The  good  Lord  be  with 
thee  and  bless  thee  and  all  our  children  and  servants.  Com- 
mend my  love  to  them  all.  I kiss  and  embrace  thee,  my  dear 
wife,  and  all  my  children,  and  leave  thee  in  his  arms,  who  is 
able  to  preserve  you  all,  and  to  fulfil  our  joy  in  our  happy  meet- 
ing in  his  good  time.  Amen. 

" Thy  faithful  husband, 

"JO.  WiNTHROP. 

"I  shall  write  to  my  son  John  by  London.” 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Wife. 

" My  deare  Wife,  — I wrote  to  thee  by  my  brother  Arthur, 
but  I durst  write  no  more  then  I need  not  care  though  it  mis- 
carried, for  I found  him  the  olde  man  still ; yet  I would  have 
kept  him  to  ease  my  brother,  but  that  his  owne  desire  to 
returne,  & the  scarcity  e of  provisions  heer,  yielded  the  stronger 
reason  to  let  him  goe.  Now  (my  good  wife)  let  ns  ioyne  in 
praysinge  or  mercifull  God,  that  (howsoever  he  hath  afflicted  us, 
both  generally  & particularly  mine  owne  family  in  his  stroke 
upon  my  sonne  Henry)  yet  myselfe  & the  rest  of  or  children  & 


1 The  ancient  seat  of  Sir  Joseph  Brand,  in  Boxford,  adjoining  Groton. 


38 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


familye  are  safe  & in  health,  & that  he  upholds  or  hearts  that 
we  fainte  not  in  all  or  troubles,  but  can  yet  waite  for  a good 
issue.  And  howsoever  our  fare  be  but  coarse  in  respect  of  what 
we  formerly  had,  (pease,  puddings  & fish,  beinge  or  ordinary 
diet,)  yet  he  makes  it  sweet  & wholsome  to  us,  that  I may 
truely  say  I desire  no  better : Besides  in  this,  that  he  beginnes 
wth  us  thus  in  affliction,  it  is  the  greater  argument  to  us  of  his 
love,  & of  the  goodnesse  of  the  worke  wch  we  are  about ; for 
Sathan  bends  his  forces  against  us,  & stirres  up  his  instruments 
to  all  kinde  of  mischief,  so  that  I thinke  heere  are  some  persons 
who  never  shewed  so  much  wickednesse  in  England  as  they  have 
doone  heer.  Therefore  be  not  discouraged  (my  deare  Wife)  by 
anythinge  thou  shalt  lieare  from  hence,  for  I see  no  cause  to 
repente  of  or  coming  hether,  & thou  seest  (by  or  experience) 
that  God  can  bi’inge  safe  hether  even  the  tenderest  women  & 
the  youngest  children  (as  he  did  many  in  diverse  shippes, 
though  the  voyage  were  more  teadious  then  formerly  hath  been 
knowne  in  this  season.)  Be  sure  to  be  warme  clothed,  & to 
have  store  of  fresh  provisions,  meale,  eggs  putt  up  in  salt  or 
grounde  mault,  butter,  ote  meale,  pease,  & fruits,  & a large 
stronge  chest  or  2 : well  locked,  to  keepe  these  provisions  in ; 
& be  sure  they  be  bestowed  in  the  shippe  where  they  may  be 
ready ly  come  by,  (wch  the  boatswaine  will  see  to  & the  quarter 
masters,  if  they  be  rewarded  beforehande,)  but  for  these  thinges 
my  sonne  will  take  care  : Be  sure  to  have  ready  at  sea  2 : or  3 : 
sldlletts  of  severall  syzes,  a large  fryinge  panne,  a small  stew- 
inge  panne,  & a case  to  boyle  a pudding  in ; store  of  linnen  for 
use  at  sea,  & sacke  to  bestowe  among  the  saylers  : some  drink- 
inge  vessells , & peuter  & other  vessells  : & for  phisick  you  shall 
need  no  other  but  a pound  of  Doctor  W right’s 1 Electuariu 


1 This  was  doubtless  the  same  Dr.  Nathaniel  Wright  who  was  afterwards  an  eminent 
physician  of  Hereford,  and  assisted  Lady  Harley  in  defending  Brampton  Castle  against 
the  Royalists  in  1643.  — Anderson's  Mem.  Women  of  the  Puritan  Times , vol.  i.  pp.  117-19. 
He  was  private  physician  to  Oliver  Cromwell  in  1650-1.  Gov.  Edward  Hopkins,  of 
Connecticut,  bequeathed  a piece  of  plate  to  him.  — Haven's  Origin  of  Mass.  Company; 
Am.  Antiq.  Soc.  Coll.,  vol.  iii.  p.  Ixx.  Winthrop  had  been  indebted  to  him  before. 
See  Life  and  Letters,  vol.  i.  p.  283. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


39 


[enitivu,  & his  direction  to  use  it,  a gallon  of  scirvy  grasse  to 
drinke  a litle  5 : or  6 : morninges  togitker,  wtt  some  saltpeter 
dissolved  in  it,  & a litle  grated  or  sliced  nutmege. 

"Thou  must  be  sure  to  bringe  no  more  companye  then  so 
many  as  shall  have  full  provisio  for  a yeare  & balfe,  for  though 
the  earth  heere  be  very  fertile  yet  there  must  be  tyme  & meanes 
to  rayse  it;  if  we  have  corne  enough  we  may  live  plentifully.  Yet 
all  these  are  but  the  meanes  wch  God  hath  ordayned  to  doe  us 
good  by : or  eyes  must  be  towards  him,  who  as  he  can  wthhould 
blessings  from  the  strongest  meanes,  so  he  can  give  sufficient 
vertue  to  the  weakest.  I am  so  streightened  wth  much  busi- 
nesse,  as  can  no  waye  satisfie  myselfe  in  wrightinge  to  thee. 
The  horde  will  in  due  tyme  lett  us  see  the  faces  of  each  other 
againe  to  or  great  comforte  : Now  the  Lord  in  mercye  blesse, 

guide  & supporte  thee  : I kisse  & embrace  thee  my  deare  wife . 
I kisse  & blesse  you  all  my  deare  children,  Forth,  Mary,  Deane, 
Sam,  & the  other  : the  Lorde  keepe  you  all  & worke  Iris  true 
feare  in  yor  hearts.  The  blessing  of  the  Lorde  be  upon  all  my 
servants,  whom  salute  from  me,  Jo  : Samford,  Amy  &c,  Gold- 
ston,  Pease,  Chote  &c : my  good  freinds  at  Castlins  & all  my 
good  neighbors,  goodman  Cole  & his  good  wife,  & all  the  rest : 

" Remember  to  come  well  furnished  wth  linnen,  woollen,  some 
more  beddinge,  brasse,  peuter,  leather  bottells,  drinkinge  homes 
&c : let  my  sonne  provide  12  : axes  of  severall  sorts  of  the 
Braintree  Srnithe,  or  some  other  prime  workman,  whatever  they 
coste,  & some  Augers  great  & smale,  & many  other  neces- 
saryes  wch  I cant  now  thinke  of,  as  candles,  sope,  & store  of 
beife  suett,  &c : once  againe  farewell  my  deare  wife. 

" Thy  faithfull  husband  Jo  : Wtvthbqp, 

“ Chaklton  in  hT : England  July  23 : 1630.” 

John  Winthrop  to  his  Son  John. 

“ To  my  very  loving  Son,  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  at  Groton,  in  Suffolk. 

"My  good  Son, — The  blessing  of  God  All-sufficient  be 
upon  thee  ever.  Amen. 


40 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


" It  hath  pleased  the  Lord  to  bring  us  hither  in  peace,  (blessed 
be  his  name).  For  the  course  of  our  voyage,  and  other  occur- 
rents,  you  shall  understand  them  by  a journal,  which  I send  with 
my  letters  to  your  uncle  D.  We  had  a comfortable  passage,  and 
I found  that  love  and  respect  from  Capt.  Milburne  our  master, 
as  I may  not  forget.  I pray  (if  he  be  returned  before  you  come 
hither)  take  occasion  to  see  him,  and  remember  my  kind  saluta- 
tions to  him  and  lais  wife. 

" It  is  like  you  shall  hear  (before  this  come  to  you)  how  the 
Lord  hath  disposed  of  your  brother  Henry.  The  Lord  teach 
you  and  the  rest  by  it  to  remember  your  Creator  in  the  days  of 
your  youth,  and  to  improve  your  time  in  his  service,  while  it 
lasts. 

" The  unexpected  troubles  and  necessities,  which  are  fallen 
upon  us,  will  bring  a great  deal  of  business  and  care  upon  thee ; 
but  be  not  discouraged.  It  is  the  Lord,  who  hath  cast  it  upon 
thee,  and  he  will  uphold  and  deliver  thee. 

"We  are  forced  to  send  to  Bristowe  for  supply  of  provisions, 
by  Mr.  Peirce  and  Mr.  Allerton,  for  which  I have  given  them  a 
bill  of  exchange.  You  must  needs  take  order  the  money  may 
be  provided  presently  for  them,  for  they  can’t  stay.  If  all 
means  fail,  Mr.  Revel  hath  promised  to  help  me  with  £100. 
He  hath  a bill  also  for  money  for  provisions,  which  I took  up 
of  him  here ; so  have  divers  others,  which  you  must  take  care 
to  see  paid. 

" For  the  freight  for  the  ships,  you  shall  receive  some  bills 
from  Sir  Richard,  Mr.  Johnson,  and  Mr.  Dudley;  but  it  is 
doubtful  whether  their  moneys  will  be  ready.  What  you  can 
provide  of  theirs  and  mine,  be  sure  the  Talbot  be  first  dis- 
charged, for  they  will  not  tarry.  There  is  much  likewise  to  be 
paid  to  Mr.  Beecher,  which  may  stay  awhile.  There  are  other 
moneys  to  be  paid  to  Mr.  Peirce,  which  must  be  provided.  If 
all  means  fail,  you  may  try  Doctor  Wright ; but  I hope  you 
have  sold  the  land,  and  then  that  care  is  at  an  end.  For  Mr. 
Goffe,  he  hath  failed  exceedingly  in  his  undertaking,  so  as  he  is 
in  debt  to  many  of  us,  and  hath  had  a great  deal  more  of  me 


OF  JOHN  WINTIIEOP. 


41 


than  his  due.  Therefore  pay  him  no  more.  I will  send  you 
the  account  for  him  and  the  rest,  whom  I undertook  for. 

" I shall  expect  your  mother  and  you  and  the  rest  of  our  com- 
pany here  the  next  spring,  if  God  will.  For  directions  for 
your  passage,  I have  written  about  it  to  your  uncle  D.  and  your 
mother,  and  I am  tired  out  with  writing  and  much  business. 
Commend  my  love  and  blessing  to  your  brother  Forth,  and 
your  sister  M.,  my  neice  Matt,  and  the  rest  of  our  family, 
and  my  kind  salutations  to  all  my  good  friends  and  neighbors, 
who  inquire  of  us,  and  to  Mr.  Nicolson. 

"For  your  sister  Winthr op,1 2 *  if  she  will  come  over,  I will 
provide  for  her  as  mine  own  ; if  not,  she  hath  a bond  of  £400. 
Yet  you  know  there  is  not  so  much  due  to  her  ; for  your  brother 
had  much  money  of  me  out  of  the  £400  I had  of  him,  besides 
what  he  ought  to  your  sister  Mary.  Yet,  if  it  be  to  be  had,  I 
would  pay  it  her,  as  it  can  be  raised ; but  then  she  must  give 
me  a general  release. 

" If  money  be  brought  to  you  or  your  uncle  Downing  for 
goodman  Lockwood,  let  Mr.  Peirce  be  paid  his  bill  of  pro- 
visions for  him,  and  bring  the  rest  with  you. 

"For  Forth’s  coming  over,  I leave  it  to  my  sister  Painter9 
her  disposing.  If  they  come,  they  shall  be  welcome.  These 
afflictions  we  have  met  with  need  discourage  none,  for  the  coun- 
try is  exceeding  good,  and  the  climate  very  like  our  own  ; only 
people  must  come  well  provided,  and  not  too  many  at  once. 
Pease  may  come,  if  he  will,  and  such  other  as  you  shall  think 
fit,  but  not  many,  and  let  those  be  good,  and  but  few  servants, 
and  those  useful  ones. 

"Take  order  that  a copy  of  my  relation,  etc.,  be  sent  to  Sir 
Nath.  Barnarcliston,  and  my  excuse  of  not  writing  to  him  and 
Sir  Wm.  Springe,  with  my  salutations  to  them  both  ; and  if  Sir 
Nath,  hath  put  in  no  money,  let  him  forbear  still. 

"You  must  call  to  Mr.  Andrews  in  Bowe  Lane  for  £20, 
which  Mr.  Pincheon  hath  appointed  for  you,  and  you  are  to 

1 The  widow  of  Henry. 

2 The  widow  of  Thomas  Fones,  who  had  married  Rev.  Mr.  Painter,  of  Exeter. 

vol.  n.  6 


42 


LIFE  AtSTD  LETTERS 


pay  it,  and  £30  more,  to  Mr.  Rich.  Andrews,  at  the  Mermaid 
in  Cheapside ; hut  you  must  first  inquire  if  it  were  lent  to 
us,  as  we  were  promised  at  Hampton.  It  may  be  paid  soon 
after  Michaelmas  next.  There  is  also  £208  to  be  paid  to  Mr. 
Cradock,  or  Mr.  Woodward  at  his  house  in  St.  Bartl.  near  the 
Exchange,  September  8,  for  which  Mr.  Johnson  and  I stood 
bound ; but,  if  it  be  not  ready,  I think  Mr.  Cradock  will  get  it 
continued. 

"Here  is  a barrel  of  neat  of  Bulbroke’s  ofWenham.  If  I 
did  not  pay  for  it,  let  it  be  paid. 

" If  you  reckon  with  Mr.  Wall,  thus  it  stands  : You  receive 
of  him  by  Mr.  Chamber  (to  whom  I desire  to  be  kindly  remem- 
bered) 


The  passage  for  himself,  his  wife,  and  a servant,  comes  to  . . . £16.10 

For  one  cow 15.02 

For  tonnage  of  his  goods 11.00 


42.12 


" Demand  the  rest  of  him,  and  certify  me  of  it. 

" Henry  Kingsbury  hath  appointed  money  to  be  paid  to  you 
by  [blank]. 

"John  Warren  hath  appointed  money  to  be  paid  to  you  by 
the  bond  he  left  with  you.  He  owes  beside  £10,  beside  his 
present  provisions. 

"Demand  of  Stone  and  Bragge  of  Neyland,  £15.  You 
have  bond  for  it. 

" Mr.  GofFe’s  and  my  account  stands  thus  : — 


He  received  of  me  in  England  at  several  payments  .....  £642.00 

More  of  me  for  my  brother  Downing  107.02 

You  have  paid  him  since,  by  my  direction  from  Hampton 

He  is  to  discount  for  two  mares  and  a horse,  (one  Mr.  Brand’s,) 

which  died  by  the  way 27.00 

He  is  allowed  for  ninety-six  passengers,  at  £4  .......  384.00 

For  twenty-four  cows,  (ten  being  for  my  broth.  D.)  .....  361.00 

For  thirty-two  tons  of  goods,  at  £3. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


43 


" I must  end.  The  Lord  God  Almighty  bless  you,  and  send 
you  all  hither  in  peace.  Farewell,  my  dear  son. 

"Your  loving  father,  " Jo.  Winthrop. 

" Commend  me  to  old  Pond,  and  tell  him  both  his  sons  are 
well,  and  remember  their  duty  to  him.  He  must  needs  send 
his  son  John  some  more  provisions,  for  much  of  that  he  brought 
was  spoiled  by  the  way.  You  must  demand  money  of  him. 
His  reckoning  stands  thus  : — 


His  passage  and  goods  come  to £27.00 

One  cow • 15.00 

42.00 

1 had  of  him £10.04 

Rest  due • 32.00 

“Charlton,  July  23,  1630. 


" For  the  country  itself,  I can  discern  little  difference  between 
it  and  our  own.  We  have  had  only  two  days,  which  I have 
observed  more  hot  than  in  England.  Here  is  as  good  land  as  I 
have  seen  there,  but  none  so  bad  as  there.  Here  is  sweet  air, 
fair  rivers,  and  plenty  of  springs,  and  the  water  better  than  in 
England.  Here  can  be  no  want  of  any  thing  to  those,  who 
bring  means  to  raise  out  of  the  earth  and  sea.” 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Son . 

“To  my  very  loving  Son,  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  at  Groton,  Suffolk. 

“Chaeleton,  in  New  England,  August  14,  1630. 

" My  good  Son,  — I received  your  letters  by  Mr.  Huson’s 
ship,  and  do  much  rejoice,  and  bless  the  Lord  for  the  good  news 
of  all  your  welfares.  For  our  condition  here,  and  our  voyage 
hither,  I wrote  to  you,  about  a fortnight  since,  by  Mr.  Revel, 
but  more  fully  in  a journal  and  relation,  which  I sent  to  your 
uncle  Downing ; yet  I could  [not]  make  any  perfect  relation, 
for  want  of  time  and  leisure,  and  I am  still  as  much  straitened  as 


44 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


before,  so  as  I must  refer  you  and  all  my  friends  to  my  former 
report  as  it  is.  Withal  I sent  a card  of  our  voyage  at  sea, 
which  Capt.  Milbome  drew  for  me.  I wrote,  also,  how  the 
Lord’s  hand  had  been  very  heavy  upon  our  people  in  these 
parts,  and  that  which  I conceived  to  be  the  reason  why  so  many 
fell  sick,  and  so  many  died,  and  what  course  you  should  take 
when  your  mother  is  to  come  hither,  etc.  I can  now  only  write 
a word  or  two  for  direction  about  our  affairs ; and  so  I shall 
leave  my  blessing  with  you.  First,  for  the  land,  (if  it  be  not 
already  sold,)  you  must  sell  it  speedily,  for  much  debt  will 
lie  upon  us.  For  Mr.  Appleton,  take  no  money  of  him,  for  he 
can  have  no  cows  : there  came  not  on  shore  one  half  of  them. 
I had  £15  of  Mrs.  Sands  for  a cow  for  her  brother  Goffe ; but 
he  could  have  none  now : ergo,  if  she  will  not  have  him  have  it 
at  next  return,  let  her  have  her  money  again. 

" Pay  Mr.  Goffe  no  more  money,  but  require  the  remainder ; 
and,  if  he  refuse  to  pay  it,  it  were  well  his  bond  were  put  in 
suit.  If  you  have  money  to  spare,  send  over  some  more  cows 
and  goats,  and  bring  £100  with  you,  or  2. 

" The  beef  we  had  of  Mr.  Stretton  is  as  sweet  and  good  as 
if  it  were  but  a month  powdered.  You  shall  know  of  other 
things  by  your  mother’s  letters.  We  have  powder  and  pieces 
enough,  but  want  flints  and  birdshot  and  store  of  chalk.  But  I 
must  end.  The  Lord  bless  you,  and  send  you  hither  in  safety. 
Farewell,  my  good  son. 

" Your  loving  father,  "Jo.  Winthrop.” 

“ A great  house,”  it  appears,  had  been  built  at  Charles- 
town the  year  previous  to  Winthrop’s  arrival ; and  in 
this,  as  we  learn  from  the  records  of  the  town,  “ the 
Governor  and  several  of  the  patentees  dwelt,”  while 
“ the  multitude  set  up  cottages,  booths,  and  tents  about 
the  Town  Hill.”  At  Charlestown  was  held  the  first 
Court  of  Assistants,  on  the  twenty-third  day  of  August, 
1630,  — Governor  Winthrop  presiding;  at  which,  the 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


45 


first  thing  propounded  and  settled  was  “ How  the  min- 
isters should  be  maintained.”  At  Charlestown,  too, 
Governor  Winthrop  and  some  of  the  principal  Assistants 
formed  their  first  church,  the  third  in  order  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts churches,  on  the  thirtieth  day  of  July,  1630  ; 
when,  after  appropriate  religious  exercises,  they  entered 
into  the  following  simple  but  solemn  covenant : — 

"In  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  in  obedience  to 
his  holy,  wise,  and  divine  ordinances  : 

"We,  whose  names  are  here  underwritten,  being  by  his  most 
wise  and  good  providence  brought  together  into  this  part  of 
America,  in  the  Bay  of  Massachusetts ; and  desirous  to  unite 
into  one  congregation  or  church,  under  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
our  head,  in  such  sort  as  becometh  all  those  whom  he  hath 
redeemed,  and  sanctified  to  himself,  do  hereby  solemnly  and 
religiously,  as  in  his  most  holy  presence,  promise  and  bind  our- 
selves to  walk  in  all  our  ways  according  to  the  rule  of  the 
Gospel,  and  in  all  sincere  conformity  to  his  holy  ordinances,  and 
in  mutual  love  and  respect  to  each  other,  so  near  as  God  shall 
give  us  grace.”  1 

The  four  original  signers  of  this  covenant  were  John 
Winthrop,  Thomas  Dudley,  Isaac  Johnson,  and  John 
Wilson  ; the  latter  of  whom  was  elected  the  first  teacher2 
of  the  church  on  the  27th  of  August  following. 

Every  thing  seemed  now  to  betoken  that  Charlestown 
was  to  be  the  seat  of  the  principal  plantation,  and  ulti- 
mately the  capital  of  the  Colony;  and  Governor  Win- 
throp, as  we  are  told  in  the  town-records,  “ ordered  his 
house  to  be  cut  and  framed  there.” 3 

1 Buddington’s  History  of  the  First  Church,  p.  13. 

2 Wilson  was  ordained  teacher,  or  teaching  elder,  in  1630,  and  pastor,  Nov.  22,  1632. 
Emerson's  Hist,  of  the  First  Church,  pp.  11,  17. 

3 Young’s  Chron.  of  Masaachusetts,  p.  379. 


46 


LITE  AND  LETTERS 


But  fresh  afflictions  and  discouragements  were  at  hand 
for  Winthrop  and  all  the  Company.  The  Governor’s 
Journal  contains  the  following  entry  on  the  last  day  of 
September,  which  tells  its  own  sad  story  in  words  which 
could  hardly  be  mended : — 

"About  two  in  the  morning,  Mr.  Isaac  Johnson  died;  his 
wife,  the  lady  Arbella,  of  the  house  of  Lincoln,  being  dead 
about  one  month  before.  He  was  a holy  man,  and  wise,  and 
died  in  sweet  peace,  leaving  some  part  of  his  substance  to  the 
colony.” 

Of  the  Lady  Arbella,  it  was  quaintly  but  beautifully 
said  by  Cotton  Mather,  that  “ she  took  New  England  in 
her  way  to  heaven ; ” while,  of  her  excellent  husband, 
the  same  writer  has  even  more  beautifully  added,  in  the 
words  of  Sir  Henry  Wotton, — 

“He  try’d 

To  live  without  her,  lik’d  it  not,  and  dy’d.” 

Of  the  former,  he  says  that  “ she  left  an  earthly  para- 
dise, in  the  family  of  an  earldom,  to  encounter  the 
sorrows  of  a wilderness,  for  the  entertainments  of  a pure 
worship  in  the  house  of  God ; and  then  immediately  left 
that  wilderness  for  the  heavenly  paradise,  whereto  the 
compassionate  Jesus,  of  whom  she  was  a follower,  called 
her.”  Of  the  latter,  he  adds,  “At  the  end  of  this  perfect 
and  upright  man,  there  was  not  only  peace,  but  joy ; and 
his  joy  particularly  expressed  itself  that  God  had  kept 
his  eyes  open  so  long  as  to  see  one  church  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  gathered  in  these  ends  of  the  earth,  before  his 
own  going  away  to  heaven.”1 


1 Magnalia  Christi  Americana,  book  i.  ch.  5.  — Isaac  Johnson  was  the  largest  sub- 
scriber to  the  joint  stock  of  the  Company,  and  was  one  of  the  “chief  pillars”  of  the 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


47 


The  loss  of  such  friends,  under  such  circumstances, 
must  have  been  distressing  indeed.  About  the  same 
time,  also,  died  “ good  Mr.  Higginson,”  the  zealous  and 
faithful  minister  of  Salem ; Ur.  William  Gager,  the 
chosen  physician  of  the  Company,  and  one  of  the  deacons 
of  the  Charlestown  Church  ; and  others  of  both  sexes, 
more  or  less  conspicuous  among  the  colonists. 

Here  is  a letter  from  Winthrop  to  his  wife,  giving  an 
account  of  some  of  these  afflictions,  but  breathing  again 
a spirit  of  resignation,  contentment,  and  courage,  almost 
incredible  to  those  who  know  not  the  power  of  a Chris- 
tian’s faith  and  hope.  “ We  here  (says  he)  enjoy  God 
and  Jesus  Christ.  Is  not  this  enough'?  What  would 
we  have  more  ? I thank  God,  I like  so  well  to  be  here, 
as  I do  not  repent  my  coming ; and,  if  I were  to  come 
again,  I would  not  have  altered  my  course,  though  I had 
foreseen  all  these  afflictions.” 


Colony.  Before  leaving  England,  he  made  a will,  of  which  that  illustrious  patriot, 
John  Hampden,  "was  made  one  of  the  executors,  and  John  Winthrop  another.  On  the 
question  of  his  being  buried  in  Boston,  see  the  Introduction  to  Bridgman’s  “ King’s 
Chapel  Burying-ground,”  by  the  lamented  Ephraim  Peabody,  D.  D.  See  also 
Savage’s  Genealogical  Dictionary,  vol.  ii.  pp.  552-3.  The  Lady  Arbella  was  of  the 
family  of  Clinton,  Earls  of  Lincoln,  now  Dukes  of  Newcastle.  A romantic  interest 
attaches  to  her  name,  and  every  thing  that  is  lovely  in  person  and  character  is 
eagerly  associated  with  it.  Her  family  could  hardly  have  permitted  her  to  leave 
England,  under  such  circumstances,  without  preserving  a portrait  of  her;  and  pos- 
sibly there  may  be  one  in  the  collection  of  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  at  Clumber  Park. 
But,  if  so,  it  is  one  of  twenty  or  thirty  which  are  without  name  or  date ; and  it  is,  of 
course,  impossible  to  identify  it.  The  late  Duke  (whose  visit  to  America  in  1860 
with  the  Prince  of  Wales  will  not  be  forgotten)  kindly  promised  me  that  New  England 
should  have  it,  if  it  could  ever  be  identified.  Meantime,  not  even  the  grave  of  the 
Lady  Arbella,  at  Salem,  has  been  ascertained  with  sufficient  exactness  to  be  marked 
with  a monument  or  stone  of  any  sort.  I may  add,  that,  in  a family  record  of  1742, 1 
find  a statement  that  Isaac  Johnson  and  the  Lady  Arbella  “ lie  both  buried  in  the  vault 
of  the  Winthrops  at  Boston.”  If  the  statement  was  well  founded  (which  I greatly 
doubt),  their  remains,  with  those  of  the  Winthrops  of  the  same  period,  have  mouldered 
into  undistinguishable  dust. 


48 


LITE  AND  LETTERS 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Wife. 

"My  dear  Wife,  — The  blessing  of  God  all-sufficient  be 
upon  thee  and  all  my  dear  ones  with  thee  forever. 

" I praise  the  good  Lord,  though  we  see  much  mortality, 
sickness,  and  trouble,  yet  (such  is  his  mercy)  myself  and  chil- 
dren, with  most  of  my  family,  are  yet  living,  and  in  health, 
and  enjoy  prosperity  enough,  if  the  affliction  of  our  brethren 
did  not  hold  under  the  comfort  of  it.  The  lady  Arbella  is  dead, 
and  good  Mr.  Higginson,  my  servant,  old  Waters  of  Neyland, 
and  many  others.  Thus  the  Lord  is  pleased  still  to  humble 
us ; yet  he  mixes  so  many  mercies  with  his  corrections,  as  we 
are  persuaded  he  will  not  cast  us  off,  but,  in  his  due  time,  will 
do  us  good,  according  to  the  measure  of  our  afflictions.  He 
stays  but  till  he  hath  purged  our  corruptions,  and  healed  the 
hardness  and  error  of  our  hearts,  and  stripped  us  of  our  vain 
confidence  in  this  arm  of  flesh , that  he  may  have  us  rely  wholly 
upon  himself. 

"The  French  ship,  so  long  expected,  and  given  for  lost,  is 
now  come  safe  to  us,  about  a fortnight  since,  having  been 
twelve  weeks  at  sea ; and  yet  her  passengers  (being  but  few) 
all  safe  and  well  but  one,  and  her  goats  but  six  living  of  eigh- 
teen. So  as  now  we  are  somewhat  refreshed  with  such  goods 
and  provisions  as  she  brought,  though  much  thereof  hath 
received  damage  by  wet.  I praise  God,  we  have  many  occa- 
sions of  comfort  here,  and  do  hope,  that  our  days  of  affliction 
will  soon  have  an  end,  and  that  the  Lord  will  do  us  more  good 
in  the  end  than  we  could  have  expected,  that  will  abundantly 
recompense  for  all  the  trouble  we  have  endured.  Yet  we  may 
not  look  at  great  things  here.  It  is  enough  that  we  shall 
have  heaven,  though  we  should  pass  through  hell  to  it.  We 
here  enjoy  God  and  Jesus  Christ.  Is  not  this  enough?  What 
would  we  have  more?  I thank  God,  I like  so  well  to  be  here, 
as  I do  not  repent  my  coming;  and  if  I were  to  come  again,  I 
would  not  have  altered  my  course,  though  I had  foreseen  all 
these  afflictions.  I never  fared  better  in  my  life,  never  slept 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


4i> 

better,  never  had  more  content  of  mind,  which  comes  merely  of 
the  Lord’s  good  hand ; for  we  have  not  the  like  means  of  these 
comforts  here,  which  we  had  in  England.  But  the  Lord  is  all- 
sufficient,  blessed  be  his  holy  name.  If  he  please,  he  can  still 
uphold  us  in  this  estate ; but,  if  he  shall  see  good  to  make  us 
partakers  with  others  in  more  affliction,  his  will  be  done.  He 
is  our  God,  and  may  dispose  of  us  as  he  sees  good. 

" I am  sorry  to  part  with  thee  so  soon,  seeing  we  meet  so 
seldom,  and  my  much  business  hath  made  me  too  oft  forget 
Mondays  and  Fridays.  I long  for  the  time,  when  I may  see 
thy  sweet  face  again,  and  the  faces  of  my  dear  children.  But  I 
must  break  off,  and  desire  thee  to  commend  me  kindly  to  all  my 
good  fx’iends,  and  excuse  my  not  writing  at  this  time.  If  God 
please  once  to  settle  me,  I shall  make  amends.  I will  name 
now  but  such  as  are  nearest  to  thee,  my  brother  and  sister 
Gostlin,  Mr.  Leigh,  etc.,  Castleins,  my  neighbor  Cole  and  his 
good  wife,  with  the  rest  of  my  good  neighbors,  tenants,  and 
servants.  The  good  Lord  bless  thee  and  all  our  children  and 
family.  So  I kiss  my  sweet  wife  and  my  dear  children, 
and  rest  " Thy  faithful  husband, 

"Jo.  WlNTHROP. 

" I would  have  written  to  Maplested,  if  I had  time.  Thou 
must  excuse  me,  and  remember  me  kindly  to  them  all. 

" This  is  the  third  letter  I have  written  to  thee  from  New 
England. 

O 

“ September  9,  1630.” 

And  here  is  a business-letter  to  liis  son,  of  the  same 
date : — 


John  TVmt.hr op  to  his  Son. 

" My  good  Son,  — The  good  Lord  bless  you  ever. 

" I have  written  to  your  mother  and  to  your  uncle  Downing 
at  large  of  all  things  here,  to  which  I must  refer  you,  in  regard 
of  my  much  business  and  little  leisure  here. 

7 


VOL.  II. 


50 


LITE  AND  LETTERS 


"I  shall  expect  your  mother  and  you  and  the  rest  of  my 
company  here  next  spring,  (if  God  will).  I pray  take  order 
(if  it  be  possible)  to  make  even  reckoning  with  all  before  you 
come  over,  and  get  a good  ship  and  forty  hogsheads  of  meal  at 
least,  well  cleansed  from  the  bran,  and  laid  abroad  three  or 
four  days  before  it  be  packed ; peas  and  oatmeal,  well  dried, 
as  much  as  you  can  ; good  store  of  dry,  Suffolk  cheese,  brought 
loose,  or  packed  in  very  dry  malt ; butter  and  tried  suet ; sugar 
and  fruit : pepper  and  ginger  ; store  of  coarse  rugs,  both  to  use 
and  sell ; a hogshead  of  wine  vinegar,  and  another  of  verjuice, 
both  in  good  casks  and  iron-bound.  We  have  lost  much  by 
bad  casks.  Bestow  every  thing  in  even  hogsheads,  if  you  can ; 
for  it  will  save  much  in  the  charge  of  freight.  Bring  some 
good  oil,  pitch,  and  tar,  and  a good  piece  of  an  old  cable  to 
make  oakum  ; for  that  which  was  sent  is  much  lost.  Some 
more  cows  would  be  brought,  especially  two  new  milch,  which 
must  be  well  mealed  and  milked  by  the  way,  and  some  goats, 
especially  sheep,  (if  they  can  be  had).  Bring  some  store  of 
garlick  and  onions,  and  conserve  of  red  roses,  alum,  and  aloes, 
oiled  skins,  both  calf  and  sheep,  and  some  worsted  ribbing  of 
several  sizes.  This  is  the  third  letter  I have  written  to  you 
from  here.  Commend  me  to  all  our  friends.  My  love  and 
blessing  to  your  brother  and  sisters,  your  sister  Winthrop 
and  cousin  Matt.  My  love  and  service  to  Mr.  Gurdon  and  his 
wife.  Salutations  to  Mr.  Jacy,  Mr.  Chamber,  and  the  rest  of 
the  good  ministers,  Mr.  Mott  and  Mr.  Brand.  I laid  out  £15 
to  Mr.  Goffe  for  a cow  for  his  son.  Commend  me  to  all  my 
good  neighbors,  Mr.  Jarrold,  William  Pond,  and  the  rest. 
Those  who  were  to  have  cows  delivered  here,  and  failed,  must 
have  their  money  again,  my  cousin  [blank]  of  Battlesden,  £20. 
I can  think  of  no  other,  but  Mrs.  Sands,  £15.  Commend  me 
to  her ; and  if  you  see  them  at  Graces,  remember  me  to  them. 
The  Lord  bless  you.  Farewell. 

"Your  loving  father,  "Jo.  Winthrop, 


“September  9.  1630.' 


or  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


51 


The  loss  of  friends,  however,  was  not  the  only  trial 
which  the  Company  were  now  called  on  to  meet.  Other 
discouragements  began  to  multiply  around  them.  Pro- 
visions were  again  growing  scarce,  and  the  springs  at 
Charlestown  failed  of  that  abundant  supply  of  good 
water  which  they  had  promised  at  the  outset.  Edward 
Johnson  (an  eye-witness),  in  his  Wonder-working  Pro- 
vidence, speaks  thus  of  this  period : — 

" The  griefe  of  this  people  was  further  increased  by  the  sore 
sicknesse  which  befell  among  them,  so  that  almost  in  every 
family,  lamentation,  mourning,  and  woe  rvas  heard,  and  no 
fresh  food  to  be  had  to  cherish  them.  It  would  assuredly  have 
moved  the  most  lockt  up  affections  to  teares,  no  doubt,  had  they 
past  from  one  hut  to  another,  and  beheld  the  piteous  case  these 
people  were  in.  And  that  which  added  to  then  present  distresse 
was  the  want  of  fresh  water ; for  although  the  place  did  afford 
plenty,  yet  for  present  they  could  finde  but  one  spring,  and  that 
not  to  be  come  at  but  when  the  tide  was  downe.”  1 

This  latter  circumstance  determined  Wintkrop  and 
others  to  abandon  their  present  position,  and  establish 
themselves  on  the  neighboring  peninsula.  Of  this  step, 
the  early  records  of  Charlestown  furnish  the  following 
brief  but  ample  account : — 

"In  the  meantime,  Mr.  Blackstone,  dwelling  on  the  other 
side  Charles  River  alone,  at  a place  by  the  Indians  called 
Shawmutt,  where  he  only  had  a cottage,  at  or  not  far  off  the 
place  called  Blackstone’s  Point,  he  came  and  acquainted  the 
Governor  of  an  excellent  Spring  there  ; withal  inviting  him  and 
soliciting  him  thither.  Whereupon,  after  the  death  of  Mr. 


1 Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  2d  ser.  vol.  ii.  pp.  87-8. 


52 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


Johnson  and  divers  others,  the  Governor,  with  Mr.  Wilson, 
and  the  greatest  part  of  the  church  removed  thither  : whither 
also  the  frame  of  the  Governor’s  house,  in  preparation  at  this 
town,  was  also  (to  the  discontent  of  some)  carried ; where 
people  began  to  build  their  houses  against  winter ; and  this 
place  was  called  Boston.” 

The  order  of  the  Court  of  Assistants,  that  “ Trimon- 
taine  shall  be  called  Boston,”  was  passed  on  the  7th 
(17th)  of  September,  1630;  and  the  first  General  Court 
was  liolden  there  on  the  19th  (29th)  of  October  follow- 
ing: but  the  precise  date  of  Governor  Winthrop’s 
removal  to  the  peninsula  upon  which  Boston  was  to  be 
founded  is  not  known.  Even  his  own  Journal  does  not 
chronicle  the  fact.  The  truth  is,  that  he  was  so  en- 
grossed with  public  business,  and  so  harassed  by  private 
cares,  at  this  early  period  after  his  arrival,  that  his  daily 
record  of  events  is  somewhat  meagre,  and  not  always 
exact.  It  is  not  wanting,  however,  in  interesting  inci- 
dents. Here  is  an  entry,  for  example,  bearing  date 
Oct.  25,  1630,  which  we  hardly  know  whether  to  refer 
to  Charlestown  or  Boston ; leaving  it  uncertain,  there- 
fore, which  of  the  two  places  can  claim  to  have  been  the 
scene  of  what  was  unquestionably  the  first  Temperance 
movement  in  Massachusetts,  or  in  America : — 

" The  governour,  upon  consideration  of  the  inconveniences 
which  had  grown  in  England  by  drinking  one  to  another, 
restrained  it  at  his  own  table,  and  wished  others  to  do  the  like, 
so  as  it  grew,  by  little  and  little,  to  disuse.”1 


1 Winthrop,  in  this  reform,  was  nearly  half  a century  before  Sir  Matthew  Hale,  who 
left  a solemn  injunction  to  his  grandchildren  against  the  drinking  or  pledging  of 
healths. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


53 


There  is  reason  for  thinking  that  “ the  Great  House  ” 
in  Charlestown  was  still  the  Governor’s  abode,  when 
this  reform  was  first  introduced  into  the  social  circles 
of  New  England. 

In  the  following  month,  Governor  Winthrop  had  un- 
doubtedly left  Charlestown ; and  here  is  his  first  letter 
from  “ Boston  hi  Mattachusets,”  in  which,  after  recount- 
ing to  his  wife  some  of  the  sad  experiences  of  his  pil- 
grimage thus  far,  he  adds,  “ My  dear  wife,  we  are  here  in 
a paradise.”  Surely  no  one  ever  more  entirely  fulfilled 
the  idea  of  the  motto  upon  his  family  arms  — Spes  mnc.it 
thronum  (“  Hope  wins  a throne  ” — than  this  brave- 

hearted  leader  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony.  Amid  all 
his  trials,  he  seems  to  have  furnished  a noble  illustration 
of  that  heroic  spirit  of  endurance,  which  Milton  soon 
afterwards  so  admirably  exhibited  in  his  touching  sonnet 
upon  his  own  blindness  : — - 

“Yet  I argue  not 

Against  Heaven’s  hand  or  will,  nor  bate  a jot 
Of  heart  or  hope ; but  still  bear  up,  and  steer 
Right  onward.” 

This  first  letter  from  Boston  shall  conclude  the  present 
chapter. 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Wife. 

“ To  Mrs.  Winthrop,  the  elder,  at  Groton. 

"My  sweet  Wife,  — The  blessing  of  the  Almighty  be 
upon  thee  and  thine  forever. 


1 The  English  version  of  the  Winthrop  motto  needs  only  an  I to  make  it  an  ana 
gram  of  Iobafies  Winthrop;  and  this  was  perhaps  its  origin.  Indeed,  it  has  often  been 
found  in  the  family  papers,  — “I-Hope  wins  a throne.” 


54 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


" There  is  a ship  arrived  at  Plimouth,  some  thirty  miles  from 
us,  which  came  from  London  the  10th  of  August,  and  was 
twelve  weeks  at  sea  in  such  tempests  as  she  spent  all  her 
masts  ; yet,  of  sixty  passengers,  she  lost  but  one.  All  the  rest 
(through  the  Lord’s  great  mercy)  are  safe  and  in  health.  Edy 
of  Boxted,  who  came  in  her,  told  me,  a fortnight  since,  that 
he  had  many  letters  in  the  ship  for  me ; but  I hear  not  yet  of 
them,  which  makes  me  now  (having  opportunity  to  send  to 
Plimouth)  to  write  these  few  lines  to  thee,  lest  the  ship  should 
be  gone  before  I have  received  my  letters,  and  can  return 
answer  to  them.  Thou  shalt  understand  by  this,  how  it  is  with 
us  since  I wrote  last,  (for  this  [is]  the  third  or  fourth  letter  I 
have  written  to  thee  since  I came  hither,)  that  thou  mayest  see 
the  goodness  of  the  Lord  towards  me,  that,  when  so  many  have 
died,  and  many  yet  languish,  myself  and  my  children  are  yet 
living  and  in  health.  Yet  I have  lost  twelve  of  my  family, 
viz.  Waters  and  his  wife,  and  two  of  his  children  : Mr.  Gager 
and  his  man  : Smith  of  Buxall  and  his  wife  and  two  children  : 
the  wife  of  Taylor  of  Haverill  and  their  child  : my  son  H. 
makes  the  twelve.  And,  besides  many  other  of  less  note,  as 
Jetf.  Euggle  of  Sudbury,1  and  divers  others  of  that  town, 
(about  twenty,)  the  Lord  hath  stripped  us  of  some  principal 
persons,  Mr.  Johnson  and  Ins  lady,  Mr.  Rossiter,  Mrs.  Phillips 
and  others  unknown  to  thee.  We  conceive,  that  this  disease 
grew  from  ill  diet  at  sea,  and  proved  infectious.  I write  not 
this  to  discourage  thee,  but  to  warn  thee  and  others  to  provide 
well  for  the  sea,  and,  by  God’s  help,  the  passage  will  be  safe 
and  easy,  how  long  soever.  Be  careful  (I  entreat  thee)  to 
observe  the  directions  in  my  former  letters ; and  I trust  that 
that  God,  who  hath  so  graciously  preserved  and  blessed  us 
hitherto,  will  bring  us  to  see  the  faces  of  each  other  with 
abundance  of  joy.  My  dear  wife,  we  are  here  in  a paradise. 
Though  we  have  not  beef  and  mutton  etc.,  yet  (God  be  praised) 
we  want  them  not ; our  Indian  corn  answers  for  all.  Yet  here 


1 In  the  margin  of  the  letter,  is  added,  “ And  one  of  L.  Kedby  his  sons.' 


OF  JOHN  WINTBLKOP. 


55 


is  fowl  and  fish  in  great  plenty.  I will  here  break  off,  because 
I hope  to  receive  letters  from  thee  soon,  and  to  have  opportu- 
nity of  writing  more  largely.  I will  say  nothing  of  my  love 
to  thee,  and  of  my  longing  desires  towards  thee.  Thou  know- 
est  my  heart.  Neither  can  I mention  salutations  to  my  good 
friends,  other  than  in  general.  In  my  next,  I hope  to  supply 
all.  Now  the  Lord,  our  good  God,  be  with  thee  and  all  my 
children  and  company  with  thee.  Grace  and  peace  be  with  you 
all.  So  I kiss  my  sweet  wife  and  all  my  dear  children,  and 
bless  you  in  the  Lord.  Farewell. 

"Thy  faithful  husband,  "Jo.  Winxhrop. 

“ Boston  in  Mattachusets,  November  29,  1630. 

"Thou  must  excuse  my  not  writing  to  my  son  John  and 
other  of  my  friends  at  this  time ; for  I defer  it  till  I receive  my 
letters.” 


56 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


CHAPTER  IV. 

FIRST  WINTER  IN  NEW  ENGLAND.  IMPENDING  FAMINE.  FAST 

TURNED  INTO  THANKSGIVING.  LETTERS  TO  HIS  WIFE  AND  SON. 

WINTHROP  RE-ELECTED  GOVERNOR.  BLESSING  OF  THE  BAY. 

NIGHT  SCENE  AT  MISTICK.  VISIT  TO  SALEM. 

The  first  winter  after  the  arrival  of  the  Governor  and 
Company  was  one  of  great  severity  and  of  great  scarcity. 
The  Charlestown  records  tell  us  that  “ people  were 
necessitated  to  live  upon  clams  and  muscles  and  ground- 
nuts and  acorns,  and  these  got  with  much  difficulty  in 
the  winter-time.”  Winthrop  was  not  exempt  from  the 
common  calamity.  “ People  were  very  much  tired  and 
discouraged,”  the  records  add,  “ especially  when  they 
heard  that  the  Governor  himself  had  the  last  batch  of 
bread  in  the  oven.”  In  anticipation  of  this  impending 
famine,  he  had  despatched  the  Lion,  Capt.  Pierce,  early 
in  July,  to  the  nearest  port  in  England  (Bristol)  for  a 
cargo  of  provisions.  But  six  months  had  now  elapsed, 
and  the  ship  was  not  forthcoming.  On  the  5 th  of 
February,  1631,  Cotton  Mather  describes  Winthrop  as 
distributing,  with  signal  humanity,  “ the  last  handful  of 
meal  in  the  barrel  unto  a poor  man  distressed  by  the 
wolf  at  the  door ; ” and  “ at  that  instant,”  he  adds,  “ they 
spied  a ship  arrived  at  the  harbour’s  mouth,  laden  with 
provisions  for  them  all.”  1 


1 Magnalia  Ckristi  Americana,  vol.  i.  book  2,  ch.  4. 


or  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


57 


It  would  be  difficult  to  find  a more  impressive  and 
touching  picture  of  the  early  condition  of  the  fathers  of 
Massachusetts  than  that  presented  by  the  Governor  of  the 
Colony,  with  the  last  batch  of  bread  in  his  own  oven, 
dispensing  the  remaining  handful  of  meal  to  the  poor  at 
his  door.  Nor  would  it  be  easy  to  recall,  since  the  days 
of  the  poor  widow  who  ministered  to  the  necessities  of 
the  prophet,  and  whose  “ barrel  of  meal  wasted  not, 
neither  did  the  cruse  of  oil  fail,”  a more  striking  example 
of  humanity  providentially  rewarded  than  is  found  in 
the  arrival  of  a shipload  of  provisions  at  the  very  mo- 
ment when  this  picture  was  presented. 

A day  had  been  previously  appointed  for  a general 
humiliation,  “to  seek  the  Lord  by  fasting  and  prayer;” 
but  the  arrival  of  the  Lion,  bearing  this  much-needed 
relief,  turned  their  mourning  into  joy,  and  gave  them 
“ the  garment  of  praise  for  the  spirit  of  heaviness.” 

The  Governor’s  Journal  says  only, — 

"22  (February).  We  held  a day  of  thanksgiving  for  this 
ship’s  arrival  by  order  from  the  Governour  and  Council,  directed 
to  all  the  plantations.” 

This  must  have  been  the  first  regularly  appointed 
Massachusetts  Thanksgiving  Day ; and  no  one  can  doubt 
that  it  was  observed  with  hearts  as  grateful,  if  not  with 
viands  as  sumptuous,  as  any  of  its  long  and  honored  line 
of  successors.  To  Winthrop  himself,  however,  the  day 
could  have  had  but  few  of  those  charms  which  now  sur- 
round it.  His  wife  and  most  of  his  children  were  still 
in  England ; and  the  earnestness  with  which  he  looked 
for  then-  companionship  and  assistance  is  abundantly 

8 


VOL.  II 


58 


LUTE  AND  LETTERS 


manifested  by  his  letters  at  this  period.  Here  are  twc 
of  them,  which  are  full  of  affectionate  yearning  for  their 
arrival ; and  the  second  of  which  bears  delightful  testi- 
mony to  the  character  and  conduct  of  his  “ loving  and 
dutiful  son.” 

John  Winthrop  to  his  Wife. 

"My  dear  Wife,  — I have  small  hope,  that  this  should 
come  to  thy  hands,  in  regard  of  the  long  stay  of  the  ship  here, 
so  as  thou  mayest  be  well  onward  of  thy  way  hither  before  these 
can  come  to  England.  Therefore  I write  little  to  thyself  and 
my  son,  and  those  whom  I expect  to  see  here  shortly,  if  it  shall 
so  please  the  Lord.  And  blessed  be  his  holy  and  glorious 
name,  that  he  hath  so  far  magnified  Ins  mercy  towards  us,  that, 
when  so  many  have  been  laid  in  their  graves  since  we  parted, 
yet  he  hath  pleased  to  preserve  us  unto  this  hope  of  a joyful 
meeting,  that  we  may  see  the  faces  of  each  other  again,  the  faces 
of  our  children  and  sweet  babes.  These  things  I durst  scarce 
think  of  heretofore ; but  now  I embrace  them  oft,  and  delight 
my  heart  in  them,  because  I trust,  that  the  Lord,  our  God,  who 
hath  kept  me  and  so  many  of  my  company  in  health  and  safety 
among  so  many  dead  corpses,  through  the  heat  of  the  summer 
and  the  cold  of  winter,  and  hath  also  preserved  thee  in  the 
peril  of  childbirth,  and  upheld  thy  heart  in  the  midst  of  so 
many  discouragements,  with  the  life  of  all  thy  company,  will, 
of  his  own  goodness  and  free  mercy,  preserve  us  and  ours  still, 
that  we  shall  meet  in  joy  and  peace,  which  I daily  pray  for,  and 
shall  expect  in  the  Lord’s  good  time ; who  still  continue  his 
favor  and  blessing  upon  thee  and  our  sweet  babes  and  all  thy 
company.  Lor  our  little  daughter,1  do  as  thou  thinlcest  best. 
The  Lord  direct  thee  in  it.  If  thou  bringest  her,  she  will  be 
more  trouble  to  thee  in  the  ship  than  all  the  rest.  I know  my 
sister  will  be  tender  of  her,  till  I may  send  for  her.  Bring 
Amy  and  Ann  Gostlin  with  thee,  if  thou  canst.  If  they  come 


1 Born  after  his  departure  from  England. 


or  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


59 


not,  they  will  much  wrong  themselves.  They  need  fear  no  want 
here,  if  they  will  be  guided  by  God’s  word ; otherwise  they  can 
look  to  prosper  nowhere.  I praise  God,  I want  nothing  but 
thee  and  the  rest  of  my  family.  Commend  my  love  and  bless- 
ing to  them  all,  and  to  all  my  neighbours  and  friends ; but  I 
have  desired  my  brother  Gostlin  to  perform  that.  Remember 
to  bring  juice  of  lemons  to  sea  with  thee,  for  thee  and  thy  com- 
pany to  eat  with  your  meat  as  sauce.  But  of  these  things,  my 
son  hath  direction.  So  again  I kiss  thee  my  sweet  wife,  and 
commend  thee  and  all  ours  to  the  Lord,  and  rest 

''  Thine,  " Jo.  Wintheop. 

“ March  28,  1631.” 


John  Winthroj)  to  his  eldest  Soji. 

“ To  my  very  loving  Son,  Mr.  John  Wintkrop,  at  London. 

“ If  lie  be  come  away,  my  brother  Downing  may  open  this  letter. 

"Mr  good  Son, — The  blessing  of  the  Almighty  be  upon 
thy  soul  and  life  forever. 

" Among  many  of  the  sweet  mercies  of  my  God  towards  me 
in  this  strange  land,  where  we  have  met  many  troubles  and 
adversities,  this  is  not  the  least,  and  that  which  affords  much 
comfort  to  my  heart,  that  he  hath  given  me  a loving  and  dutiful 
son.  God  all-sufficient  reward  thee  abundantly  for  all  thy  care 
and  pains  in  my  affairs,  and  for  all  that  love  and  duty  thou  hast 
showed  to  thy  good  mother.  I doubt  not  but  thou  shalt  find  it 
in  outward  blessings,  for  thou  art  under  the  promise  of  having 
thy  days  prolonged ; but  I desire  especially  thou  rnayest  find  it 
in  the  manifestation  of  the  good  will  of  the  Lord  towards  thee, 
and  in  those  spiritual  blessings,  which  may  fatten  thy  soul. 

"This  ship  staying  so  long  here,  I am  almost  out  of  hope 
that  my  letters  should  come  to  thy  hands  ; for,  though  I think 
very  long  till  I see  you  all  here,  yet  I would  rather  you  stayed, 
though  it  were  two  or  three  months,  to  come  with  Mr.  Peirce, 
partly  because  of  his  skill  and  care  of  his  passengers,  and  partly 
that  we  might  be  the  better  provided  of  housing,  &c.  to  enter- 


no 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


tain  you.  For  we  are  much  straitened  yet  that  way,  and  we 
have  had  divers  houses  burnt,  and  now,  within  these  two  days, 
Mr.  Sharp  and  Mr.  Colburne,  both  of  our  town,  had  their 
houses  burnt  to  the  ground,  and  much  goods  lost.  Thus  it 
pleaseth  the  Lord  still  to  humble  us.  I doubt  not  but  he  will 
do  us  the  more  good  at  the  last. 

"I  have  written  to  your  uncle  D.1 2  concerning  all  our  business, 
fearing  you  should  be  come  away.  I have  sent  the  assignment 
sealed.  I left  all  my  bonds  and  writings  in  my  cupboard  at 
Groton,  or  else  at  London. 

"Bring  no  provision  with  you  but  meal  and  peas,  and  some 
oatmeal,  and  sugar,  fruit,  figs,  and  pepper,  and  good  store  of 
saltpetre,  and  conserve  of  red  roses,  and  mithridate,  good  store 
of  pitch,  and  ordinary  suet  or  tallow.  Bring  none  but  wine 
vinegar,  and  not  much  of  that,  and  be  sure  that  the  cask  be 
good  ; store  of  oiled  calves-skins  of  the  largest ; and  the  strong- 
est welt  leather  shoes  and  stockings  for  children ; and  hats  of 
all  sizes.  If  you  could  bring  two  or  three  hundred  sheep-skins 
and  lamb-skins,  with  the  wool  on,  dyed  red,  it  would  be  a good 
commodity  here ; and  the  coarsest  woollen  cloth,  (so  it  be  not 
flocks,)  and  of  sad  colours,  and  some  red;  millstones,  some  two 
foot  and  some  three  foot  over,  with  bracings  ready  cast,  and 
rings,  and  mill-bills  ; store  of  shoemakers’  thread  and  hobnails  ; 
chalk  and  chalk-line ; and  a pah-  or  two,  or  more,  of  large  steel 
compasses  ; store  of  coarse  linen  ; some  birdlime. 

" When  you  have  cleared  all  things  in  England,  if  you  have 
any  money  left,  you  may  bring  some  with  you,  (not  above 
£100,)  and  the  rest  leave  with  your  uncle  D.  or  dispose  of  it  as 
your  own  occasions  may  require.  Anywise,  Matt.9  must  have 
£400,  and  there  will  be  much  due  to  your  sister  Winthrop,3  which 
were  best  to  be  left  in  England.  But  you  must  advise  with  your 
uncle  D.  about  these  things  ; for  I am  so  full  of  business  here, 
as  I can’t  think  of  mine  own  affairs  as  I should.  You  must 


1 Emanuel  Downing. 

2 Martha  Fones,  the  Governor’s  niece. 

3 The  widow  of  Henry. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


61 


also  consider  what  you  would  have  for  yourself,  and  how  you 
would  employ  it. 

"I  never  had  letter  yet  from  your  brother  F.1  If  he  intends 
to  come  hither,  it  were  good  he  sold  his  land,  and  paid  his  sister 
her  £100,  which  he  promised  when  I put  over  his  land  to  him. 
You  shall  need  bring  no  more  cows,  for  I have  enough.  The 
good  Lord  bless  you,  and  bring  you  and  all  my  company  hither 
in  safety.  So  I rest 

"Your  loving  father,  Jo.  Winthrop. 

“Massachusetts,  March  28,  1631. 

" I hope  the  Lord  hath  provided  a good  husband  for  your 
sister  Winthrop.  Mr.  Coddington  is  well  affected  to  her.  If 
he  proceed,  I wish  you  to  further  it ; for  he  is  a godly  man,  and 
of  good  estate.” 

On  the  eighteenth  day  of  May,  1631,  a General 
Court  was  held  at  Boston,  when  Winthrop  was  again 
chosen  Governor  ; and,  as  his  Journal  adds,  “ all  the  free- 
men of  the  commons  were  sworn  to  this  government.” 
A few  weeks  previously,  his  cares  and  responsibilities 
had  been  materially  increased  by  the  departure  for  Eng- 
land of  not  a few  of  those  upon  whom  he  most  leaned 
for  advice  and  aid.  His  excellent  friend  Sir  Richard 
Saltonstall,  Mr.  Sharp,  Mr.  Coddington,  and  Mr.  Wilson 
the  minister,  had  all  left  him ; the  first  never  to  return,2 


1 Forth  Winthrop,  of  whom  we  shall  hear  once  more  presently. 

2 Sir  Richard’s  return  was  expected  in  1633,  and  he  was  elected  an  Assistant  accord- 
ingly at  the  May  election.  — Palfrey's  Hist,  of  N.  E.,  vol.  i.  p-  366.  But,  though  he 
never  came  back,  he  kept  up  an  earnest  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  Colony.  He  was 
actively  engaged  with  the  Lords  Brooke  and  Say  and  Sele,  and  other  puritans,  in  pro- 
moting the  first  settlement  of  Connecticut;  and  “befriended  our  country  in  England  (as 
Mr.  Savage  has  justly  said)  in  thought,  tvord,  and  deed.”  While  he  was  in  Holland  in 
1644  (where  the  tradition  is  that  he  went  as  ambassador),  a portrait  of  him  was  taken  (by 
Rembrandt,  it  is  said),  which  is  now  among  the  treasures  of  his  descendants  in  Masssa- 
chusetts.  A prouder  memorial  of  him  than  even  a portrait  by  Rembrandt  is  found  in  his 
letter  against  intolerance,  addressed  to  Rev.  John  Cotton  and  Rev.  John  Wilson,  probably 


62 


LIFE  ANT)  LETTERS 


and  the  others  for  a more  or  less  protracted  visit  to  their 
native  land.  Not  only  was  he  thus  deprived  of  some  of 
his  best  counsellors  both  in  civil  and  spiritual  affairs, 
but  it  will  he  seen,  too,  by  the  following  passage  in  his 
J ournal,  that  he  was  relied  upon  to  do  a part  of  the  min- 
isterial work  of  Mr.  Wilson  during  his  absence,  and  thus 
to  undertake  at  once  the  highest  obligations  both  of 
Church  and  State  : — 

"29  (March).  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall  and  his  two  daugh- 
ters, and  one  of  his  younger  sons,  (his  two  eldest  sons  remained 
still  in  the  country,)  came  down  to  Boston,  and  stayed  that 
night  at  the  Governour’s,  and  the  next  morning,  by  seven  of 
the  clock,  accompanied  with  Mr.  Pierce  and  others  in  two  shal- 
lops, they  departed  to  go  to  the  ship  riding  at  Salem.  The 
Governour  gave  them  three  drakes* 1  at  their  setting  sail,  the  wind 
being  N.  W.  a stiff  gale  and  full  sea.  Mr.  Sharp  went  away  at 
the  same  time  in  another  shallop. 

"About  10  of  the  clock,  Mr.  Coddington  and  Mr.  Wilson, 
and  divers  of  the  congregation,  met  at  the  governour’s,  and 
there  Mr.  Wilson,  praying  and  exhorting  the  congregation 
to  love,  etc.,  commended  to  them  the  exercise  of  prophecy  in 
his  absence,  and  designed  those  whom  he  thought  most  fit  for 
it,  viz.,  the  governour,  Mr.  Dudley,  and  Mr.  Nowell  the  elder. 
Then  he  desired  the  governour  to  commend  himself  and  the  rest 


about  the  year  1650.  — Mass.  Hist.  Collections,  4th  series,  vol.  ii.  pp.  171-2.  His  eldest 
son,  Richard,  who  married  a daughter  of  Brampton  Gurdon,  Esq.,  of  Assington  Hall, 
Suffolk  County,  England,  spent  the  greater  part  of  his  life  in  New  England,  leaving 
descendants  of  the  highest  respectability.  One  of  them,  Gurdon  Saltonstall,  was 
Governor  of  Connecticut  for  sixteen  years,  — 1708-1724.  Another,  of  a later  gene- 
ration, the  Hon.  Leverett  Saltonstall,  was  a distinguished  member  of  Congress  for 
several  years;  and  died,  universally  respected  and  lamented,  in  1845. 

1 A previous  transcriber  had  literally  made  ducks  of  this  word,  and  so  it  stands  in  the 
first  publication  of  this  portion  of  Winthrop’s  History  of  New  England;  but  Mr.  Savage 
deciphered  the  word  correctly  in  his  invaluable  edition,  and  added  a note  informing  us 
that  drakes  were  small  pieces  of  artillery  which  were  fired  in  honor  of  Sir  Richard  at 
his  departure. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


63 


to  God  by  prayer ; which  being  done,  they  accompanied  him  to 
the  boat,  and  so  they  went  over  to  Charlestown  to  go  by  land  to 
the  ship.” 

Winthrop  seems  to  have  found  time,  however,  for  all 
and  more  than  all  that  could  have  been  expected  of  him  ; 
and  we  soon  afterwards  find  him  making  note  of  a most 
interesting  occurrence  in  the  progress  of  the  little  planta- 
tion, and  in  the  history  of  New-England  navigation  and 
commerce : ■ — 

" July  4.  The  governor  built  a bark  at  Mistick,  which  was 
launched  this  day,  and  called  the  Blessing  of  the  Bay.” 

The  attentive  reader  can  hardly  have  omitted  to  ob- 
serve the  beautiful  coincidence  which  exists  between  the 
dates  of  some  of  the  most  memorable  occurrences  in 
our  early  colonial  history,  and  those  of  some  of  the  great 
events  of  our  more  recent  national  career.  Thus  the 
Governor  and  Company  of  Massachusetts  set  out  from 
Salem  for  the  Bay  on  the  17th  of  June,  and  probably 
encamped  that  night  not  far  from  what  was  afterwards 
known  as  Bunker  Hill.  Thus,  too,  the  first  Thanksgiv- 
ing Hay  of  the  Colony  was  on  the  22d  of  February ; and 
the  Blessing  of  the  Bay  was  launched  on  the  4th  of  July. 
The  change  of  old  style  into  new  would,  indeed,  destroy 
these  coincidences  ; but  as  long  as  the  dates  shall  stand, 
as  they  still  do,  on  the  printed  page,  the  associations 
which  they  suggest  cannot  fail  to  be  cherished  with  an 
almost  superstitious  fondness. 

Mistick,  where  the  Blessing  of  the  Bay  was  built,  and 
launched  on  the  4th  of  July,  1631,  was  the  summer  resi- 
dence of  Governor  Winthrop  for  some  years  ; and  a few 


LIFE  AND  LEXTERS 


64 

months  after  this  event,  on  the  6th  of  September,  we 
find  the  Court  of  Assistants  granting  “ to  Mr.  Governor 
six  hundred  acres  of  land,  to  be  set  forth  by  metes  and 
bounds  near  his  house  at  Mistick,  to  enjoy  it  to  him 
and  his  liens  forever.”  This  farm,  which  he  named  the 
Ten  Hills,  and  which  is  known  by  the  same  name  to  this 
day,1  was  the  scene  of  a little  incident  on  the  night  of  the 
11th  of  October,  which  affords  a vivid  idea  of  the  con- 
dition of  the  neighborhood  at  the  time,  as  well  as  of  the 
courage  and  character  of  the  Governor.  Nothing  could 
be  more  graphic  than  the  following  description  from  the 
Journal : — 

”11.  The  governour,  being  at  his  farm  house  at  Mistick, 
walked  out  after  supper,  and  took  a piece  in  his  hand,  supposing 
he  might  see  a wolf,  (for  they  came  daily  about  the  house,  and 
killed  swine  and  calves,  etc. ;)  and,  being  about  half  a mile  off, 
it  grew  suddenly  dark,  so  as,  in  coming  home,  he  mistook  his 
path,  and  went  till  he  came  to  a little  house  of  Sagamore  John, 
which  stood  empty.  There  he  stayed,  and  having  a piece  of 
match  in  his  pocket,  (for  he  always  carried  about  him  match 
and  a compass,  and  in  summer  time  snakeweed,)  he  made  a 
good  fire  near  the  house,  and  lay  down  upon  some  old  mats, 
which  he  found  there,  and  so  spent  the  night,  sometimes  walk- 
ing by  the  fire,  sometimes  singing  psalms,  and  sometimes 
getting  wood,  but  could  not  sleep.  It  was  (through  God’s 
mercy)  a warm  night ; but  a little  before  day  it  began  to  rain, 
and,  having  no  cloak,  he  made  shift  by  a long  pole  to  climb  up 
into  the  house.  In  the  morning,  there  came  thither  an  Indian 

1 The  Ten-Hills  Farm,  or  a considerable  part  of  it,  remained  in  the  Winthrop 
Family  until  1677.  In  1740,  it  became  the  property  of  the  Temple  Family.  It  has 
more  recently  been  known  as  a stock-farm,  under  the  management  of  Col.  Samuel 
Jaques.  It  lies  midway  between  Charlestown  Neck  and  Medford  Village,  bordering  on 
Mystic  River.  An  original  plan  of  it,  dated  October,  1637,  and  indorsed  by  Gov.  Win- 
throp, “ Ten-Hills  Farrhe,”  shows  that  large  portions  of  it  were  densely  wooded  at  that 
time.  It  was  so  called  because  Ten  Hills  could  be  counted  around  it. 


or  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


65 


squaw,  but  perceiving  her  before  she  had  opened  the  door,  he 
barred  her  out ; yet  she  stayed  there  a great  while  essaying  to 
get  in,  and  at  last  she  went  away,  and  he  returned  safe  home, 
his  servants  having  been  much  perplexed  for  him,  and  having 
walked  about,  and  shot  off  pieces,  and  hallooed  in  the  night,  but 
he  heard  them  not.” 

To  pass  a long  October  night  alone  in  a wilderness  fre- 
quented by  wild  beasts  and  wilder  men,  sometimes  — 

“ Pacing  through  the  forest, 

Chewing  the  food  of  sweet  and  bitter  fancy ; ” 

sometimes  gathering  fuel,  and  warming  himself  at  a fire 
of  his  own  kindling ; sometimes  lying  sleepless  on  the 
ground  without  even  a cloak  for  covering,  — was  no  light 
experience  for  any  man.  It  may  be  safely  asserted,  that 
no  other  governor  of  Massachusetts  has  ever  endured 
the  hke.  Few  things  could  be  more  characteristic  of  the 
man  and  of  the  times  than  Winthrop’s  attempt  to  keep 
his  courage  up  by  “ sometimes  singing  psalms.”  We  see 
no  reason  to  question  that  the  attempt  was  successful. 
Doubtless,  however,  he  kept  his  powder  dry  also,  as  he 
fortunately  “ took  a piece  in  his  hand  ” when  he  walked 
out. 

On  the  25th  of  the  same  month,  the  Governor  seems 
to  have  made  an  official  visit  to  Salem ; and  his  account 
of  the  journey,  though  very  brief,  gives  a good  idea  of 
“ a royal  progress  ” in  those  days  : — 

"25.  The  governour,  with  Capt.  Underhill  and  others  of 
the  officers,  went  on  foot  to  Sagus,  and  next  day  to  Salem, 
where  they  were  bountifully  entertained  by  Capt.  Endecott,  etc., 
and,  the  28th,  they  returned  to  Boston  by  the  ford  at  Sagus 
River,  and  so  over  at  Mistick.” 

9 


VOL  II. 


66 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


On  his  return  from  this  visit,  a violent  storm  occurred 
in  the  Bay,  which  did  great  damage  to  the  Governor’s 
stone  house  at  Mistick,  which  was  still  unfinished, — 
washing  two  sides  of  it  down  to  the  ground.  But,  a day 
or  two  afterwards,  an  event  occurred,  which  must  have 
made  him  forget,  for  a while  at  least,  all  his  trials  and 
troubles.  We  are  not  quite  ready,  however,  for  the 
record  of  that  event ; and  our  readers  must  be  content  to 
be  carried  hack  once  more  to  Groton  in  Old  England, 
where  so  large  a part  of  the  family  of  the  Governor  had 
been  left  when  he  came  over,  and  where  they  had  under- 
gone experiences  which  cannot  be  omitted  from  his 
domestic  history. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


67 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  BIRTH  OF  A DAUGHTER  AT  GROTON.  THE  SALE  OF  GROTON 
MANOR.  THE  MARRIAGE  OF  JOHN  WINTHROP,  JUN.  THE  DEATH 
OF  FORTH  WINTHROP.  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  MARGARET  WIN- 
THROP AND  HER  SON  JOHN.  THEIR  VOYAGE  TO  AMERICA. 

We  have  seen,  that,  when  Winthrop  came  over  to 
New  England,  he  brought  with  him  his  second  son, 
Henry  (who  was  drowned  so  soon  after  his  arrival) ; and 
two  of  his  younger  sons,  Adam  and  Stephen.  He  left 
behind  him  his  eldest  son  John,  his  third  son  Forth,  his 
daughter  Mary,  and  his  two  youngest  children,  Deane 
and  Samuel.  His  wife  also  remained  behind,  and  gave 
birth  to  a daughter  not  long  after  the  Arbella  had  lost 
sight  of  land.  Anne  Winthrop,  the  third  of  that  name 
(for  the  Governor  had  lost  two  infant  daughters,  named 
Anne,  in  1614  and  1615),  was  baptized  at  Groton  on  the 
20th  of  April,  1630.1 

The  following  letter  from  the  mother  was  probably 
written  soon  after  her  recovery  from  this  confinement : — 


Margaret  Winthrop  to  her  Son  John. 

“ To  my  very  lovinge  sonne  Mr.  John  Winthrope  at  Mr.  Downinges 
house  in  Fleet  Strete  neare  the  Condite  these  — 

" My  good  Sonne  , — I should  longe  ere  this  have  ritten  to 
thee,  & given  thee  thankes  for  thy  kinde  letters,  but  I must  now 


1 The  wife  of  Henry  aiso  gave  birth  to  a daughter  (so  soon  to  be  fatherless),  which 
was  baptized  May  9,  1630. 


68 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


veryfy  that  proverbe,  better  late  then  not  at  all.  I trust,  heere- 
after  I shall  have  more  leisure  to  right  to  thee,  and  doe  place 
much  comfort  in  thee,  & knowe  thou  wilt  be  a great  helpe  to  me 
in  thy  father’s  absence.  I am  sory  I cannot  show  my  love  to 
thee  as  I desyre,  or  expresse  my  affections  as  they  are,  in  these 
fewe  lines,  but  I shall  allways  retaine  a lovinge  hart  toward 
thee,  & wilbe  ready  to  doe  any  tkinge  for  thee  that  is  in  my 
power,  as  I know  thou  wilt  doe  for  me.  Thearfore  my  good 
sonne  let  us  joine  together  in  maniginge  thy  father’s  affayres  in 
his  abcence,  and  come  home  to  me  as  soone  as  thou  canest.  I 
can  not  right  much  to  thee  the  wether  is  so  cold,  & thus  with 
my  best  love  to  thyselfe,  my  brother  and  sister  Downinge,  I 
leave  off  for  this  time  and  commit  you  to  God. 

" Your  lovinge  mother  " Margaret  Wintiirope. 

"You  shall  receive  by  Welles  the  caryer  a great  chest  of 
linnin,  to  be  sent  away  with  the  rest  of  your  fathers  thinges.”  1 

The  younger  Winthrop  was  in  London  at  this  time, 
busily  engaged  in  attending  to  his  father’s  affairs,  and 
particularly  in  making  arrangements  for  the  sale  of  the 
estate  at  Groton.  It  seems  that  Brampton  Gurdon,  the 
High  Sheriff  of  Suffolk,  proposed  at  first  to  buy  the  ma- 
nor. The  three  letters  which  follow  relate  mainly  to  the 
negotiations  on  this  subject,  though  they  contain  also 
some  interesting  items  of  general  news : — 

1 On  this  letter,  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  has  written  the  rough  draught  of  his  reply,  as 
follows : “ I received  your  lovinge  letters  & returne  you  many  thankes  for  this  & all  other 
kindnesses  & love  w011  you  have  pleased  to  bestow  upon  me.  I desire  you,  if  I be  worthy 
to  have  any  parte  of  your  undeserved  love,  that  you  would  add  this  speciall  favour  to  so 
many  former,  to  assure  yourselfe  of  my  dutiful  & faithfull  carriadge  towards  you  now  in 
my  fathers  absence,  in  every  respect  where  & when  soever  my  best  diligence,  care,  & 
endeavours  may  be  any  waies  usefull  & commanded  by  you.” 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


09 


John  Winthrop , Jr.,  to  his  Father. 

“To  the  right  wor11  my  much  honored  father  John  Winthrop  Esq.  In 

New  England. 

“London:  Decemb:  9.  1630. 

" SK, — My  humble  duty  remembred  unto  you,  may  you 
please  to  understand  y‘  since  my  last  to  you  by  Mr  Peirce  I 
received  yours  of  the  9th  of  Septem  : by  the  Guift : they  came 
to  my  hands  about  the  first  of  this  month.  Yours  to  Mr. 
GoofFe  were  broken  open  by  the  purser  and  maister  aboard  the 
ship  & read,  as  I am  informed  by  such  passengers  as  were  eye- 
witnesses : By  my  last  I wrote  you  concerning  the  sale  of  your 
lands,  that  we  were  to  furnish  it  the  last  terme,  & that  you  should 
expect  us  the  next  spring ; but  it  hath  pleased  God  otherwise  to 
dispose,  for  by  reason  of  some  defect  in  the  fine,  wch  was  ac- 
knowledged by  you  before  you  went  over ; for  by  that  the 
ffeoffees  had  power  to  convey  only  the  mannour,  wcl1  by  the 
wrigh tings  apeares  to  be  little  above  one  hundred  acres,  because 
all  that  wcl1  hath  beene  laid  out  in  ioynter,  is  severed  fro  the 
Mannour,  & canot  now  passe  by  the  name  of  Manerin:  Besides 
the  royalties  were  omitted  in  the  fine,  this  Mr.  Gurdons  Coun- 
sell had  not  found  out  till  the  end  of  the  terme,  when  they  were 
ready  to  have  sealed  the  wrightings.  Our  agrement  now  is  that 
the  ffeoffees  shall  give  possession  of  the  whole,  & he  is  to  pay 
downe  100011  before  next  terme,  & 1000’1  more  at  or  Lady,  & 
to  retaine  180011  till  the  returne  of  a fine  to  be  acknowledged  by 
you  there,  & after  by  my  mother  & us  heere.  By  reason  of  this  I 
say  I have  beene  both  disappointed  of  monies  for  the  payment 
of  debts  & making  any  provitions,  as  I was  determined  ; & also 
or  Journey  is  of  necessity  protracted  till  we  heare  from  you 
againe  & receive  the  dedimus  potestatem  & concordance  & Inden- 
ture, executed  there  by  you  ; for  till  you  have  acknowledged  the 
fine,  my  mothers  will  not  be  accepted,  therefore  for  the  more 
certainty  hereof  we  have  taken  out  3 dedimus  potestate , to  send  to 
you  by  three  severall  passages  one  whereof  together  wth  a Con- 


70 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


cordance,  & an  Indenture  to  lead  the  uses,  I send  you  together 
with  these,  the  other  shalbe  sent  as  God  shall  give  opportunity : 
or  Counsells  direction  for  the  execution  of  them,  wch  they  desire 
you  to  observe  is  this  ; first,  that  the  Indenture  to  leade  the  uses 
be  first  sealed  & delivered  by  you,  before  you  doe  acknowledge 
the  fine  (Mr  Gurdon  desireth  that  Mr.  Ludlow  & goodman 
Kingsbury  of  Assingto  be  2 of  the  witnesses  to  it)  : secondly 
that  the  Comissioners  that  shall  there  execute  the  Dedimvs,  doe 
deliver  into  many  of  the  passingers  hands  or  sailers,  ioyntly, 
that  one  may  be  living  to  make  affidavit  of  it  heere,  if  the  other 
should  die : and  such  as  may  come  to  Lond5  for  that  purpose. 
You  may  please  to  send  it  to  my  uncle  Downings,  & besides  give 
notice  by  some  other  letter  to  me  or  some  other  by  what  ship  & 
what  person  it  is  sent,  also  what  persons  there  be  that  may  make 
affidavit.  Thirdly  that  if  all  the  three  Dedimus  come  to  your 
hands  that  you  acknowledge  them  all,  & first  seale  & deliver 
theire  Indentures.  The  first  that  cometh  to  our  hands  will 
serve,  the  other  we  shall  cancell.  We  have  now  peace  w‘h 
Spaine,  wch  I chceive  may  be  a great  helpe  to  the  plantation,  in 
or  freer  passing  to  & fro,  & vent  for  fish  & helping  us  wth  Cat- 
tell  at  easier  rates,  & I hope  store  of  Corne  too  wcb  I shall 
certify  you  of  further  heerafter.  I have  but  short  notice  of  this 
occation,  & hope  to  have  another  suddenly.  So  for  prsent 
desiring  your  praiers  & blessings  I rest, 

"Your  Obedient  Sonne  "John  Winthrop. 

" My  mother,  God  be  thanked,  is  in  good  health  but  doth  not 
know  of  this  suddaine  occation  of  writing  : my  brothers  & sisters 
& the  rest  of  or  friends  are  well.  I remember  my  love  to  my 
brothers,  & my  service  to  Mr  Johnson  & the  rest  of  the  gentle- 
men. 

" Mr.  Cradock  hath  procured  the  200li  to  be  continued  till 
March,  lie  is  very  ill,  being  not  cured  of  a hurte  wch  he  received 
m his  scull  in  summer.  Mr.  Burrows  sonne  saith  you  owe  him 
4U  besides  the  30h  12s  for  wch  he  had  the  bill.  I have  not  yet 
rec'1  mony  for  Sr  Richards  fraught : the  rest  is  all  paid.  I am 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


71 


much  beholding  to  Mr  Kerby,  he  lent  me  100u  freely  till 
Christmas  ; I should  otherwise  beene  much  shortened,  for  the 
fraught.” 


John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to  his  Father. 

“ To  the  right  wor11  my  much  honored  father  John  Winthrop  Esq.  Gov- 
ern or  of  the  Mattachusetts,  In  New-England. 

“London  April:  16:  1631. 

" SE, — My  humble  duty  remembred  unto  you,  may  you  please 
to  understand  y‘,  since  my  last  letters,  weh  I sent  by  Mr  Aller- 
ton,  wherein  I wrote  you  word  that  we  had  not  yet  any  Chap- 
man for  your  lands,  we  are  come  this  last  weeke  to  an  agreement 
about  it,  wth  one  Mr.  Warren,  a grocer  of  this  Citty,  an  ac- 
quaintance of  goodman  Pips  & goodman  Lambert,  & by  them 
procured  to  deale  for  it.  He  hath  but  newly  carried  the  writ- 
ings to  his  Counsell,  & therefore  we  have  no  certaine  answeare 
whether  he  will  goe  through  but  expect  this  next  weeke,  & I 
hope  I shall  have  occasion  to  wright  you  of  the  conclusion  of  it 
before  this  ship  (the  Friendship)  shall  sett  saile  from  Barsta- 
ble.  The  price  we  have  agreed  for  is  4200u  whereof  2000u  to 
be  paid  at  midsommer,  the  rest  at  six  & six  monthes,  my  mother 
to  continue  in  the  house  till  next  spring.  Since  Mr  Gurdon 
broke  off  we  have  had  3 or  4 about  it  but  none  would  offer 
above  4000n.  I have  paid  Mr.  Gurdon  200!i  of  his  six  hun- 
dred whereof  100'1  I borrowed  of  my  uncle  Downing,  & 100u 
of  Mr.  Kerby : another  100u  I must  paye  him  as  soone  as  I 
can  procure  it,  & the  other  3 hundred  I shall  have  till  mid 
soiher  payinge  use  for  it : 

" When  this  ship  went  first  out  (wch  was  soone  after  Christide, 
of  wch  & their  coming  backe  Mr  Hatherly  the  bearer  hereof  cau 
better  informe  you)  I sent  wth  it  diverse  letters  & a dedimus  po- 
testatem,  to  acknowledge  a fine,  wth  advise  in  my  letters  of  the 
reason  we  were  forced  to  a dedimus  for  a new  fine.  I give  Mr. 
Hatherly  directions  to  enquire  out  these  letters  & dedimus,  & 
receive  them  of  the  Mr  of  the  ship  or  whom  else  Mr.  Aller- 


72 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


ton  delivered  them  to,  hut  least  those  letters  should  miscarry  I 
will  againe  set  downe  wherein  their  Counsell  find  your  fine  and 
Deed  to  the  feoffees  defective,  they  havinge  not  power  to  give 
assurance  of  the  whole  estate  to  the  buyer.  The  former  fine 
ronveying  most  of  the  lands  by  the  name  mannor,  now  they  say 
that  whatsoever  hath  beene  severed  from  the  mannor  heretofore 
by  any  Joynters,  that  cannot  passe  under  the  name  of  mannr, 
therefore  we  were  forced  to  take  out  a new  dedimus  for  you  to 
acknowledge  a fine  in  New-England,  wch  was  done  whilst  we 
were  agreed  wth  Mr.  Gurdon  for  it,  & therefore  made  to  him : 
but  it  is  as  good  though  now  we  sell  it  to  another.  We  sent 
another  dedimus  by  Mr  Allerton,  & reserve  one  still  to  be  sent 
by  some  other  ship  when  there  be  occation,  having  taken  out  3 
lest  one  or  other  might  miscarry.  They  can  make  no  full  assur- 
ance of  your  land  till  they  receive  backe  one  of  them,  therefore 
desire  they  may  be  sent  backe  wth  the  first. 

" W e now  expect  wth  longinge  to  heare  from  you  of  your 
health  & welfare,  & of  the  Company  wth  you,  and  are  much 
grieved  that  we  have  beene  hindred  from  our  intended  Voyage 
this  spring.  My  mother,  brothers  & sisters,  & all  our  friends  at 
Groton,  are  well.  I received  letters  from  them  this  weeke,  but 
they  know  not  of  this  occasion  of  wrighting  to  you,  for  I knew 
not  of  it  myself  till  yesterday : we  are  all  well  heere  save  my 
aunt  Downing  who  hath  still  a quartaine  ague  but  goeth  abroad 
upon  her  well  daies.  My  wife  remembreth  her  duty  to  you; 
my  uncle  & aunt  Downing  remember  their  love  unto  you. 
Thus  desiring  your  praiers  & blessing  I comend  you  to  the  tui- 
tion of  the  Allmighty  & humbly  take  my  leave. 

" Your  obedient  Sonne  "John  Winthrop. 

" The  Spaniard  hath  a mighty  fleete  prepared  to  goe  ngt  the 
Dutch  at  Parnambuco,  who  are  very  strong  there,  & have  sent 
out  strong  fleets,  also.  You  will  have  the  newes  of  France  in 
my  uncle  Downings  letters  by  Mr.  Allerton  : the  French  Kings 
brother  is  wth  the  Duke  Lorraine.  The  King  of  Sweden  prvail- 
eth  in  Germany,  he  hath  lately  given  Tilly  an  overthrow  w‘h  a 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


73 


small  army  ag1  his  mighty  army.  Some  say  he  received  some 
light  wounds  in  pursuite  of  Tilly,  & had  his  horse  slaine  under 
him.  The  Duke  of  Bavaria  is  dead,  and  the  protestant  pro vinces 
have  appointed  a diet  at  Leipsic,  it  is  hoped  they  will  doe  some- 
thin? for  the  Palsgrave. 

" Corne  was  once  risen  heere  to  14  & 15s  a bushell,  but  now 
is  fallen  to  11  & 12s. 

" We  have  had  hitherto  a very  seasonable  tyme,  & likelihood 
of  a very  fruitfull  yeare.” 


John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to  his  Father. 

“ To  the  right  wor11  my  much  honoured  father  John  Winthrop  Esqr. 

Governor  of  the  Massachusetts  In  New-Enga. 

“ London  April  30.  1631. 

" SR, — My  humble  duty  remembered  unto  you,  may  you 
please  to  understand  that  Mr  Peirce  wth  all  his  company  arrived 
heere  in  health  & safety  yesterday  being  the  29th  of  this  p’sent, 
by  whome  I received  the  Joyfull  & welcome  newes  of  your 
health,  & welfare  to  my  great  comfort.  Your  letters  were 
sesonable  to  give  satisfaction  to  many,  that  they  were  of  soe 
fresh  date,  & brought  relation  of  a winter  wholy  passed.  My 
uncle  Downing  is  very  well  satisfied  wth  your  reasons  you  give 
him  for  the  Country.  We  had  once  made  an  agreement  wth  some 
m'chants  & Captaine  Cleyborne  for  to  deliver  100  tunnes  of 
Indian  wheat  fro  Virginia  to  you,  wch  they  had  covenanted  to 
deliver  before  or  soone  after  harvest,  the  Copy  of  weh  agreement 
I thinke  Mr  Humfries  sent  over  by  Mr  Allerton,  wch  was 
intended  but  hath  not  yet  beene  sealed  by  us.  My  uncle 
Downing  Mr  Humfry  & myselfe  were  the  undertakers  in  it,  but 
now  the  ship  having  delaied  her  getting  forth  so  long  so  as  we 
could  not  see  it  possible  to  be  delivered  so  soone,  we  have 
broken  off  that  covenant,  & my  uncle  Downing  & myself  doe 
covenant  wth  them  fourty  tunne,  whereof  20  is  for  your  selfe, 
the  other  20  is  for  my  uncle  D ownings  owne  account,  weh  if  it 
be  delivered  unto  you  he  desires  you  to  keepe  his  20  tunne  safe 

VOL.  II.  10 


74 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


till  you  lieare  further  from  him.  Mr.  Humfry  will  likewise  send 
twenty  tunne  & Mr.  Cottington  20  : likewise  Mr.  Cradock  20, 
& others,  but  we  shall  wright  you  particularly  thereof  by  the 
ship  that  bringeth  it,  wch  is  the  Atfrica,  whereof  Capt : Cley- 
borne  is  Comander.  He  & the  mrchants  that  set  him  out  offer 
us  to  bring  what  corne  we  will  for  fish,  & for  this  would  take 
fysh  of  you  if  you  could  provide  it  for  them.  This  corne  we 
understand  they  buy  of  the  natives  there  for  trucke,  there  is 
great  store  all  alongst  the  Coast,  from  a little  to  the  southward 
of  you  to  Florida  & beyond,  etc,  & to  be  had  for  toyes,  beads, 
copper,  tooles,  knives,  glasses  & such  like.  Concerning  your 
land  I can  add  little  to  that  I wrote  about  a fourtnight  since, 
wch  I suppose  will  come  to  your  hands  wth  these,  by  Mr  Hather- 
ly.  We  expect  all  the  feoffees  in  towne  together  this  weeke, 
then  I thinke  we  shall  make  a full  Conclusion  wth  Mr  Warren, 
or  breake  off : our  occasions  requiring  monies  for  the  satisfying 
of  such  monies  as  are  owing,  & the  want  of  full  power  in  the 
feoffees  for  the  giving  of  assurance  in  the  whole,  & the  uncer- 
tainty of  the  tyme  of  the  returne  of  the  fine  from  you,  puts  us 
upon  much  disadvantage  in  the  sale.  Mr  Peirse  is  very  earnest 
to  have  us  goe  over  this  sumer,  & we  are  all  as  earnest  and 
desirous  to  goe,  but  I feare  it  wilbe  so  long  ere  the  fine  I sent 
to  you  doe  returne,  that  it  wilbe  too  late  in  the  yeare.  My  mo- 
ther, brothers  & sisters,  & the  rest  of  or  freinds  at  Groton  are 
well,  we  heard  from  them  this  weeke,  they  have  yet  scarce  the 
letters  from  you,  I sent  them  away  yesterday  as  soone  as  I 
received  them.  My  wife  hath  beene  heere  wth  me  awhile  but  is 
now  going  downe  againe,  having  acknowledged  satisfaction  to  the 
Court  of  Aldermen  for  her  portion.  She  remembreth  her  duty 
to  you.  I should  be  larger  & write  of  other  things  but  I feare 
the  ship  may  be  gone,  or  my  letter  otherwise  miscarry  before  it 
cometh  to  Mr.  Hatherly,  for  the  day  is  past  wch  they  apointed  to 
be  gone,  but  I would  howsoever  adventure  these  that  you  might 
understand  of  the  receipt  of  yours,  & those  other  particulars. 
Thus  wth  my  duty  againe  remembred,  desiring  your  praiers  & 
blessing,  I comend  you  to  Gods  protection  & rest 

" Your  Obedient  Sonne,  " John  Winthrop. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


75 


"My  uncle  Downing  desireth  you  to  buy  6 goats  for  Mr 
Sewell  & three  sowes  : the  goats  he  hath  agreed  for  at  40s  a 
peice  & the  sowes  at  30  shillings  apeice,  & to  deliver  them  all 
to  goodman  Perkins  for  Mr  Seawell.  For  Cowes  my  uncle 
Downing  doth  referre  it  to  you,  whether  you  thinke  he  shall 
need  have  any  more,  for  Mr.  Allerton  is  to  deliver  him  six  &c. 
He  & my  aunt  remember  their  loves  to  you,  she  is  not  yet  ridd 
of  hir  ague,  but  on  her  well  dayes  goeth  abroad,  having  2 daies 
well  & one  sicke  &c.  The  bill  wch  you  sent  from  Mr  John 
Dillingham  of  9U  will  not  be  paid,  for  Iris  kinsman  to  whom  he 
sent  it  refuseth  to  pay  it,  & tells  me  he  knoweth  not  what  is 
become  of  his  brother. 

" Postscript. 

" For  those  Goats  & sowes  wch  my  uncle  Downing  desires 
you  to  buy  for  him  to  be  delivered  to  goodman  Perkins  for  Mr. 
Seawell,  he  desires  you  not  to  give  above  the  prises  before 
written,  for  soe  he  giveth  to  Mr.  Allerton  for  those  he  is  to 
deliver  him,  & thinketh  you  may  have  them  so  at  Plymouth.” 

In  the  two  last  of  these  letters,  the  younger  Winthrop 
alludes  to  his  wife.  He  had  been  married  to  his  cousin, 
Martha  Fones,  on  the  8th  of  February,  163 1.1  And 
here  we  have  two  letters  from  his  mother,  — one  of  them 
to  his  wife,  and  the  other  to  himself,  — addressed  to 
them  while  they  were  in  London,  and  evidently  belong- 
ing to  this  period,  though  unhappily  without  date : — 


1 I find  among  the  family  papers  a license  from  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
allowing  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  and  Martha  Fones,  to  be  married,  without  further  publi- 
cation, either  in  the  parish  Church  at  Groton,  or  in  the  Church  of  St.  Lawrence  at  Ipswich. 
It  is  dated  the  20th  of  February,  1629.  This  looks  as  if  they  had  intended  to  be  married 
before  the  Governor  sailed  for  America.  But  if  the  date  given  by  Mr.  Savage  from 
the  Groton  records,  and  adopted  in  the  text,  be  correct,  there  was  doubtless  some  good 
reason  for  its  postponement  to  the  following  year.  The  license  is  in  Latin,  very  much 
abbreviated;  and  I am  indebted  to  Charles  Folsom,  Esq.,  for  deciphering  and  translat- 
ing it.  It  is  signed  by  Nicholas  Weston,  Registrar,  and  by  Nathaniel  Brent,  the  translator 
of  the  History  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  who  was  at  this  time  Vicar-General  of  the 
Archbishop. 


76 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


Margaret  W hit  hr  op  to  Martha  Winthrop. 

“ To  hir  very  lovinge  daughter  Mrs.  Martha  Winthrop,  these  dd. 

" Lovinge  Daughter,  — I am  sory  that  time  did  so  pre- 
vent me,  as  I could  not  right  to  thee  by  the  caryer,  but  have- 
inge  now  another  mesenger  I must  neede  right  a word  or  two, 
though  I haue  no  matter  of  wayte  to  impart  to  you,  onely  an 
intercorce  of  love  betwene  us  wch  will  take  all  ocasions  to  shewe 
it  selfe  wheare  it  finds  good  entertainement.  I doe  very  much 
and  often  wish  for  my  deare  sonne  and  yourselfe,  for  my  owne 
comfort,  but  in  regard  of  his  manyfoulde  imployments  I must 
the  more  patiently  beare  his  longe  abcence.  I think  now  the 
time  the  longer  the  nearer  it  approaches  for  newes  from  New 
England.  I shalbe  the  more  ioyfidl  when  it  comes  if  it  be 
good,  or  if  it  be  bad  the  more  oppressed  with  grefe.  I hope  I 
shall  heare  shortly,  when  yor  horsses  shall  come  up.  If  my  sonne 
haue  setled  his  busines,  but  I thinke  he  cannot  [torn]  much 
before  [tom,  a whole  line]  can  heare,  he  may  come  downe  and 
bringe  you  and  goe  up  againe,  but  I shall  leaue  it  to  his  own 
descresion.  I thanke  God  we  are  all  heare  in  health.  My 
daughter  Winthrop  is  much  imployed  in  her  surgurye1  and  hath 
very  good  successe.  My  cosin  Anne  is  gone  home  to  hir  mo- 
ther, and  so  my  companye  is  less  in  the  parler.  You  had  neede 
come  home  to  helpe  to  increace  it  againe.  My  daughter,  Mary, 
I thinke  liked  hir  coote  well.  I am  shure  I did  and  thanke 
you  for  it.  I am  now  shortned  in  time  which  makes  my  pen 
rune  faster  than  my  wit.  And  thus  with  my  best  love  to  thy 
good  Husband,  my  brother  and  sister  Downinge,  thy  owne  selfe, 
and  all  the  rest  of  my  frends  I commit  you  to  God. 

" Your  lovinge  mother  " Margaret  Winthrope. 

"Deane  and  Sam  and  Anne2  remember  thear  respect  as  well 
as  thay  can.” 


1 Hemy’s  widow,  it  would  seem,  was  occupying  herself  with  some  sort  of  medical 
practice. 

2 Anne  was  the  new-born  daughter,  — born  after  her  father’s  departure,  and  destined 
to  die  before  she  should  have  reached  him. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


77 


Margaret  Winthrop  to  her  Son  John. 

“ To  her  much  respected  and  very  lovinge  Sonne  Mr.  John  Winthrope 
at  Mr.  Downing’s  house  neare  Fleete  Condite,  these  be  dd. 

"My  good  Sonne,  — I am  glad  to  heare  of  thy  welfayre, 
and  hope  shortly  to  be  refreshed  by  thy  presence,  wctl  I much 
desyre.  I hope  thou  wilt  be  that  welcome  messenger  that  will 
bringe  me  good  ty dings  from  a far  countrye,  wch  wil  make  our 
meetinge  the  more  comfortable.  I received  thy  lovinge  letter 
this  weeke  and  thanke  thee  for  it.  I feare  Mr.  Warren  will  doe 
as  the  rest  haue  done  when  he  hath  confered  wth  his  counsell,  and 
yet  in  my  conceyte  he  is  the  most  likely  man  of  any  yet.  This 
daye  I received  a letter  from  my  brother  Tyndall , who  remembers 
his  love  most  kindly  to  you  and  your  wife.  Thinkinge  you  had 
bine  at  home,  he  sent  to  know  what  newes  from  N : E : and  to 
knowe  whether  there  were  anythinge  doen  conserninge  the  land. 
He  hath  ocasion  to  be  at  London  this  terme.  You  may  if  you 
thinke  fit  acquaint  him  with  yor  proseedings  wth  Mr.  Warren. 
I thanke  the  Lord  we  are  all  heare  in  resonable  good  health. 
I pray  tell  my  daughter  I thanke  hir  for  hir  letter,  and  my 
boyes  inkehorne.  I rote  to  hir  the  other  day  by  Samuell  Gos- 
linge  and  desyre  to  be  nowe  excused  haveing  other  ocasions.  I 
shall  haue  some  other  opertunitye  are  longe.  And  thus  wth  my 
lovinge  affections  remembred  to  thy  selfe,  thy  sweet  wife, 
my  brother  and  sister  Downinge,  all  my  cosins  and  frends,  I 
leaue  thee  and  commit  thee  to  God,  resting 
" Thy  very  lovinge  mother 

"Margaret  Winthrope. 

“ April  29. 

" Your  sisters  and  brothers  remember  theare  love.  My  bro- 
ther and  sister  Goslinge  remember  thear  salutations.  All  the 
rest  of  yor  frends  desyre  to  be  remembred.” 

The  negotiations  for  the  sale  of  the  family  homestead 
to  “ Mr.  Warren”  were  undoubtedly  consummated;  as 


78 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


we  learn  that  Groton  Manor,  about  this  time,  became 
the  seat  of  the  Waring s.  We  know  not  which  was  the 
right  spelling  of  the  name.1  The  appraisement  of  the 
property  by  the  Governor,  before  his  departure,  was 
<£5,760  ; but  the  price  obtained  for  it  seems  to  have 
been  only  £4,200.  This  was  but  the  beginning  of  the 
pecuniary  losses  and  sacrifices  to  which  he  cheerfully 
submitted  in  the  cause  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony. 
But  pecuniary  losses  were  the  least  of  his  trials. 

We  come  next  to  an  event  which  must  have  cast  no 
little  gloom  over  the  Groton  household,  and  which  was 
destined  to  bring  fresh  sorrow  to  the  heart  of  our  Mas- 
sachusetts Governor,  when  the  tidings  should  reach  him. 
We  have  seen  that  he  said  in  one  of  his  letters  to  his 
son  John  (given  in  our  last  chapter),  “ I never  had  letter 
yet  from  your  brother  Forth.”  He  little  dreamed  the 
reason,  and  was  still  looking  to  hear  from  him,  or  to  wel- 
come his  arrival  in  New  England.  Forth  had  been 
educated  at  Emanuel  College,  Cambridge ; and  was  al- 
ready engaged  to  be  married  to  Ursula  Sherman,  the 
daughter  of  his  aunt  Fones.2  He  was  an  affectionate 
son,  and  earnestly  intent  upon  aiding  his  father  in  the 
great  work  in  which  he  had  embarked.  The  following 
letter  from  him  to  his  brother  John  seems  to  show  that 
he  was  the  first  to  obtain  positive  information  of  his 
father’s  safe  arrival  in  New  England : — 


1 Excursions  in  Suffolk,  vol.  i.  p.  78.  In  an  old  family  record,  dated  1740,  the  ma- 
nor is  said  to  have  been  sold  to  “ Mr.  Manwaring,  Alderman  of  London.” 

2 See  Life  and  Letters  of  John  Winthrop,  p.  361,  vol.  i.,  foot-note. 


of  john  winthrop. 


79 


Forth  Winthrop  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

“ To  his  loving  Brother  Mr.  John  Winthrop  at  Groton  these.  Suff. 

"Most  Loving  Brother, — The  great  desire  I Lave  to 
heare  of  all  or  friends  wealfare  wth  you,  having  never  heard  from 
you  since  I came  downe,  & the  great  love  where  wUl  I am 
bound  to  you  for  all  yor  true  brotherly  kindnesses  makes  me  to 
neglect  noe  convenient  occasion  whereby  I might  understand  the 
one  & make  in  some  poore  measure  apparent  the  other  : W e have 
certaine  newes  of  my  fathers  safe  arivall  in  N : E : the  13  of 
June  : by  a shippe  that  came  to  Bristoll  from  the  plantation  in 
new  Plimmouth;  we  doe  dayly  expect  more  shippes:  Thus  being 
in  some  hast  desiring  you  to  remember  my  duty  to  my  mother, 
Uncle  & Aunt  Gostling,  & Uncle  & Aunt  Downing,  when  you 
see  them,  my  harty  love  to  my  sister  Martha,  sister  Winthrop 
& sister  Mary,  Cosen  Jem,  Tho.  Arkisden,  & all  the  rest  of  or 
friends  with  you,  Hoping  shortly  to  heare  from  you,  wth  my  best 
respects  to  yorselfe,  I rest 

" Yor  ever  loving  Brother 

" Forth  Winthrop. 

"My  Cosen  Ursula  is  about  writing  to  all  her  friends  wth  you  ; 
in  the  meane  time  she  remembers  her  duty  & love.” 

This  letter  is  without  date  of  place  or  period,  but  was 
probably  written  from  Exeter,  about  the  same  time  with 
the  following  letter  from  his  brother.  The  one  was 
doubtless  an  answer  to  the  other. 


John  Winthrop , Jr.,  to  Forth  Winthrop. 

" Loving  Brother,  — I receyved  2 letters  from  you  since 
you  went  to  Exeter,  the  one  whereof  came  not  many  daies 
since  to  my  hands  ; we  all  heere  reioyce  to  heare  of  your  & the 
rest  of  or  friends  welfare  there.  My  Uncle  Downing,  & all  his 


so 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


company,  have  beene  out  of  towne  ever  since  you  went  so  as  I 
have  not  knowne  how  to  convey  a letter  to  you,  (they  are  not 
wUl  us  but  theire  children  came  lately  from  Layer  Marnay 
not  having  then-  health  there  but  are  now  well  restored).  We 
are  all  heere  in  good  health,  but  it  is  a very  sickly  tyme,  agues 
very  frequent  every  where  about  us.  My  Aunt  (dost  1 in  was 
delivered  of  a daughter  this  day  seven  night  in  the  morning. 
We  have  not  yet  heard  any  particular  newes  from  New  England 
but  dayly  expect ; if  you  heare  before  us  let  us  partake.  Thus 
wth  my  affectionate  love  to  your  selfe  & your  alter  idem  remem- 
bred,  whome  I should  remeber  wth  a particular  letter,  if  I were 
certaine  of  the  safe  conveiance.  I desire  you  to  remeber  my 
duty  to  my  Uncle  & Aunt  Painter,  & am  desired  to  remember 
my  mothers  love  to  them  & yourselfe,  wth  my  cozen  Martha  & 
my  sisters  love  to  you  & my  cozen  Ursula,  & their  duty  to  my 
Uncle  & Aunt,  I rest 

" Your  loving  brother,  " John  Winthrop. 

“Groton.  Aug:  25  1630. 


"Your  last  letter  was  not  dated. 

" I have  not  yet  bargained  wth  any  about  your  land.  My 
cozen  Forth1  would  have  it  but  I have  not  lately  heard  from 
him ; in  your  next  let  us  have  directions  from  you  whether  & 
how  to  proceed.” 

One  more  little  glimpse  of  Forth  is  found  in  the  fol- 
lowing letter  to  his  sister  Mary,  on  hearing  of  the  sad 
death  of  Henry  in  New  England : — 

Forth  Winthrop  to  Mary  Winthrop. 

"Loving  Sister,  — You  draw  in  the  same  yoake  wth  us, 
you  laboure  under  the  same  burthen,  & are  afflicted  wth  the 
same  Crosse.  Be  it  therefore  yor  wisdome  (as  I know  it  is)  to 


I One  of  the  nephews  of  the  Governor’s  first  wife. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


81 


let  yor  demeanour  soe  clearly  shine  through  this  cloudy  tempest, 
as  or  distressed  sister  may  read  comfort  in  yor  eyes  & consola- 
tion in  yor  speeches  : We  are  all  well  here  (blessed  be  God,) 
though  very  sorrowfull.  My  Cozen  Ursula  remembers  her 
affectionate  love  to  you.  I hope  shortly  to  see  you ; in  the 
meane  time,  wth  my  true  love  to  you,  I rest 
" Yor  truely  loving  brother 

"Forth  Winthrop. 

“Exon.  Septem  25  1630. 

" Remember  my  love  to  my  sister  Mary,  Cozen  Anne,  the 
mayds  &c.  Remember  me  to  all  at  my  Uncle  Gostlings  & to 
Sr  Arkisden.”1 

Forth  Winthrop  may  have  been  preparing  himself  for 
the  ministry,  in  conformity  noth  the  wish  expressed  by 
his  father  while  he  was  still  at  Cambridge ; and  he  was 
evidently  contemplating  an  early  marriage,  with  a view  to 
coming  over  to  New  England.  But  the  following  touch- 
ing letter  from  his  mother  to  her  son  John  completes  the 
story  of  his  brief  career,  and  furnishes  an  authentic  and 
beautiful  tribute  to  his  character  : — 


Margaret  Winthrop  to  John  Winthrop , Jr. 

“ To  my  very  loving  sonne  Mr.  John  Winthrop  at  Mr.  Downings  house 
in  Fleete  Streete  neere  the  Conduit  at  the  signe  of  the  Bishop  these 
deliver  in  London. 

"Lovtnge  Sonne, — I am  soiy  I can  not  right  to  thee  so 
cherefully  as  I should  if  God  had  not  visited  us  with  this  stroke 
of  my  sonnes  death.  The  thoughts  of  him  doe  so  take  up  my 
minde,  that  I am  not  lit  for  other  imployment.  But  it  is  the 


1 Thomas  Archisden  had  been  Forth’s  chum  at  Cambridge.  He  had  now  probably 
become  a curate;  and  thus,  after  the  fashion  of  the  day,  was  styled  Sir. 

VOL.  II.  11 


82 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


Lord  that  hath  done  it,  & we  must  submit  to  his  will.  I did 
not  expect  the  ende  of  his  dayse  had  bine  so  neere  ; if  I bad  I 
would  have  sent  for  you,  to  have  taken  your  last  leave  of  him. 
I thanke  the  Lord  he  dyed  very  comfortabley,  and  was  all  the 
time  of  his  sicknes  very  well  affected,  and  did  use  many  good 
speaches  to  myselfe  and  others,  that  gave  us  assurance  that  he 
was  the  child  of  God,  and  that  God  had  fitted  him  for  himselfe. 
He  told  me  the  onely  cause  that  he  did  desyre  life  for  was  that 
he  mite  gloryfy  God,  and  spend  those  gifts  which  God  had 
given  him  to  better  use  then  formerly  he  had  done ; with  many 
promyses  that  if  God  did  spare  his  life  he  would  never  folloe 
the  vanytyes  of  this  world.  The  day  before  he  dyed  he  sayd 
that  Sathan  was  busy  with  him  to  laye  some  sines  to  his  charge  ; 
but  the  Lord  gave  him  powre  against  him,  so  as  he  told  me  not 
many  owres  before  his  death,  that  his  fayth  was  steadfast  in  God 
through  Jesus  Christ  for  his  salvation. 

" I will  not  saye  any  more  of  him  at  this  tyme ; the  Lord 
give  us  grace  to  make  good  use  of  this  aftlicktion.  I received 
thy  loving  letter  by  my  brother  Gostlinge  and  the  things  you 
sent  this  weeke,  and  I have  nothinge  but  my  thanks  to  returne 
to  thee.  I blesse  God  for  the  good  nuse  from  N : E : . I send 
up  Mr.  Nut  tails  bond  by  this  bearer.  My  mother  Clopton 
would  entreate  you  that  if  you  sell  yor  brothers  land  hir  cosin 
Hubbart  may  helpe  you  with  a chapman  for  it,  or  if  you  let  it 
he  desyres  to  hire  some  part  of  it.  I thinke  longe  to  heare  of 
my  sister  Downings  recovery.  I pray  remember  my  love  to 
them  both,  and  all  my  cosins,  and  thus  with  my  love  and  bless- 
inge  to  thy  selfe,  desyringe  the  Lord  to  keepe  thee,  I rest 
"Your  assured  lovinge  mother 

"Margaret  Winthrope. 

"This  sad  time  hath  made  me  I have  not  spoke  with  Mr  Le, 
but  I doe  not  forgette  it,  but  will  at  convenient  time  know  what 
he  will  doe.” 

This  letter  has  no  date ; but  as  the  parish  register  at 
Groton  records  the  burial  of  Forth  on  the  23d  of  No- 


or  JOHX  WIXTHROP. 


83 


vember,  1630,  there  is  little  room  for  doubt  as  to  the 
month,  or  even  week,  in  which  it  wras  written.  Poor 
Ursula  ! — we  know  not  what  were  her  future  fortunes. 
We  get  but  one  token  more  of  her  after  her  sad  be- 
reavement ; bnt  that  one  is  so  charming,  that  it  must  not 
be  lost  to  our  illustrations  of  the  family  circle  to  which 
she  was  now  doubly  allied,  — one  link  on  earth,  and  one 
in  heaven.  It  was  written  more  than  six  months  after 
her  lover’s  death  ; but  there  is  a mingled  tenderness  and 
frankness  about  it,  which  may  almost  justify  the  excla- 
mation of  Mr.  Savage  in  the  note  which  he  appends  to 
it : “ If  our  language  can  exhibit  any  letter  of  a female 
hand,  earlier  in  date  than  this,  and  more  likely  to  be  read 
with  delight  a thousand  years  after,  it  is  not  within  my 
recollection.”1 


Ursula  Sherman  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

“ To  my  worthy  and  very  loving  Brother,  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  at  Gro- 
ton in  Suffolk. 

"Mr  worthy  axd  beloved  Brother,  — I am  told  by  my 
mother,  — and  she  showed  me  a letter,  which  you  have  very 
kindly  written  to  my  father,  — that  you  will  repay  certain 
money,  that  was  taken  up  in  London,  by  reason  of  my  troubles 
occasioned  by  God’s  providence  in  that  my  so  much  desired 
match  with  your  dearest  brother,  which  the  Lord  otherwise 
ordered,  and  brought  his  estate  into  your  hands.  The  Lord 
prosper  it  unto  you  and  yours.  I shall  truly  pray  for  you,  and 
desire  your  prayers  may  be  before  the  Lord  for  me,  who  am  left 
to  pass  through  the  miseries  of  a troublesome  pilgrimage.  I 
thank  you  for  the  continuance  of  your  love.  My  father  and 
mother  are  very  kind  unto  me,  and  will  not  be  wanting,  I know, 
in  their  love.  But,  though  the  Lord  should  greatly  increase 


1 Winthrop’s  Hist,  of  X.  E.,  vol.  i.  p.  460,  note. 


84 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


your  estate  by  the  loss  of  my  dearest  friend,  and  the  lessening 
of  my  poor  portion,  and  laying  other  hindrances  upon  me,  yet 
shall  I never  think  my  love  ill  settled  upon  one,  that  loved  me 
so  dearly,  though  he  could  leave  me  nothing  but  his  prayers  for 
me  and  the  interest  I have  in  your  love,  whose  kindness  is  so 
clearly  manifested,  like  the  kindness  of  Ruth,  to  the  living  and 
to  the  dead.  The  £30  you  writ  of  was  taken  up  of  my  uncle 
Talley;  besides  which,  the  £10  my  father’s  man  brought  with 
him,  and  the  £5  of  Mr.  Brinscely,  and  £8  from  my  uncle  Down- 
ing, goeth  out  of  that  sum  of  £50  in  his  hands,  which  my 
father  Paynter  was  willing  mother  should  add  to  my  portion, 
which  was  but  £250  before,  for  your  brother.  And  now  that  is 
all  spent,  excepting  very  little.  But  in  all  this  I do  submit  my- 
self patiently  to  the  will  of  God,  and  take  it  as  the  least  part  of 
that  great  affliction.  I do  not  mention  any  of  this  to  press  you, 
good  brother  ; neither  are  you  bound,  but  as  the  consideration 
of  God’s  dealing,  both  with  you  and  your  brother  and  me,  shall 
move  you.  Your  promises  were  your  kindness.  I could  not 
deserve  them,  forlorn  and  desolate  as  I was.  Yet  they  were 
comfortable  in  that  case,  and  I still  thank  you,  and  pray  the 
Lord  to  reward  you. 

"The  mare  I confess  I should  desire  to  get  down,  if  it  might 
stand  with  your  good  liking.  I hope  to  ride  to  Sutton  upon  her 
shortly.  Mr.  Brinscely  knows  how  to  send  her  down  by  the 
carrier.  I am  ashamed  to  put  all  these  things  in  a letter,  which 
your  well  known  love  and  ready  kindness  would  prevent  me  in, 
if  I could  but  see  you,  nay,  hath  prevented.  My  father  and 
mother  desire  to  see  you  all,  if  it  be  possible,  though  they  have 
little  hope,  by  reason  of  my  father’s  employments.  Pray  re- 
member my  unfeigned  love  to  my  sister  your  wife,  and  my  sister 
Elizabeth  Winthrop.  Pray  certify  her,  that  I received  her  lov- 
ing letter,  and  excuse  me  to  her,  that  I have  not  now  written  to 
her.  I should  be  very  thankful,  if  you  would  be  pleased  to  let 
me  hear  from  you,  the  messenger  of  your  welfare  being  always 
welcome,  and  much  rejoicing  the  heart  of  me. 

" Your  ever-loving  sister,  "Ursula  Sherman. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


85 


" My  mother  remembereth  her  love  to  yourself  and  your  wife, 
and  thanks  you  both  for  your  tokens  you  sent  her  by  me.  She 
desires  to  be  excused  for  not  writing  you  at  this  time. 

“From  Exeter,  June  18,  1631.” 

And  thus  we  have  completed  the  chronicles  of  birth, 
death,  and  marriage,  which  have  so  changed  the  condi- 
tion of  the  Groton  household  since  the  Governor  left 
it.  It  only  remains  to  record  the  final  removal  of  that 
household  itself  from  scenes  so  saddened  by  separations 
and  bereavements.  Margaret  Winthrop,  we  may  be  sure, 
was  nothing  loath  to  rejoin  her  husband  after  so  long  an 
absence,  and  after  so  many  trying  experiences  for  them 
both ; and  the  three  letters  which  follow  give  us  a delight- 
ful impression  of  her  courage  and  constancy,  in  view  of 
a voyage  which  had  so  many  terrors  for  others  of  her 
sex. 


Margaret  Winthrop  to  John  Winthrop , Jr. 

"My  dear  Son,  — Blessed  be  our  good  God,  who  hath  not 
failed  us,  but  hath  given  us  cause  of  most  unspeakable  joy,  for 
the  good  news,  which  we  have  heard  out  of  New  England. 
Mr.  Wilson  had  been  with  me  before  thy  letters  came  to  my 
hands,  but  brought  me  no  letter.  He  speaks  very  well  of  things 
there,  so  as  my  heart  and  thoughts  are  there  already.  I want 
but  means  to  carry  my  body  after  them.  I am  now  fully  per- 
suaded, that  it  is  the  place  wherein  God  will  have  us  to  settle  in; 
and  I beseech  him  to  fit  us  for  it,  that  we  may  be  instruments  of 
his  glory  there.  This  news  came  very  seasonably  to  me,  being 
possessed  with  much  grief  for  thee,  hearing  how  things  went 
concerning  thy  wife’s  jointure.  But  now  I have  cast  off  that, 
and  hope  God  will  turn  all  to  the  best.  If  thou  canst  but  send 
me  over  when  Mr.  Wilson  goeth  back,  I shall  be  very,  very  glad 
of  his  company.  If  thy  manifold  employments  will  not  suffer 


86 


LITE  AND  LETTERS 


thee  to  go  with  me,  I shall  be  very  sorry  for  it ; for  I would  be 
glad  to  carry  all  my  company  with  me.  But  I will  not  say  any 
more  of  this  till  I hear  from  thee,  how  things  may  be  done.  I 
pray  consider  of  it,  and  give  me  the  best  counsel  you  can.  Mr. 
Wilson  is  now  in  London,  and  promised  me  to  come  and  see 
you.  He  cannot  yet  persuade  his  wife  to  go,  for  all  he  hath 
taken  this  pains  to  come  and  fetch  her.  I marvel  what  mettle 
she  is  made  of.  Sure  she  will  yield  at  last,  or  else  we  shall  want 
him  exceedingly  in  New  England.  I desire  to  hear  what  news 
my  brother  Downing  hath ; for  my  husband  writ  but  little  to  me, 
thinking  we  had  been  on  our  voyage.  And  thus,  with  my  love 
to  thyself,  my  daughter,  and  all  the  rest  of  my  good  friends,  I 
desire  the  Lord  to  bless  and  keep  you,  and  rest 

" Your  loving  Mother,  "Margaret  Winthrop. 

" I received  the  things  you  sent  down  by  the  carrier  this 
week,  and  thank  my  daughter  for  my  band.  I like  it  well.  I 
must,  of  necessity,  make  me  a gown  to  wear  every  day,  and 
would  have  one  bought  me  of  some  good  strong  black  stuff,  and 
Mr.  Smith  to  make  it  of  the  civilest  fashion  now  in  use.  If  my 
sister  Downing  would  please  to  give  him  some  directions  about 
it,  he  would  make  it  the  better.” 


Margaret  Winthrop  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

“ To  hir  lovinge  and  much  respected  Sonne  Mr.  John  Winthrop  at  Mr. 

Downings  in  Flete  Strete  neare  Flete  Condite  these. 

" My  deare  Sonne,  — Since  it  hath  pleased  God  to  make  a 
waye  for  me,  and  to  give  me  incoragement  for  my  voyage,  and 
upholde  my  hart  that  it  faynts  not,  I doe  resolve  by  his  assist- 
ance to  cast  myselfe  upon  him,  and  to  goe  for  N:  E : as  spedy- 
ly  as  I can  with  any  convenience.  Thearfore,  my  good  sonne, 
let  me  intreate  thee  to  take  order  for  our  goeinge  as  soon  as  thou 
canst,  for  winter  wil  come  on  apace.  Yet  I doe  not  knowe 
liowe  wee  can  goe  weel  before  harvest,  by  resone  of  our  pro- 
visions of  corne.  I did  hearc  from  my  brother  Tyndall,. whose 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


87 


counsell  is  for  to  staye  till  the  springe,  but  I hope  to  breake 
through  that,  & geete  his  good  will.  I did  speake  with  Mr. 
Wilson,  who  was  very  desyrous  to  knowe  when  we  went,  but 
then  I could  not  tell  howe  things  would  falle  out  at  London,  and 
could  not  resolve  him.  If  he  goe  it  must  be  without  his  wife’s 
consent,  for  she  is  more  averce  than  ever  she  was.  If  he  goe 
not  it  will  diskarten  many  that  would  be  wiling  to  goe.  I have 
bin  constrayned  to  send  to  the  tenants  for  rent,  wantinge  monye, 
but  have  received  but  a little  yet.  This  weeke  they  promise  to 
paye.  They  complayne  of  the  hardnesse  of  the  times,  and  would 
be  glad  to  be  forborne,  but  I tell  them  that  my  necessityes  re- 
quires it,  so  I hope  to  gette  in  some.  I thanke  God  my  daugh- 
ter came  home  safe,  & is  very  welcome.  I should  have  bine 
very  glad  to  see  thy  selfe,  but  I knowe  that  thou  art  full  of 
businesse.  I heare  my  sister  Downinge  will  come  downe ; I 
pray  tell  hir  from  me  she  shalbe  very  welcome,  weh  wilbe  kir  best 
intertainement ; so  shall  Mrs.  Downinge,  if  she  pleas  to  bringe 
hir.  And  thus  with  my  best  affections  to  thyselfe,  brother  and 
sister  D.  I commit  you  to  God. 

"Your  lovinge  mother  "Margaret  Winthrop.” 


Margaret  Winthrop  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

“ To  hir  very  lovinge  Sonne  Mr  John  Winthrope  at  Mr.  Downings 
house  neare  fleet  Condite  these,  Londone. 

" Lovinge  Sonne,  — I can  saye  little  of  any  businesse,  hav- 
inge  not  hard  how  you  and  the  ffeeffees  will  agree  with  Mr. 
Warren.  I beinge  not  able  myselfe  to  know  what  wilbe  the 
best  corce  to  take  for  my  voyage,  doe  refer  myselfe  to  you  and 
the  rest  of  my  frends,  to  be  gyded  by  your  good  counseles.  My 
will  is  readdy,  to  goe  as  sone  as  may  be  with  any  conveniency. 
I am  glad  that  thy  selfe  and  the  rest  of  my  companye  are  will- 
inge  to  accompanye  me ; we  shall  al  ioyne  together  I hope,  and 
be  of  one  minde,  to  suffer  what  God  hath  layed  out  for  us, 
and  to  reioyce  together.  I reioyce  much  to  heare  that  Mr.  Cot- 


88 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


tington  beares  such  good  affections  to  my  daughter ; 1 I trust 
theare  wil  be  a further  prosedinge.  I have  heard  him  very  well 
reported  of,  to  be  a religious  man,  and  one  of  good  meanes. 
Mr.  Wilson  had  some  speech  with  me  aboute  it,  and  did  very 
much  desyre  to  knowe  hir  vertues,  I gave  hir  the  best  commen- 
dations that  I could.  I shall  dayly  expect  his  cominge,  he  shal 
be  very  welcome.  My  brother  Tyndall  was  with  me  the  last 
weeke,  and  tolde  me  he  would  be  in  Londone  on  tuseday,  and 
so  I did  not  send  to  him,  knowing  he  would  be  gone.  I send  up 
your  horse  this  weeke,  and  thus  with  my  love  to  my  brother  and 
sister  Downinge,  your  selfe  and  wife  all  the  rest  of  my  friends,  I 
commite  you  to  God  and  rest 

" Your  lovinge  Mother  "Margaret  Winthrop. 

"I  pray  tell  my  daughter  I thanke  hir  for  hir  letter  and 
would  have  written  to  hir  but  that  I hope  to  see  hir  shortly  at 
home. 

"As  soone  as  I had  ritten  these  Mr.  Cottington  came  to  see  us 
but  would  not  stay  all  night.  He  hath  not  yet  made  his  minde 
knowne  to  my  daughter,  but  is  gone  to  Sudbury  to  Mr.  Willson. 
I doe  veryly  beleeve  it  wilbe  a mach,  and  that  she  shalbe  very 
happy  in  a good  Husband.  Commend  me  to  my  brother 
Gostlinge.” 

It  must  have  been  about  the  middle  of  August,  1631, 
when  Margaret  Winthrop,  with  her  infant  daughter,  under 
the  charge  of  her  good  son  John,  and  accompanied  by  all 
the  others  of  her  children  who  had  remained  with  her  in 
England,  except  poor  Forth,  and  Deane2  who  was  left 
behind  at  school,  embarked  in  the  Lion  for  New  Eng- 


1 This  was  the  widow  of  Henry  Winthrop,  who  did  not  marry  Mr.  Coddington  after 
all;  hut  soon  afterwards  became  the  wife  of  Robert  Feake,  Esq.,  who  was  for  many 
years  the  representative  of  Watertown  in  the  Massachusetts  Court  of  Deputies,  and  who 
gave  the  name  to  Mount  Feake,  in  Waltham. — Winthrop' s Hist,  of  N.  E .,  vol.  i.  p.  83, 
and  note. 

2 He  remained  in  England  till  1635 


or  JOHN  WTNTHROP. 


89 


land.  The  voyage  was  as  long  as  that  of  the  Arbella 
the  year  before,  and  was  not  without  the  saddest  experi- 
ences for  a mother’s  heart.  Her  little  daughter  died  on 
the  passage ; and  the  faith  and  fortitude  of  Margaret 
must  have  been  sorely  exercised  when  she  saw  the  tender 
form  of  her  infant  child  committed  to  the  deep.  Happily, 
she  was  not  without  the  consolations  which  her  pious 
fellow -passenger,  the  admirable  John  Eliot,1  was  so 
well  calculated  to  afford.  But  the  Governor  shall  tell 
the  story  in  his  own  words,  as  we  find  them  in  his  Jour 
nal ; and,  though  some  shade  of  sorrow  must  have  been 
mingled  with  the  sunshine,  we  can  easily  conceive  the 
rapture  with  which  he  wrote  them : — 

"November  2.  The  ship  Lyon,  William  Peirce  master, 
arrived  at  Natascot.  There  came  in  her  the  governour’s  wife, 
his  eldest  son,  and  his  wife,  and  others  of  his  children,  and 
Mr.  Eliot,  a minister,  and  other  families,  being  in  all  about 
sixty  persons,  who  all  arrived  in  good  health,  having  been  ten 
weeks  at  sea,  and  lost  none  of  their  company  but  two  children, 
whereof  one  was  the  governour’s  daughter  Ann,  about  one  year 
and  a half  old,  who  died  about  a week  after  they  came  to  sea.” 

Winthrop’s  joy  at  the  safe  arrival  in  New  England  of 
his  wife  and  children  seems  not  to  have  been  unshared 
by  the  colonists.  The  sympathies  of  the  whole  people 
appear  to  have  been  excited  by  the  event,  and  a general 
rejoicing  to  have  pervaded  the  plantation.  An  unfavora- 
ble wind  prevented  the  ship  from  coming  up  fairly  to 
the  shore  until  the  4th  of  November ; and  then  we  find 
the  following  entry  in  the  Journal : — 


VOL.  II. 


1 The  ever-honored  Apostle  to  the  Indians. 
12 


90 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


" 4.  The  governour,  his  wife  and  children,  went  on  shore, 
with  Mr.  Peirce,  in  his  ship’s  boat.  The  ship  gave  them  six  or 
seven  pieces.  At  their  landing,  the  captains,  with  their  com- 
panies in  arms,  entertained  them  with  a guard,  and  divers  vollies 
of  shot,  and  three  drakes  ; and  divers  of  the  assistants  and  most 
of  the  people,  of  the  near  plantations,  came  to  welcome  them, 
and  brought  and  sent,  for  divers  days,  great  store  of  provisions, 
as  fat  hogs,  kids,  venison,  poultry,  geese,  partridges,  etc.,  so  as 
the  like  joy  and  manifestation  of  love  had  never  been  seen  in 
New  England.  It  was  a great  marvel,  that  so  much  people  and 
such  store  of  provisions  could  be  gathered  together  at  so  few 
hours’  warning.” 

Nor  were  these  rejoicings  allowed  to  pass  over  without 
a religious  acknowledgment  of  the  event  which  had 
occasioned  them.  The  very  next  line  of  the  Governor’s 
Journal  is  as  follows  : — 

"11.  We  kept  a day  of  thanksgiving  at  Boston.” 

The  good  news  seems  also  to  have  awakened  the  sym- 
pathies of  the  neighboring  Pilgrim  Colony ; and  the 
?xcellent  Governor  of  Plymouth,  William  Bradford,  took 
occasion,  the  following  week,  to  pay  a visit  of  congratu- 
lation to  “ his  much-honored  and  beloved  friend,”  the 
Governor  of  Massachusetts.  And  thus  with  grateful 
hearts  to  God,  and  amid  the  rejoicings  of  neighbors  and 
friends,  Winthrop  and  his  family,  once  more  re-united, 
are  at  length  established  in  their  humble  New-England 
home. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


91 


CHAPTEE  VI. 

GOVERNOR  WINTHROP’S  CONTROVERSY  WITH  DEPUTY  - GOVERNOR 
THOMAS  DUDLEY. 

We  turn  from  a delightful  picture  of  domestic  re-union 
and  harmony  to  one  of  personal  rivalry  and  political  con- 
tention. It  was  not  the  good  fortune  of  Governor  Win- 
throp  to  escape  from  collisions  and  controversies,  personal 
and  political,  during  his  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the 
infant  Commonwealth.  He  had  no  constitution  to  guide 
him  save  the  general  provisions  of  the  Eoyal  Charter. 
Nor  were  there  any  laws,  save  such  as  were  made  by  the 
General  Court,  from  time  to  time,  to  meet  the  immediate 
exigencies  of  the  Colony.  Under  these  circumstances, 
much  was  necessarily  left  to  the  discretion  of  the  Chief 
Magistrate;  and  there  could  hardly  fail  to  be  differences 
of  opinion  in  regard  to  the  manner  in  which  this  discre- 
tion was  exercised.  There  were  questions,  too,  frequent- 
ly arising,  in  regard  to  the  settling  and  building  up  of 
particular  towns,  and  the  favoring  of  particular  localities, 
which  naturally  involved  more  or  less  of  private  interest 
and  personal  feeling.  Nor  would  it  be  unreasonable  to 
imagine  that  something  of  individual  ambition  and  rival- 
ry may  have  entered  into  the  controversies  of  that  day,  as 
of  all  other  days  since  the  flood. 

As  early  as  April,  1632,  we  find  a record  of  the  com- 
mencement of  a difference  between  Winthrop  and  the 


92 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


Deputy-Governor,  Thomas  Dudley,  which  was  of  no 
short  duration,  and  some  account  of  which  may  serve  to 
throw  light  at  once  on  the  history  of  the  times  and  on 
the  character  and  temper  of  the  parties.  In  his  youth, 
Dudley  is  said  to  have  been  a page  to  the  Earl  of  North- 
ampton, and  afterwards  to  have  commanded  a company 
under  Henry  IV.  of  France  at  the  siege  of  Amiens. 
More  recently,  he  had  been  steward  to  the  Earl  of 
Lincoln,  and  had  been  highly  successful  in  extricating  the 
earl’s  estates  from  the  load  of  debt  with  which  he  had 
found  them  encumbered.1  He  was  a man,  as  Winthrop 
himself  tells  us,  “ of  approved  wisdom  and  godliness, 
and  of  much  good  service  to  the  country.”  But  he  had  a 
strong  will ; was  somewhat  stern  and  rigid  in  disposition ; 
and  probably  had  less  of  the  suaviter  in  modo  than  of 
the  fortiter  in  re.  As  he  was  thirteen  or  fourteen  years 
older  than  Winthrop,  it  is  not  unnatural  or  illiberal  to 
suppose  that  he  may  have  been  somewhat  impatient  at 
being  so  long  subordinate  to  him  in  official  position.  It  is 
true,  that  almost  all  that  we  know  about  this  particular 
controversy  is  derived  from  Winthrop’s  own  Journal,2 
which  must,  of  course,  be  subject  to  all  the  allowances 
of  an  ex-parte  statement.  But  nobody,  who  reads  that 
statement  with  an  unprejudiced  mind,  can  fail  to  ac- 
knowledge that  Dudley’s  side  of  the  case  has  had  full 
justice  done  to  it,  and  that  Winthrop,  in  aiming  at 
impartiality,  frequently  leans  against  himself.  Some  pas- 


1 Mather’s  Magnalia,  chapter  v.,  book  ii.  “The  Sut.t.on-Dudleys  of  England,  and 
the  Dudleys  of  Massachusetts  in  New  England,”  by  George  Adlard,  pp.  24-38. 

2 Hubbard,  in  his  History  of  New  England,  adds  no  new  facts  or  arguments  upon 
this  subject,  and  undoubtedly  derived  all  he  knew  about  it  from  Winthrop’s  manuscript 
Journal,  with  which  he  is  known  to  have  been  familiar. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


93 


sages  of  it  seem  written,  indeed,  rather  in  a spirit  of 
confession  than  of  justification,  and  leave  no  room  and 
no  excuse  for  the  idea  that  he  has  either  extenuated 
any  thing  on  his  own  side,  or  set  down  aught  in  malice 
against  his  opponent.  It  may  be  well  to  give  the  whole 
account  continuously,  so  that  its  true  character  may  not 
be  impaired  by  the  interpolations  of  other  matter,  and 
that  the  agreeable  termination  of  this  protracted  and  un- 
toward strife  among  brethren  may  be  seen  in  immediate 
connection  with  its  rise  and  progress.  It  will  furnish 
also  a good  illustration  of  the  style  and  temper  of  Win- 
throp’s  New-England  Annals. 

"April  3.  At  a court  at  Boston,  tire  deputy,  Mr.  Dudley, 
went  away  before  the  court  was  ended,  and  then  the  secretary 
delivered  the  governour  a letter  from  him,  directed  to  the  gov- 
ernour  and  assistants,  wherein  he  declared  a resignation  of  his 
deputyship  and  place  of  assistant ; but  it  was  not  allowed. 

"At  this  court  an  act  was  made  expressing  the  governour’s 
power,  etc.,  and  the  office  of  the  secretary  and  treasurer,  etc. 

"May  1.  The  governour  and  assistants  met  at  Boston  to 
consider  of  the  deputy  his  deserting  his  place.  The  points  dis- 
cussed were  two.  The  1st,  upon  what  grounds  he  did  it : 2d, 
whether  it  were  good  or  void.  For  the  1st,  his  main  reason 
was  for  public  peace  ; because  he  must  needs  discharge  his  con- 
science in  speaking  freely ; and  he  saw  that  bred  disturbance, 
etc.  For  the  2d,  it  was  maintained  by  all,  that  he  could  not 
leave  his  place,  except  by  the  same  power  which  put  him  hr ; 
yet  he  would  not  be  put  from  his  contrary  opinion,  nor  would 
be  persuaded  to  continue  till  the  general  court,  which  was  to  be 
the  9th  of  this  month. 

"Another  question  fell  out  with  him,  about  some  bargains  he 
had  made  with  some  poor  men,  members  of  the  same  congre- 
gation, to  whom  he  had  sold  seven  bushels  and  an  half  of  corn 
to  receive  ten  for  it  after  harvest,  which  the  governour  and  some 


94 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


others  held  to  be  oppressing  usury,  and  within  compass  of  the 
statute  ; but  he  persisted  to  maintain  it  to  be  lawful,  and  there 
arose  hot  words  about  it,  he  telling  the  governour,  that,  if  he 
had  thought  he  had  sent  for  him  to  his  house  to  give  him  such 
usage,  he  would  not  have  come  there ; and  that  he  never  knew 
any  man  of  understanding  of  other  opinion ; and  that  the  gov- 
ernour thought  otherwise  of  it,  it  was  his  weakness.  The 
governour  took  notice  of  these  speeches,  and  bare  them  with 
more  patience  than  he  had  done,  upon  a like  occasion,  at  another 
time.  Upon  this  there  arose  another  question,  about  his  house. 
The  governour  having  formerly  told  him,  that  he  did  not  well  to 
bestow  such  cost  about  wainscotting  and  adorning  his  house,  in 
the  beginning  of  a plantation,  both  in  regard  of  the  necessity 
of  public  charges,  and  for  example,  etc.,  his  answer  now  was, 
that  it  was  for  the  warmth  of  his  house,  and  the  charge  was  lit- 
tle, being  but  clapboards  nailed  to  the  wall  in  the  form  of  wain- 
scot.” 

These  and  other  speeches,  the  Governor  tells  us,  passed 
before  dinner.  What  passed  after  dinner  had  no  relation 
to  Dudley ; but,  a week  afterwards,  the  controversy  is 
renewed  again,  as  follows  : — 

"May  8.  A general  court  at  Boston.  Whereas  it  was  (at 
our  first  coming)  agreed,  that  the  freemen  should  choose  the  as- 
sistants, and  they  the  governour,  the  whole  court  agreed  now, 
that  the  governour  and  assistants  should  all  be  new  chosen  every 
year  by  the  general  court,  (the  governour  to  be  always  chosen 
out  of  the  assistants ;)  and  accordingly  the  old  governour,  John 
Winthrop,  was  chosen ; accordingly  all  the  rest  as  before,  and 
Mr.  Humffey  and  Mr.  Coddington  also,  because  they  were  daily 
expected. 

"The  deputy  governour,  Thomas  Dudley,  Esq.,  having  sub- 
mitted the  validity  of  his  resignation  to  the  vote  of  the  court,  it 
was  adjudged  a nullity,  and  he  accepted  of  his  place  again,  and 
the  governour  and  he  being  reconciled  the  day  before,  all  things 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


95 


were  carried  very  lovingly  amongst  all,  etc.,  and  the  people  car- 
ried themselves  with  much  silence  and  modesty.” 


And  now  a brief  interval  elapses,  when  we  find  the 
quarrel  breaking  out  afresh  : — 

"August  3.  The  deputy,  Mr.  Thomas  Dudley,  being  still 
discontented  with  the  governour,  partly  for  that  the  governour 
had  removed  the  frame  of  his  house,  which  he  had  set  up  at 
Newtown,  and  partly  for  that  he  took  too  much  authority  upon 
him,  (as  he  conceived,)  renewed  his  complaints  to  Mr.  Wilson 
and  Mr.  Welde,  wTho  acquainting  the  governour  therewith,  a 
meeting  was  agreed  upon  at  Charlestown,  where  were  present 
the  governour  and  deputy,  Mr.  Nowell,  Mr.  Wilson,  Mr. 
Welde,  Mr.  Maverick,  and  Mr.  Warham.  The  conference 
being  begun  with  calling  upon  the  Lord,  the  deputy  began,  — 
that  howsoever  he  had  some  particular  grievances,  etc.  ; yet, 
seeing  he  was  advised  by  those  present  , and  divers  of  the  assist- 
ants, to  be  silent  in  them,  he  would  let  them  pass,  and  so  come 
first  to  complain  of  the  breach  of  promise,  both  in  the  gov- 
ernour and  others,  in  not  building  at  Newtown.  The  governour 
answered,  that  he  had  performed  the  words  of  the  promise  ; for 
he  had  a house  up,  and  seven  or  eight  servants  abiding  in  it,  by 
the  day  appointed  : and  for  the  removing  of  his  house,  he  al- 
leged, that,  seeing  that  the  rest  of  the  assistants  went  not  about 
to  build,  and  that  his  neighbours  of  Boston  had  been  discour- 
aged from  removing  thither  by  Mr.  Deputy  himself,  and  there- 
upon had  (under  all  their  hands)  petitioned  him,  that  (according 
to  the  promise  he  made  to  them  when  they  first  sate  down  with 
him  at  Boston,  viz.,  that  he  would  not  remove,  except  they  went 
with  him)  he  would  not  leave  them;  — this  was  the  occasion 
that  he  removed  his  house.  Upon  these  and  other  speeches  to 
this  purpose,  the  ministers  went  apart  for  one  hour ; then  re- 
turning, they  delivered  their  opinions,  that  the  governour  was 
in  fault  for  removing  of  his  house  so  suddenly,  without  confer- 
ring with  the  deputy  and  the  rest  of  the  assistants ; but  if  the 


LITE  AND  LEXTERS 


bfi 

deputy  were  the  occasion  of  discouraging  Boston  men  from  re- 
moving, it  would  excuse  the  governour  a tanto,  but  not  a toto. 
The  governour,  professing  himself  willing  to  submit  his  own 
opinion  to  the  judgment  of  so  many  wise  and  godly  friends, 
acknowledged  himself  faulty. 

"After  dinner,  the  deputy  proceeded  in  his  complaint,  yet 
with  this  protestation,  that  what  he  should  charge  the  governour 
with,  was  in  love,  and  out  of  his  care  of  the  public,  and  that 
the  things  which  he  should  produce  were  but  for  his  own  satis- 
faction, and  not  by  way  of  accusation.  Then  demanded  he  of 
him  the  ground  and  limits  of  his  authority,  whether  by  the 
patent  or  otherwise.  The  governour  answered,  that  he  was 
willing  to  stand  to  that  which  he  propounded,  and  would  chal- 
lenge no  greater  authority  than  he  might  by  the  patent.  The 
deputy  replied,  that  then  he  had  no  more  authority  than  every 
assistant,  (except  power  to  call  courts,  and  precedency,  for 
honor  and  order).  The  governour  answered,  he  had  more  ; for 
the  patent,  making  him  a governour,  gave  him  whatsoever  power 
belonged  to  a governour  by  common  law  or  the  statutes,  and 
desired  him  to  show  wherein  he  had  exceeded,  etc.  ; and  speak- 
ing this  somewhat  apprehensively,  the  deputy  began  to  be  in 
passion,  and  told  the  governour,  that  if  he  were  so  round,  he 
would  be  round  too.  The  governour  bad  him  be  round,  if  he 
would.  So  the  deputy  rose  up  in  great  fury  and  passion,  and 
the  governour  grew  very  hot  also,  so  as  they  both  fell  into  bit- 
terness ; but,  by  mediation  of  the  mediators,  they  were  soon 
pacified.  Then  the  deputy  proceeded  to  particulars,  as  followeth  : 
" 1st.  By  what  authority  the  governour  removed  the  ordnance 
and  erected  a fort  at  Boston. — The  governour  answered,  that 
the  ordnance  lying  upon  the  beach  in  danger  of  spoiling,  and 
having  often  complained  of  it  in  the  court,  and  nothing  done, 
with  the  help  of  divers  of  the  assistants,  they  were  mounted 
upon  their  carriages,  and  removed  where  they  might  be  of  some 
use : and  for  the  fort,  it  had  been  agreed,  above  a year  before, 
that  it  should  be  erected  there  : and  all  this  was  done  without 
any  penny  charge  to  the  public. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


97 


" 2d.  By  what  authority  he  lent  twenty-eight  pounds  of  pow- 
der to  those  of  Plimouth.  — Governour  answered,  it  was  of  his 
own  powder,  and  upon  their  urgent  distress,  their  own  powder 
proving  naught,  when  they  were  to  send  to  the  rescue  of  their 
men  at  Sowamsett. 

" 3d.  By  what  authority  he  had  licensed  Edward  Johnson  to 
sit  down  at  Merrimack.  — Governour  answered,  that  he  had 
licensed  him  only  to  go  forth  on  trading,  (as  he  had  done  divers 
others,)  as  belonging  to  his  place. 

"4th.  By  what  authority  he  had  given  them  of  Watertown 
leave  to  erect  a wear  upon  Charles  River,  and  had  disposed  of 
lands  to  divers,  etc.  — Governour  answered,  the  people  of  Water- 
town,  falling  very  short  of  corn  the  last  year,  for  want  of  fish,  did 
complain,  etc. , and  desired  leave  to  erect  a wear ; and  upon  this 
the  governour  told  them,  that  he  could  not  give  them  leave,  but 
they  must  seek  it  of  the  court ; but  because  it  would  be  long  be- 
fore the  courts  began  again,  and,  if  they  deferred  till  then,  the 
season  would  be  lost,  he  wished  them  to  do  it,  and  there  was  no 
doubt  but,  being  for  so  general  a good,  the  court  would  allow  of 
it ; and,  for  his  part,  he  would  employ  all  his  power  in  the  court, 
so  as  he  should  sink  under  it,  if  it  were  not  allowed;  and  besides, 
those  of  Roxbury  had  erected  a wear  without  any  license  from 
the  court.  And  for  lands,  he  had  disposed  of  none,  otherwise 
than  the  deputy  and  other  of  the  assistants  had  done,  — he  had 
only  given  his  consent,  but  referred  them  to  the  court,  etc.  But 
the  deputy  had  taken  more  upon  him,  in  that,  without  order  of 
court,  he  had  empaled,  at  Newtown,  above  one  thousand  acres, 
and  had  assigned  lands  to  some  there. 

" 5th.  By  what  authority  he  had  given  license  to  Ratcliff  and 
Grey  (being  banished  men)  to  stay  within  our  limits.  — Gov- 
ernour answered,  he  did  it  by  that  authority,  which  was  granted 
him  in  court,  viz.,  that,  upon  any  sentence  in  criminal  causes, 
the  governour  might,  upon  cause,  stay  the  execution  till  the 
next  court.  Now  the  cause  was,  that,  being  in  the  winter,  they 
must  otherwise  have  perished. 

" 6th.  Why  the  fines  were  not  levied.  — Governour  answered, 

13 


VOL.  II. 


98 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


it  belonged  to  the  secretary  and  not  to  him  : he  never  refused  to 
sign  any  that  were  brought  to  him  ; nay,  he  had  called  upon  the 
secretary  for  it ; yet  he  confessed,  that  it  was  his  judgment,  that 
it  were  not  fit,  in  the  infancy  of  a commonwealth,  to  be  too 
strict  in  levying  fines,  though  severe  in  other  punishments. 

" 7th.  That  when  a cause  had  been  voted  by  the  rest  of  the 
court,  the  governour  would  bring  new  reasons,  and  move  them 
to  alter  the  sentence  : — which  the  governour  justified,  and  all 
approved. 

" The  deputy  having  made  an  end,  the  governour  desired  the 
mediators  to  consider,  whether  he  had  exceeded  his  authority 
or  not,  and  how  little  cause  the  deputy  had  to  charge  him  with 
it ; for  if  he  had  made  some  slips,  in  two  or  three  years’  gov- 
ernment, he  ought  rather  to  have  covered  them,  seeing  he  could 
not  be  charged  that  he  had  taken  advantage  of  his  authority  to 
oppress  or  wrong  any  man,  or  to  benefit  himself ; but,  for  want 
of  a public  stock,  had  disbursed  all  common  charges  out  of  his 
own  estate  ; whereas  the  deputy  would  never  lay  out  one  penny, 
etc.  ; and,  besides,  he  could  shew  that  under  his  hand,  that 
would  convince  him  of  a greater  exceeding  his  authority,  than 
all  that  the  deputy  could  charge  him  with,  viz.,  that  whereas 
Binks  and  Johnson  were  bound  in  open  court  to  appear  at  next 
court  to  account  to,  etc.,. he  had,  out  of  court,  discharged  them 
of  their  appearance.  The  deputy  answered,  that  the  party,  to 
whom  they  were  to  account,  came  to  him  and  confessed  that  he 
was  satisfied,  and  that  the  parties  were  to  go  to  Virginia ; so  he 
thought  he  might  discharge  them. 

" Though  the  governour  might  justly  have  refused  to  answer 
these  seven  articles,  wherewith  the  deputy  had  charged  him, 
both  for  that  he  had  no  knowledge  of  them  before,  (the  meeting 
being  only  for  the  deputy  his  personal  grievances,)  and  also  for 
that  the  governour  was  not  to  give  account  of  his  actions  to  any 
but  to  the  court ; yet,  out  of  his  desire  of  the  public  peace,  and 
to  clear  his  reputation  with  those  to  whom  the  deputy  had 
accused  him,  he  was  willing  to  give  him  satisfaction,  to  the  end 
that  he  might  free  him  of  such  jealousy  as  he  had  conceived, 


OF  JOHN  WINTHKOP. 


99 

that  the  governour  intended  to  make  himself  popular,  that  he 
might  gain  absolute  power,  and  bring  all  the  assistants  under 
his  subjection  ; which  was  very  improbable,  seeing  the  govern- 
our had  propounded  in  court  to  have  an  order  established  for 
limiting  the  governour’s  authority,  and  had  himself  drawn  arti- 
cles for  that  end,  which  had  been  approved  and  established  by 
the  whole  court ; neither  could  he  justly  be  charged  to  have 
transgressed  any  of  them.  So  the  meeting  breaking  up,  with- 
out any  other  conclusion  but  the  commending  the  success  of  it 
by  prayer  to  the  Lord,  the  governour  brought  the  deputy  on- 
ward of  his  way,  and  every  man  went  to  his  own  home. 


"The  ministers  afterward,  for  an  end  of  the  difference  be- 
tween the  governour  and  deputy,  ordered,  that  the  governour 
should  procure  them  a minister  at  Newtown,  and  contribute 
somewhat  towards  his  maintenance  for  a time ; or,  if  he  could 
not  by  the  spring  effect  that,  then  to  give  the  deputy,  toward 
his  charges  in  building  there,  twenty  pounds.  The  governour 
accepted  this  order,  and  promised  to  perform  it  in  one  of  the 
kinds.  But  the  deputy,  having  received  one  part  of  the  order, 
returned  the  same  to  the  governour,  with  this  reason  to  Mr. 
Wilson,  that  he  was  so  well  persuaded  of  the  governour’s  love 
to  him,  and  did  prize  it  so  much,  as,  if  they  had  given  him  one 
hundred  pounds  instead  of  twenty  pounds,  he  would  not  have 
taken  it. 

” Notwithstanding  the  heat  of  contention,  which  had  been 
between  the  governour  and  deputy,  yet  they  usually  met  about 
them  affairs,  and  that  without  any  appearance  of  any  breach  or 
discontent ; and  ever  after  kept  peace  and  good  correspondency 
together,  in  love  and  friendship.” 

This  latter  clause  appears  evidently  to  have  been  in- 
serted at  a later  period  ; and  the  following  entry,  bearing 
date  November,  1633,  proves  it  to  have  been  a little  pre- 
mature where  it  stands  : — 


100 


LITE  AND  LETTERS 


" Some  differences  fell  out  still,  now  and  then,  between  the 
governour  and  the  deputy,  which  yet  were  soon  healed.  It  had 
been  ordered  in  court,  that  all  hands  should  help  to  the  finishing 
of  the  fort  at  Boston,  and  all  the  towns  in  the  bay  had  gone 
once  over,  and  most  the  second  time ; but  those  of  Newtown 
being  warned,  the  deputy  would  not  suffer  them  to  come,  nei- 
ther did  acquaint  the  governour  with  the  cause,  which  was,  for 
that  Salem  and  Sagus  had  not  brought  in  money  for  their  parts. 
The  governour,  hearing  of  it,  wrote  friendly  to  him,  showing  him 
that  the  intent  of  the  court  was , that  the  work  should  be  done  by 
those  in  the  bay,  and  that,  after,  the  others  should  pay  a pro- 
portionable sum  for  the  house,  etc.,  which  must  be  done  by 
money  ; and  therefore  desired  him  that  he  would  send  in  his 
neighbours.  Upon  this,  Mr.  Haynes  and  Mr.  Hooker  came  to 
the  governour  to  treat  with  him  about  it,  and  brought  a letter 
from  the  deputy  full  of  bitterness  and  resolution  not  to  send  till 
Salem,  etc.  The  governour  told  them  it  should  rest  till  the  court, 
and  withal  gave  the  letter  to  Mr.  Hooker  with  this  speech:  I am 
not  willing  to  keep  such  an  occasion  of  provocation  by  me. 
And  soon  after  he  wrote  to  the  deputy  (who  had  before  desired 
to  buy  a fat  hog  or  two  of  him,  being  somewhat  short  of  provi- 
sions) to  desire  him  to  send  for  one,  (which  he  would  have  sent 
him,  if  he  had  known  when  his  occasion  had  been  to  have  made 
use  of  it,)  and  to  accept  it  as  a testimony  of  his  good  will; 
and,  lest  he  should  make  any  scruple  of  it,  he  made  Mr. 
Haynes  and  Mr.  Hooker  (who  both  sojourned  in  his  house) 
partakers  with  him.  Upon  this  the  deputy  returned  this  answer: 
" Your  overcoming  yourself  hath  overcome  me.  Mr.  Haynes, 
Mr.  Hooker,  and  myself,  do  most  kindly  accept  your  good  will ; 
but  we  desire,  without  offence,  to  refuse  your  offer,  and  that  I 
may  only  trade  with  you  for  two  hogs  ; ” and  so  very  lovingly 
concluded.  — The  court  being  two  days  after,  ordered,  that 
Newtown  should  do  their  work  as  others  had  done,  and  then 
Salem,  etc.,  should  pay  for  three  days  at  eighteen  pence  a 


man. 


or  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


101 


There  could  be  no  fitter  conclusion  for  this  long  story 
than  the  entry  in  the  Journal  on  the  24th  of  April, 
1638:  — 

" The  governour  and  deputy  went  to  Concord  to  view  some 
land  for  farms,  and,  going  down  the  river  about  four  miles,  they 
made  choice  of  a place  for  one  thousand  acres  for  each  of  them. 
They  offered  each  other  the  first  choice,  but  because  the  deputy’s 
was  first  granted,  and  himself  had  store  of  land  already,  the 
governour  yielded  him  the  choice.  So,  at  the  place  where  the 
deputy’s  land  was  to  begin,  there  were  two  great  stones,  which 
they  called  the  Two  Brothers,  in  remembrance  that  they  were 
brothers  by  their  children’s  marriage,1  and  did  so  brotherly 
agree,  and  for  that  a little  creek  near  those  stones  was  to  part 
their  lands.  At  the  court  in  the  4th  month  after,  two  hundred 
acres  were  added  to  the  governour’s  part.” 

Certainly  it  was  a felicitous  coincidence  that  Concord 
should  have  been  the  scene  of  this  charming  exhibition 
of  mutual  concession  and  fraternal  love.  Since  the 
quarrel  of  Brutus  and  Cassius,  which  Shakspeare  has 
rendered  so  memorable  in  his  immortal  dialogue,  it  would 
be  difficult  to  find  one  more  vividly  described  or  more 
happily  ended.  Who  would  undertake  to  re-open  the 
record  in  order  to  decide  who  was  right  and  who  was 
wrong  in  such  a disagreement?  Let  it  stand,  without 


1 We  have  already  mentioned  (p.  33)  the  marriage  of  Winthrop’s  daughter  Mary 
to  Rev.  Samuel  Dudley,  the  eldest  son  of  Thomas.  The  families  were  destined  to 
be  again  connected  by  the  marriage  (1706)  of  John  Winthrop,  F.R.S.,  great-grandson  of 
the  subject  of  our  Memoir,  to  Ann  Dudley,  grand-daughter  of  Thomas  Dudley,  and  daugh- 
ter of  Governor  Joseph  Dudley.  I may  add,  that  a portrait,  purporting  to  be  that  of 
Gov.  Thomas  Dudley,  is  now  hanging  side  by  side  with  that  of  Gov.  Winthrop,  under 
my  own  roof.  It  came  from  the  old  Winthrop  mansion  in  New  London.  The  following 
doggerel  was  inscribed  on  the  back  of  it:  — 

“ Sir  Thomas  Dudley’s  a trusty  old  stud, 

A bargain’s  a bargain,  and  must  be  made  good.” 


102 


LIFE  AXD  LETTERS 


mutilation  and  without  commentary,  as  a beautiful  illus- 
tration of  the  manner  in  which  two  of  the  Fathers  of 
New  England  conducted  the  controversies  which  some- 
times sprung  up  among  them.  There  were  no  challenges 
to  personal  combat.  “ They  were  angry,  but  sinned  not.” 
There  was  crimination  and  recrimination  ; but,  after  all, 
argument  was  their  only  weapon,  and  reason  was  their 
final  umpire.  In  the  height  of  then’  contentions,  we 
often  find  “ the  soft  answer  turning  away  wrath ; ” and 
we  constantly  witness  on  both  sides  a spirit  of  mutual 
kindness  and  conciliation,  which  was  worthy  of  then 
Christian  professions.  The  narrative  abounds  in  striking 
traits  of  character  and  in  lively  touches  of  description. 
Few  more  delightful  incidents  can  be  found  in  history 
than  Winthrop’s  returning  the  insulting  letter  of  Dudley 
with  the  simple  remark : “ I am  not  willing  to  keep  such 
an  occasion  of  provocation  by  me.”  Nor  could  a better 
companion-piece  be  easily  produced  for  such  a picture  of 
self-command  and  forbearance,  than  the  reply  of  Dudley 
to  Winthrop's  offering  of  a token  of  his  good-will: 
“ Your  overcoming  yourself  hath  overcome  me.”  The 
contentious  statesmen  of  modern  times  may  well  take  an 
example  from  this  early  chapter  of  New-England  history, 
and  this  original  record  of  New-England  controversy. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


103 


CHAPTER  VII. 

WINTHROP’S  VISIT  TO  PLYMOUTH  AND  OTHER  PLACES  WITH  SOME 
AMUSING  PASSAGES  FROM  HIS  JOURNAL. 

John  Winthrop,  as  we  have  seen  in  the  foregoing 
chapter,  was  again  chosen  Governor  of  Massachusetts, 
on  the  eighth  day  of  May,  1632.  A few  months  pre- 
vious to  this  election,  we  find  him  recording  a little 
expedition  into  the  neighboring  country,  and  furnish- 
ing a pleasant  account  of  the  origin  of  some  of  the 
names  which  are  still  attached  to  well-known  localities 
in  the  vicinity  of  Boston.  The  narrative  is  not  without 
historical  interest.  It  is  given  here,  however,  together 
with  other  descriptions  of  similar  occurrences,  as  sup- 
plying incidents  of  family  history,  and  illustrations  of 
personal  character,  in  the  most  authentic  and  agree- 
able shape. 

Thus,  under  date  of  January  27,  we  have  the  follow- 
ing account : — 

"The  governour,  and  some  company  with  him,  went  up  by 
Charles  River  about  eight  miles  above  Watertown,  and  named 
the  first  brook,  on  the  north  side  of  the  river,  (being  a fair 
stream,  and  coming  from  a pond  a mile  from  the  river,)  Beaver 
Brook,  because  the  beavers  had  shorn  down  divers  great  trees 
there,  and  made  divers  dams  across  the  brook.  Thence  they 
went  to  a great  rock,  upon  which  stood  a high  stone,  cleft  in 
sunder,  that  four  men  might  go  through,  which  they  called 
Adam’s  Chair,  because  the  youngest  of  their  company  was 


104 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


Adam  Winthrop.  Thence  they  came  to  another  brook,  greater 
than  the  former,  which  they  called  Masters’  Brook,  because  the 
eldest  of  their  party  was  one  John  Masters.  Thence  they 
came  to  another  high  pointed  rock,  having  a fair  ascent  on  the 
west  side,  which  they  called  Mount  Feake,  from  one  Robert 
Feake,  who  had  married  the  governour’s  daughter-in-law.1 
On  the  west  side  of  Mount  Feake,  they  went  up  a very  high 
rock,  from  whence  they  might  see  all  over  Neipnett,  and  a 
very  high  hill  due  west,  about  forty  miles  off,  and  to  the  N.  W. 
the  high  hills  by  Merrimack,  above  sixty  miles  off.” 

And  here  is  another  account  of  a similar  journey 
which  followed  soon  afterwards  : — 

"February  7.]  The  governour,  Mr.  Nowell,  Mr.  Eliot, 
and  others,  went  over  Mistick  River  at  Medford,  and  20 ins' 
N.  and  by  E.  among  the  rocks  about  two  or  three  miles, 
they  came  to  a very  great  pond,  having  in  the  midst  an  island 
of  about  one  acre,  and  very  thick  with  trees  of  pine  and  beech  ; 
and  the  pond  had  divers  small  rocks,  standing  up  here  and 
there  in  it,  which  they  therefore  called  Spot  Pond.  They 
went  all  about  it  upon  the  ice.  From  thence  (towards  the 
N.  W.  about  half  a mile,)  they  came  to  the  top  of  a very 
high  rock,  beneath  which,  (towards  the  N.)  lies  a goodly 
plain,  part  open  land,  and  part  woody,  from  whence  there  is 
a fair  prospect,  but  it  being  then  close  and  rainy,  they  could 
see  but  a small  distance.  This  place  they  called  Cheese  Rock, 
because,  when  they  went  to  eat  somewhat,  they  had  only  cheese, 
(the  governour’s  man  forgetting,  for  haste,  to  put  up  some 
bread) .” 

On  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  September,  1632,  Winthrop 
made  a still  longer  journey,  and  one,  which,  in  those 
days,  must  have  been  regarded  as  no  light  undertaking. 
He  paid  a visit  to  the  old  Pilgrim  Colony  at  Plymouth  ; 


1 The  widow  of  Henry  Winthrop. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


105 


where,  it  will  be  seen,  that,  in  addition  to  other  mani- 
festations of  welcome  and  of  confidence,  he  was  called 
on  to  discuss  a grave  question  of  theology.  The  story 
is  too  interesting  to  be  abridged,  and  we  give  it  in  his 
own  words : — 

"25.]  The  governour,  with  Mr.  Wilson,  pastor  of  Boston, 
and  the  two  captains,  etc.,  went  aboard  the  Lyon,  and  from 
thence  Mr.  Pierce  carried  them  in  his  shallop  to  Wessaguscus. 
The  next  morning  Mr.  Pierce  returned  to  his  ship,  and  the 
governour  and  his  company  went  on  foot  to  Plimouth,  and 
came  thither  within  the  evening.  The  governour  of  Plimouth, 
Mr.  William  Bradford,  (a  very  discreet  and  grave  man,) 
with  Mr.  Brewster,  the  elder,  and  some  others,  came  forth 
and  met  them  without  the  town,  and  conducted  them  to  the 
governour’s  house,  where  they  were  very  kindly  entertained, 
and  feasted  every  day  at  Several  houses.  On  the  Lord’s  day 
there  was  a sacrament,  which  they  did  partake  in ; and,  in 
the  afternoon,  Mr.  Roger  Williams  (according  to  their  cus- 
tom) propounded  a question,  to  which  the  pastor,  Mr.  Smith, 
spake  briefly ; then  Mr.  Williams  prophesied ; and  after  the 
governour  of  Plimouth  spake  to  the  question ; after  him 
the  elder ; then  some  two  or  three  more  of  the  congregation. 
Then  the  elder  desired  the  governour  of  Massachusetts  and 
Mr.  Wilson  to  speak  to  it,  which  they  did.  When  this  was 
ended,  the  deacon,  Mr.  Fuller,  put  the  congregation  in  mind 
of  their  duty  of  contribution  ; whereupon  the  governour  and 
all  the  rest  went  down  to  the  deacon’s  seat,  and  put  into  the 
box,  and  then  returned.” 

What  a group  of  New-England  Worthies  is  pre- 
sented to  us  in  this  passage ! Bradford  and  Brewster, 
Roger  Williams,  Wilson,  and  Winthrop,  all  gathered 
at  Plymouth  Rock,  partaking  of  the  holy  Communion 
together,  engaging  in  religious  discussion,  and  uniting 

14 


YOL.  II. 


106 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


in  a contribution  for  the  necessities  of  the  poor ! What 
a subject  for  American  art,  in  the  blended  cause  of 
piety  and  patriotism ! Unhappily,  only  two  of  the 
characters  are  represented  at  this  day  by  authentic 
portraits.  There  is  no  pretence  of  a likeness  of  Brad- 
ford or  Brewster,  and  nothing  more  than  a pretence 
of  a likeness  of  Roger  Williams.1  But  let  us  finish 
the  narrative : — 

"31,  being  Wednesday.]  About  five  in  the  morning  the 
governour  and  his  company  came  out  of  Plimouth ; the  gov- 
ernour  of  Plimouth,  with  the  pastor  and  elder,  etc.,  accom- 
panying them  near  half  a mile  out  of  town  in  the  dark.  The 
Lieut.  Holmes,  with  two  others,  and  the  governour’s  mare, 
came  along  with  them  to  the  great  swamp,  about  ten  miles. 
When  they  came  to  the  great  river,  they  were  carried  over  by 
one  Luddam,  their  guide,  (as  they  had  been  when  they  came, 
the  stream  being  very  strong,  and  up  to  the  crotch;)  so  the 
governour  called  that  passage  Luddam’s  Ford.  Thence  they 
came  to  a place  called  Hue’s  Cross.  The  governour,  being 
displeased  at  the  name,  in  respect  that  such  things  might 
hereafter  give  the  Papists  occasion  to  say,  that  their  religion 
was  first  planted  in  these  parts,  changed  the  name,  and  called 
it  Hue’s  Folly.  So  they  came,  that  evening,  to  Wessaguscus, 
where  they  were  bountifully  entertained,  as  before,  with  store 
of  turkeys,  geese,  ducks,  etc.,  and  the  next  day  came  safe  to 
Boston.” 

A Governor  of  Massachusetts  crossing  “ the  great 
river”2  on  the  back  of  his  guide  furnishes  a graphic 

1 My  friend,  Charles  Deane,  Esq.,  has  sufficiently  exposed  the  only  portrait  which 
has  ever  claimed  to  be  that  of  Roger  Williams,  and  which,  strangely  enough,  seems 
to  have  originated  in  an  old  print  of  Benjamin  Franklin!  — See  “ Cambridge  Chronicle  ” 
of  4th  April,  1850.  Even  Wilson’s  portrait  has  been  the  subject  of  some  doubts.  Mean- 
time there  is  an  unquestioned  likeness  of  Edward  Winslow,  who  was  probably  one  of  the 
group. 

2 Now  known  as  North  River. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


107 


picture  of  the  primitive  mode  of  travelling  in  New 
England,  while  the  summary  manner  in  which  Win  thro  p 
changed  the  name  of  one  of  the  landmarks  which  he 
encountered  is  characteristic  of  the  intensity  of  his 
Protestantism.  The  most  cordial  relations  always  ex- 
isted between  Winthrop  and  the  Plymouth  colonists. 
Governor  Bradford,  as  we  have  seen,  had  paid  a visit 
to  Massachusetts  in  1631,  about  a fortnight  after  the 
arrival  of  Winthrop ’s  wife  and  family ; and  Governor 
Winthrop,  as  we  have  just  read  in  his  reply  to  the 
accusations  of  Dudley,  had  supplied  the  pilgrims  with 
powder,  at  his  own  private  cost,  at  a moment  of  their 
extreme  necessity.  The  two  colonies  were  one  in  spirit, 
as  they  were  one  in  destiny ; and  these  mutual  inter- 
changes of  friendly  offices,  at  this  early  day,  are  a 
pleasant  prelude  to  the  act  of  Union,  which,  a little 
more  than  half  a century  afterwards,  made  them  mem- 
bers incorporate  of  the  same  noble  Commonwealth. 
The  Journal  of  the  next  New-Year’s  Day  contains  the 
following  brief  but  most  significant  and  suggestive  entry 
in  relation  to  a change  of  administration  in  the  Pil- 
grim Colony : — 

"January  1.]  Mr.  Edward  Winslow  chosen  governour 
of  Plimouth,  Mr.  Bradford  having  been  governour  about  ten 
years,  and  now  by  importunity  gat  off.” 

It  was  doubtless  the  importunity  of  Governor  Brad- 
ford to  get  off,  and  perhaps  an  indisposition  of  Edward 
Winslow  to  serve,  which  led  the  people  of  Plymouth 
to  enact,  as  a part  of  the  formal  legislation  of  this 
year,  “ that  whoever  refuses  the  office  of  Governor 
shall  pay  £20,  unless  he  was  chose  two  years  going.” 


108 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


What  a blessed  reformation  it  would  betoken,  if  such 
a provision  could  again  be  rendered  necessary  in  any 
part  of  our  country ! But  legislative  enactments,  in 
order  to  prevent  the  office  of  Governor  from  going 
a-begging,  never  reached  beyond  the  little  Colony  at 
Plymouth : and  we  shall  see  abundant  reason  for  think- 
ing, as  we  proceed  with  the  career  of  Governor  Win- 
throp,  that  there  was  no  necessity  for  them  in  the 
Colony  over  which  he  had  thus  far  presided. 

Three  or  four  more  brief  extracts  from  his  Journal, 
which  afford  amusing  and  interesting  glimpses  of  the 
times  in  which  it  was  written,  will  serve  to  conclude 
this  chapter,  and  to  carry  us  forward  for  another  year 
or  two.  They  will  be  given  without  comment. 

The  first  bears  date  July  5,  1632,  and  is  as  follows  : — 

"At  Watertown  there  was  (in  the  view  of  divers  witnesses) 
a great  combat  between  a mouse  and  a snake ; and,  after  a 
long  fight,  the  mouse  prevailed  and  killed  the  snake.  The 
pastor  of  Boston,  Mr.  Wilson,  a very  sincere,  holy  man, 
hearing  of  it,  gave  this  interpretation  : That  the  snake  was 
the  devil ; the  mouse  was  a poor  contemptible  people,  which 
God  had  brought  hither,  which  should  overcome  Satan  here, 
and  dispossess  him  of  his  kingdom.  Upon  the  same  occa- 
sion, he  told  the  governour,  that,  before  he  was  resolved  to 
come  into  this  country,  he  dreamed  he  was  here,  and  that  he 
saw  a church  arise  out  of  the  earth,  which  grew  up  and 
became  a marvellous  goodly  Church.” 

The  second  is  dated  Feb.  26,  1633:  — 

"Two  little  girls  of  the  governour’s  family1  were  sitting 


1 I am  at  a loss  to  know  wko  these  “ little  girls  of  the  Governor’s  family  ” were. 
His  own  daughters  (except  Mary,  who  was  now  old  enough  to  be  married)  had  all 
died  in  infancy.  The  Downing  children,  some  of  whom  afterwards  resided  with  him, 
had  not  yet  come  cv  sr  from  England. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


109 


under  a great  heap  of  logs,  plucking  of  birds,  and  the  wind 
driving  the  feathers  into  the  house,  the  governour’s  wife  caused 
them  to  remove  away.  They  were  no  sooner  gone,  but  the 
whole  heap  of  logs  fell  down  in  the  place,  and  had  crushed 
them  to  death,  if  the  Lord,  in  his  special  providence,  had  not 
delivered  them.” 

The  third  is  dated  March  7,  1633  : — 

" At  the  lecture  at  Boston  a question  was  propounded  about 
veils.  Mr.  Cotton  concluded,  that  where  (by  the  custom  of 
the  place)  they  were  not  a sign  of  the  women’s  subjection,  they 
were  not  commanded  by  the  apostle.  Mr.  Endecott  opposed, 
and  did  maintain  it  by  the  general  arguments  brought  by 
the  apostle.  After  some  debate,  the  governour,  perceiving  it 
to  grow  to  some  earnestness,  interposed,  and  so  it  brake  off.” 

The  fourth  is  of  the  same  date  with  the  foregoing, 
and  the  story  which  it  contains  is  confidently  applied  by 
Mr.  Savage  to  the  Governors  own  family : — 

"Among  other  testimonies  of  the  Lord’s  gracious  presence 
with  his  own  ordinances,  there  was  a youth  of  fourteen  years 
of  age  (being  the  son  of  one  of  the  magistrates)  so  wrought 
upon  by  the  ministry  of  the  word,  as,  for  divers  months,  he 
was  held  under  such  affliction  of  mind,  as  he  could  not  be 
brought  to  apprehend  any  comfort  in  God,  being  much  humbled 
and  broken  for  his  sins,  (though  he  had  been  a dutiful  child, 
and  not  given  up  to  the  lusts  of  youth,)  and  especially  for  his 
blasphemous  and  wicked  thoughts,  whereby  Satan  buffeted  him, 
so  as  he  went  mourning  and  languishing  daily ; yet,  attending 
to  the  means,  and  not  giving  over  prayer,  and  seeking  counsel, 
etc.,  he  came  at  length  to  be  freed  from  his  temptations,  and  to 
find  comfort  in  God’s  promises,  and  so,  being  received  into  the 
congregation,  upon  good  proof  of  his  understanding  in  the  things 
of  God,  he  went  on  cheerfully  in  a Christian  course,  falling  daily 
to  labor,  as  a servant,  and  as  a younger  brother  of  his  did,  who 
was  no  whit  short  of  him  in  the  knowledge  of  God’s  will , though 


110 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


his  youth  kept  him  from  daring  to  offer  himself  to  the  congre- 
gation.— Upon  this  occasion  it  is  not  impertinent  (though  no 
credit  nor  regard  be  to  be  had  of  dreams  in  these  days)  to 
report  a dream,  which  the  father  of  these  children  had  at  the 
same  time,  viz.,  that,  coming  into  his  chamber,  he  found  his 
wife  (she  was  a very  gracious  woman)  in  bed,  and  three  or  four 
of  their  children  lying  by  her,  with  most  sweet  and  smiling 
countenances,  with  crowns  upon  their  heads,  and  blue  ribbons 
about  their  leaves.  When  he  awaked,  he  told  his  wife  his 
dream,  and  made  this  interpretation  of  it,  that  God  would  take 
of  her  children  to  make  them  fellow  heirs  with  Christ  in  his 
kingdom.” 

The  ages  of  the  youths  referred  to  in  the  above 
account  correspond  exactly  with  those  of  Stephen  Win- 
throp,  born  in  1618,  and  Adam,  born  in  1620  ; while  no 
one,  we  are  sure,  who  has  read  their  mother’s  letters  in 
our  previous  volume  will  be  disposed  to  doubt  the  appli- 
cability to  her  of  her  husband’s  parenthesis,  — “She 
was  a very  gracious  woman.”  And,  certainly,  if  any 
one  had  earned  a right  to  be  refreshed  by  delightful 
dreams  of  future  happiness,  whether  for  himself  or  for 
those  nearest  and  dearest  to  him,  it  was  one  who,  like 
Governor  Winthrop,  had  abandoned  so  many  “ sober 
certainties  of  waking  bliss  ” in  his  native  land,  and  had 
so  consecrated  himself  to  the  service  of  God  and  his 
fellow-men  in  building  up  a church  and  a Christian 
Commonwealth  in  the  wilderness. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


Ill 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

WINTHROP  RE-ELECTED  GOVERNOR  IN  1633.  JOHN  COTTON’S  PO- 
LITICAL SERMON,  AND  ITS  RESULT.  DUDLEY  ELECTED  GOV- 
ERNOR IN  1634,  AND  WINTHROP  CALLED  TO  AN  ACCOUNT.  HIS 
VINDICATION  OF  HIMSELF. 

On  the  twenty-ninth  day  of  May,  1633,  another  general 

election  was  held,  agreeably  to  the  provisions  of  the 

/ 

charter ; when  Winthrop  was  again  chosen  Governor. 
Some  of  the  passages  which  have  been  quoted  from  the 
Journal  in  the  preceding  chapter  bear  date,  as  will  have 
been  seen,  within  the  political  year  of  which  this  elec- 
tion was  the  commencement ; and  we  find  but  few  other 
incidents  of  a personal  character  during  its  progress. 
Here,  however,  towards  the  close  of  the  term,  is  a brief 
entry  which  shows  the  nature  of  the  extra-official  duties 
which  Winthrop  occasionally  performed  : — 

"3  April.]  The  governour  went  on  foot  to  Agawam,  and 
because  the  people  there  wanted  a minister,  spent  the  sabbath 
with  them,  and  exercised  by  way  of  prophecy,  and  returned 
home  the  10th.” 

The  Governor  was  doubtless  the  more  willing  to  visit 
Agawam  (Ipswich),  even  on  foot,  and  to  render  any  ser- 
vice which  could  be  required  of  him  there,  inasmuch  as 
that  plantation  had  been  commenced  the  year  before  by 
his  son.  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  who  was  still  residing  there, 


112 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


and  who  was  destined  to  bury  his  first  wife  there,  not 
many  months  afterwards.1 

We  have  no  record  of  the  character  of  the  Governor’s 
discourse  on  this  occasion  ; but  another  sermon  was  soon 
afterwards  delivered  in  Boston,  by  one  of  the  regular 
ministers  of  the  Colony,  which  produced  a memorable 
influence  upon  the  course  of  public  affairs. 

The  Rev.  John  Cotton,  whose  memory  will  ever  be 
cherished  with  the  deepest  respect  and  veneration  in 
New  England,  had  arrived  at  Boston  in  September,  1633  ; 
and  had  entered  without  delay  upon  the  duties  of  his  pro- 
fession. Coming  from  Boston  in  Old  England,  where  he 
had  been  rector  of  the  church  whose  noble  tower  is  still 
the  pride  of  all  the  region  round  about,  he  coidd  not  fail 
to  receive  a cordial  welcome  in  the  little  transatlantic 
town  which  had  been  named  ■ — so  says  Hubbard  — 
out  of  respect  to  his  character,  and  in  hopeful  anticipa- 
tion of  his  soon  becoming  one  of  its  inhabitants.  His 
influence  in  spiritual  affairs  seems  to  have  been  mani- 
fested at  once,  and  by  the  most  welcome  fruits.  As  early 
as  the  following  December,  we  find  the  subjoined  pas- 
sage in  the  Governor’s  Journal : — 

" It  pleased  the  Lord  to  give  special  testimony  of  his  pres- 
ence in  the  church  of  Boston,  after  Mr.  Cotton  was  called  to 
office  there.  More  were  converted  and  added  to  that  church, 
than  to  all  the  other  churches  in  the  bay,  (or  rather  the  lake, 
for  so  it  were  more  properly  termed,  the  bay  being  that  part  of 


1 Miss  Cauikins,  in  her  excellent  “ History  of  New  London,”  gives  the  date  of  the 
death,  May  14,  1634;  but  we  have  a letter  of  the  younger  Winthrop’s  to  his  father,  from 
Agawam,  dated  20th  July,  1634,  in  which  he  infers  to  his  wife  as  still  living.  She 
probably  died  not  long  after  this  latter  date.  The  letter  contains  nothing  else  of  interest. 
In  the  Appendix  (No.  II.)  will  be  found  a letter  from  the  elder  Winthrop,  of  uncertain 
date,  but  which  is  believed  to  belong  to  this  period. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


113 


sea  without  between  the  two  capes,  Cape  Cod  and  Cape  Ann). 
Divers  profane  and  notorious  evil  persons  came  and  confessed 
their  sins,  and  were  comfortably  received  into  the  bosom  of  the 
church.  Yea,  the  Lord  gave  witness  to  the  exercise  of  proph- 
ecy, so  as  thereby  some  were  converted,  and  others  much  edified. 
Also,  the  Lord  pleased  greatly  to  bless  the  practice  of  discipline, 
wherein  he  gave  the  pastor,  Mr.  Wilson,  a singular  gift,  to  the 
great  benefit  of  the  church. 

" After  much  deliberation  and  serious  advice,  the  Lord  di- 
rected the  teacher,  Mr.  Cotton,  to  make  it  clear  by  the  scrip- 
ture, that  the  minister’s  maintenance,  as  well  as  all  other 
charges  of  the  church,  should  be  defrayed  out  of  a stock,  or 
treasury,  which  was  to  be  raised  out  of  the  weekly  contribu- 
tion ; which  accordingly  was  agreed  upon.” 

Mr.  Cotton  seems,  however,  to  have  brought  over 
with  him  from  Old  England  some  views,  in  relation  to 
civil  government,  which  were  not  quite  palatable  in 
Massachusetts ; and  he  lost  no  time  in  giving  expression 
to  them  in  his  pulpit  exercises.  We  shall  find  other 
exhibitions  of  these  views  at  a later  date ; but  the  fol- 
lowing extract  from  the  Governor’s  Journal  will  show 
at  once  both  the  character  and  the  consequences  of  his 
first  political  sermon : — 

"14  May.]  At  the  general  court,  Mr.  Cotton  preached, 
and  delivered  this  doctrine,  that  a magistrate  ought  not  to  be 
turned  into  the  condition  of  a private  man  without  just  cause, 
and  to  be  publicly  convict,  no  more  than  the  magistrates  may 
not  turn  a private  man  out  of  his  freehold,  etc.,  without  like 
public  trial,  etc.  This  falling  in  question  in  the  court,  and  the 
opinion  of  the  rest  of  the  ministers  being  asked,  it  was  referred 
to  further  consideration. 

"The  court  chose  a new  governour,  viz.,  Thomas  Dudley, 
Esq.,  the  former  deputy  ; and  Mr.  Ludlow  was  chosen  deputy  ; 

15 


VOX-.  II. 


114  LIFE  AND  LETTERS 

and  John  Haines,  Esq.,  an  assistant,  and  all  the  rest  of  the 
assistants  chosen  again.” 

Nothing  could  be  more  suggestive  or  more  edifying, 
either  in  regard  to  pulpit  politics  or  to  the  spirit  of 
the  Massachusetts  Colony  in  those  days,  than  the  imme- 
diate juxtaposition  of  these  two  paragraphs.  Cotton’s 
argument  was  “ referred  to  further  consideration ; ” but 
his  conclusion  was  instantly  overruled,  and  the  power 
of  the  people  to  elect  their  own  magistrates  — putting 
down  one,  and  setting  up  another,  at  their  pleasure  — 
was  asserted  and  vindicated  in  the  very  hour  in  which 
it  was  questioned.  Other  considerations  may  have 
entered  into  the  decision  of  the  General  Court  on  this 
occasion.  There  may  have  been  some  jealousy  of 
Winthrop’s  long  continuance  in  office  ; 1 and  we  have 
already  seen  reason  for  thinking  that  Dudley  was  not 
unambitious  of  promotion : but,  as  the  record  stands, 
the  result  was  a wholesome  rebuke  upon  the  first 
suggestion  in  Massachusetts  of  a vested  right  on  the 
part  of  any  incumbent  in  the  political  office  which  he 
may  happen  to  hold. 

Thomas  Dudley  was  now  Governor  of  Massachusetts ; 
but  Winthrop  did  not  retire  from  the  public  service. 
On  the  contrary,  he  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
Board  of  Assistants,  and  exhibited  no  hesitation  in 
accepting  the  office.  His  account  of  the  proceedings 
of  the  court  proves  his  entire  acquiescence  in  the  re- 
sult ; and  his  entertainment  of  the  new  Governor,  at 
his  own  house,  on  the  occasion,  leaves  no  room  for 
doubt  that  their  relations  were  altogether  amicable. 


1 Mather’s  Magnalia,  hook  ii.  chap.  iv.  sec.  7,  pp.  112,  113. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


115 


The  Journal  of  this  date  proceeds  as  follows,  and  fur- 
nishes the  origin  of  the  representative  system  in  Massa- 
chusetts : — 

"At  this  court  it  was  ordered,  that  four  general  courts  should 
be  kept  every  year,  and  that  the  whole  body  of  the  freemen 
should  be  present  only  at  the  court  of  election  of  magistrates, 
etc.,  and  that,  at  the  other  three,  every  town  should  send  their 
deputies,  who  should  assist  in  making  laws,  disposing  lands, 
etc.  Many  good  orders  were  made  this  court.  It  held  three 
days,  and  all  things  were  carried  very  peaceably,  notwithstand- 
ing that  some  of  the  assistants  were  questioned  by  the  free- 
men for  some  errors  in  their  government,  and  some  fines 
imposed,  but  remitted  again  before  the  court  brake  up.  The 
court  was  kept  in  the  meeting-house  at  Boston,  and  the  new 
governour  and  the  assistants  were  together  entertained  at  the 
house  of  the  old  governour,  as  before.” 

On  the  retirement  of  Winthrop  from  the  chief  magis- 
tracy, which  he  had  held,  without  intermission,  since 
his  original  election  in  London  on  the  20th  of  October, 
1629,  an  inquiry  was  instituted  into  the  pecuniary  affairs 
of  the  colony,  and  “ the  Deputy-Governor  [Mr.  Roger 
Ludlow],  Mr.  Israel  Stoughton,  and  Mr.  Coxeall,  were 
desired  by  the  Court  to  take  an  accompt  of  John  Win- 
throp, Esq.,  for  such  commodities  as  he  hath  received 
of  the  common  stock.”  1 At  the  next  court  but  one, 
commenced  on  the  3d  of  September,  1634,  it  was  or- 
dered, “ that  the  declaratory  accompt  of  John  Win- 
throp, Esq.,  late  Governor,  now  exhibited  into  Court, 
shall  be  recorded.”  This  account  has  accordingly  come 
down  to  us  in  an  authentic  form,  and  is  found  upon  the 
public  records  of  the  Colony.  It  is  a most  interesting 


1 The  Records  of  Massachusetts,  vol.  i.  p.  120. 


116 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


paper,  and  throws  not  a little  light  both  upon  the  con- 
dition of  the  Colony  and  upon  the  character  of  Gover- 
nor Winthrop.  Before  giving  it  in  full,  however, — 
as  we  shall  presently  do, — the  opportunity  is  a fit  one 
for  a brief  explanation  of  his  previous  course  in  re- 
gard to  pecuniary  matters,  since  his  election  as  Gover- 
nor of  Massachusetts. 

At  the  General  Court  held  on  the  9tli  of  May,  1632, 
Winthrop  made  a speech,  after  his  election  to  the  chief 
magistracy,  of  which  he  gives  the  following  account 
in  his  J ournal  of  that  date : — 

"The  governour,  among  other  things,  used  this  speech  to 
the  people,  after  lie  had  taken  his  oath  : That  he  had  received 
gratuities  from  divers  towns,  which  he  received  with  much 
comfort  and  content ; he  had  also  received  many  kindnesses 
from  particular  persons,  which  he  would  not  refuse,  lest  he 
shoidd  be  accounted  uncourteous,  etc.  ; but  he  professed,  that 
he  received  them  with  a trembling  heart,  in  regard  of  God’s 
rule,  and  the  consciousness  of  his  own  infirmity;  and  there- 
fore desired  them,  that  hereafter  they  would  not  take  it  ill, 
if  he  did  refuse  presents  from  particular  persons,  except  they 
were  from  the  assistants,  or  from  some  special  friends ; to 
which  no  answer  was  made  ; but  he  was  told  after,  that  many 
good  people  were  much  grieved  at  it,  for  that  he  never  had 
any  allowance  towards  the  charge  of  his  place.” 

It  is  thus  seen  that  the  Governor,  up  to  this  time, 
had  received  no  regular  salary  or  “ allowance  towards 
the  charge  of  his  place,”  but  that  occasional  gratuities 
had  been  sent  to  him  from  divers  towns,  together  with 
“ many  kindnesses  from  particular  persons,”  which  he 
desired  the  liberty  thereafter  to  decline.  It  may  be 
remembered  too.  that  in  his  controversy  with  Dudley, 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


Ill 


in  the  following  August,  he  stated,  in  self-defence,  that, 
“ for  want  of  a public  stock,  he  had  disbursed  all  com- 
mon charges  out  of  his  own  estate.” 

On  the  2d  of  July,  1633,  the  following  passage  is 
found  in  the  Journal : — • 

"At  a court  it  was  agreed,  that  the  governour,  John  Win- 
tlirop,  should  have,  towards  his  charges  this  year,  £ 150, 
and  the  money,  which  he  had  disbursed  in  public  business, 
as  officers’  wages,  etc.,  being  between  two  and  three  hun- 
dred pounds,  should  be  forthwith  paid.” 1 

A share  of  the  common  lands  was  granted  to  Win- 
throp,  of  course,  as  to  others  of  the  colonists,  from  time 
to  time.  We  have  seen  that  six  him  eked  acres  were 
assigned  to  him  near  his  house  at  Mistick,  in  September, 
1631  ; and  in  April,  1632,  the  island  called  Conant’s 
Island  was  granted  to  him  and  his  Ireks  and  assigns, 
upon  a kind  of  perpetual  lease,  he  paying  an  outright 
consideration  of  forty  shillings,  and  a yearly  rent  of 
twelve  pence,  and  promising  to  plant  a vineyard  and  an 
orchard,  of  which  the  fifth  part  of  the  fruits  and  profits 
were  to  belong  to  the  Governor  for  the  time  being,  for 
ever.  The  name  of  this  island  was  thenceforth  to  be 
“ The  Governor’s  Garden.”  On  the  4th  of  March, 
1634-5,  the  General  Court  changed  the  terms  on  which 
the  island  was  granted,  and  declared  that  the  rent 
should  be  “ a hogshead  of  the  best  wyne  that  shall 


1 Tlie  Records  of  the  Colony  leave  it  doubtful  whether  the  allowance  to  the  Gover- 
nor was  £150  or  only  £100  “ towards  his  public  charges  and  extraordinary  expenses;  ” 
while  the  treasurer’s  account  of  all  payments  to  Winthrop  for  actual  disbursements  in 
the  public  service  makes  the  whole  amount  to  have  been  £328.  10s.  — Winthrop' s 
Hist,  of  N.  E.,  vol.  i.  pp.  124-5,  note. 


118 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


grow  there,  to  be  paid  yearly,  after  the  death  of  the 
said  John  Winthrop,  and  noething  before.”  1 The  grape 
culture,  if  ever  seriously  undertaken,  undoubtedly  proved 
a failure ; for,  in  1640,  the  rent  was  once  more  changed 
to  “two  bushels  of  apples  every  yeare,  — one  bushell 
to  the  Governor,  & another  to  the  Generali  Court  in 
winter,  — - the  same  to  bee  of  the  best  apples  then  grow- 
ing.” 2 Accordingly,  in  the  Records  of  the  General 
Court,  held  at  Boston  “ the  seventh  day  of  the  eighth 
month,”  1640,  we  find  formal  mention  that  “ Mr.  Win- 
tlirope,  Senior,  paid  in  his  bushell  of  apples.”3  The 
island  remained  in  the  possession  of  a branch  of  the 
Winthrop  Family  until  a few  years  since,  when  it  was 
purchased  by  the  United  States ; and  the  fortification 
which  stands  upon  it  has  since  been  known  to  the 
Government  and  the  country  by  the  name  of  “ Fort 
Winthrop.” 

“ About  fifty  acres  of  mead  ground  ” were  also 
granted  to  the  Governor  in  1632,  which  are  described 
as  “ lying  betwixte  Cobbetts  howse  and  Wanottymies 
River;”  and,  in  1633-4,  “the  Ware  at  Mistick  ” was 
granted  in  common  to  John  Winthrop  and  Matthew 
Cradock. 

These  grants  of  unimproved  land,  in  a wilderness, 
conld  have  been  of  little  immediate  value  or  profit, 
and  were  made,  from  time  to  time,  to  all  the  prin- 
cipal colonists  alike,  probably  in  no  unequal  propor- 
tion, and  with  a primary  view  to  their  being  reclaimed 
and  cultivated. 


1 Records  of  the  Colony,  vol.  i.  p.  139. 

2 Ibid.,  p.  293.  8 Ibid.,  p.  301. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


119 


We  are  now  prepared  for  the  more  detailed  account 
of  Governor  Winthrop’s  pecuniary  relations  to  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Colony,  during  “ the  four  years  and  near  an 
half”  in  which  he  had  held  the  office  of  Chief  Magis- 
trate. The  financial  part  of  this  paper  is,  however,  by 
no  means  its  most  interesting  feature.  The  declaration, 
that  he  “ was  first  chosen  to  be  Governour  without 
his  seeking  or  expectation ; ” the  statement  that  in 
this  office  he  had  continued  four  years  and  near  an 
half,  “ although  [says  he]  I earnestly  desired,  at  every 
election,  to  have  been  freed ; ” the  protestation,  that, 
notwithstanding  all  the  trials  and  troubles  he  had  en- 
countered, “ it  repenteth  me  not  of  my  cost  or  labor 
bestowed  in  the  service  of  this  Commonwealth,  but 
do  heartily  bless  the  Lord  our  God  that  he  hath  pleased 
to  honor  me  so  far  as  to  call  for  any  thing  he  hath 
bestowed  upon  me  for  the  service  of  his  church  and 
people  here,  the  prosperity  whereof,  and  his  gracious 
acceptance,  shall  be  an  abundant  recompense  to  me ; ” 
and  the  concluding  request,  “ that,  as  it  stands  upon 
record,  that,  upon  the  discharge  of  my  office,  I was 
called  to  accompt,  so  this  my  declaration  may  be  re- 
corded also,  lest  hereafter,  when  I shall  be  forgotten, 
some  blemish  may  lie  upon  my  posterity,  when  there 
shall  be  nothing  to  clear  it,”  — all  are  calculated  to 
throw  a light  upon  the  history  and  character  of  their 
author,  which  we  might  in  vain  have  looked  for  under 
any  other  circumstances.  But  the  “ accompt”  must  no 
longer  be  prevented  from  speaking  for  itself;  and  it  is 
here  given  entire  from  the  Records  of  the  Colony : — 


L20 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


" The  Accompt  of  John  Winthrop,  Esq.,  late  Governoui . 

" Whereas,  by  order  of  the  last  general  court,  commis- 
sioners were  ajipointed,  viz.,  Roger  Ludlow,  Esq.  the  deputy 
governour,  and  Mr.  Israel  Stoughton,  gent,  to  receive  my 
accompt  of  such  things  as  I have  received  and  disbursed  for 
public  use  in  the  time  of  my  government ; in  all  due  observ- 
ance and  submission  to  the  order  of  the  said  court,  I do 
make  this  declaratory  accompt  ensuing  : — 

" First,  I affirm,  that  I never  received  any  moneys  or  other 
goods  committed  to  me  in  trust  for  the  commonwealth,  other- 
wise than  is  hereafter  expressed. 

"Item,  I acknowledge  I have  in  my  custody  certain  barrels 
of  common  powder,  and  some  match  and  drumheads,  with 
some  things  belonging  to  the  ordnance ; which  powder,  being 
landed  at  Charlestown,  and  exposed  to  the  injury  of  the 
weather,  I took  and  bestowed  first  in  a tent,  which  I made 
of  mine  own  broadcloth,  (being  then  worth  eight  shillings 
the  yard,  but  in  that  service  much  spoiled).  After,  I re- 
moved it  to  my  storehouse  at  Boston,  where  it  still  remains, 
save  that  some  of  it  hath  been  spent  in  public  service,  and 
five  barrels  delivered  to  Dorchester,  and  four  to  Roxbury, 
and  three  barrels  I sold  to  some  ships  that  needed  them, 
which  I will  allow  powder  or  money  for.  The  rest  I am 
ready  to  deliver  up  to  such  as  shall  be  appointed  to  re- 
ceive them.  I received  also  some  meal  and  peas,  from  Mr. 
White  of  Dorchester  in  England,  and  from  Mr.  Roe  of 
London,  which  was  bestowed  upon  such  as  had  need  thereof 
in  the  several  towns  ; as  also  £10  given  by  Mr.  Thomson. 
I received  also  from  Mr.  Humfrey,  some  rugs,  frieze  suits, 
shoes,  and  hose,  (the  certain  value  whereof  I must  know 
from  himself,)  with  letters  of  direction  to  make  use  of  the 
greatest  part  thereof,  as  given  to  help  bear  out  my  charge 
for  the  public.  I paid  for  the  freight  of  these  goods,  and 
disposed  of  the  greatest  part  of  them  to  others ; but  how,  I 
cannot  set  down.  I made  use,  also,  of  two  pair  of  carriage 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


121 


wheels,  which  I will  allow  for:  I had  not  meddled  with  them, 
but  that  they  lay  useless  for  want  of  the  carriages,  which 
were  left  in  England.  For  my  disbursements,  I have  for- 
merly delivered  to  the  now  deputy  a bill  of  part  of  them, 
amounting  to  near  £300,  which  I disbursed  for  public  ser- 
vices divers  years  since,  for  which  I have  received  in  corn, 
at  sis  shillings  the  bushel,  (and  which  will*  not  yield  me 
above  four  shillings,)  about  £180,  or  near  so  much.  I dis- 
bursed also  for  the  transportation  of  Mr.  Phillips  his  family, 
which  was  to  be  borne  by  the  government  till  he  should  be 
chosen  to  some  particular  congregation. 

"Now,  for  my  other  charges,  by  occasion  of  my  place  of 
government,  it  is  well  known  I have  expended  much,  and 
somewhat  I have  received  towards  it,  which  I should  have 
rested  satisfied  with,  but  that,  being  called  to  accompt,  I 
must  mention  my  disbursements  with  my  receipts,  and,  in 
both,  shall  refer  myself  to  the  pleasure  of  the  court. 

"I  was  first  chosen  to  be  governour  without  my  seeking 
or  expectation,  (there  being  then  divers  other  gent,  who,  for 
their  abilities  every  way,  were  far  more  fit.)  Being  chosen, 
I furnished  myself  with  servants  and  provisions  accordingly, 
in  a far  greater  proportion  than  I would  have  done,  had  I 
come  as  a private  man,  or  as  an  assistant  only.  In  this 
office  I continued  four  years  and  near  an  half,  although  I 
earnestly  desired,  at  every  election,  to  have  been  freed.  In 
this  time,  I have  spent  above  £500  per  annum,  of  which 
£200  per  annum  would  have  maintained  my  family  in  a 
private  condition.  So  as  I may  truly  say,  I have  spent,  by 
occasion  of  my  late  office,  above  £1200.  Towards  this  I 
have  received,  by  way  of  benevolence,  from  some  towns,  about 
£50,  and,  by  the  last  year’s  allowance,  £150,  and,  by  some 
provisions  sent  by  Mr.  Humfrey,  as  is  before-mentioned,  about 
£50,  or,  it  may  be,  somewhat  more. 

" I also  disbursed,  at  our  coming  away,  in  England,  for 
powder  and  great  shot,  £216,  which  I did  not  put  into  my 
bill  of  charges  formerly  delivered  to  the  now  deputy,  because 

VOL.  II.  16 


122 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


I did  expect  to  have  paid  myself  out  of  that  part  of  Mr. 
Johnson’s  estate,  which  he  gave  to  the  public ; but,  finding 
that  it  will  fall  far  short,  I must  put  it  to  this  accompt. 

"The  last  thing,  which  I offer  to  the  consideration  of  the 
court,  is,  that  my  long  continuance  in  the  said  office  hath 
put  me  into  such  a way  of  unavoidable  charge,  as  will  be 
still  as  chargeable  to  me  as  the  place  of  governour  will  be  to 
some  others.  In  all  these  things,  I refer  myself  to  the 
wisdom  and  justice  of  the  court,  with  this  protestation,  that 
it  repenteth  me  not  of  my  cost  or  labor  bestowed  in  the 
service  of  this  commonwealth ; but  do  heartily  bless  the  Lord 
our  God,  that  he  hath  pleased  to  honor  me  so  far  as  to  call 
for  any  thing  he  hath  bestowed  upon  me  for  the  service  of 
his  church  and  people  here,  the  prosperity  whereof,  and  his 
gracious  acceptance,  shall  be  an  abundant  recompense  to  me. 
I conclude  with  this  one  request,  (which  in  justice  may  not 
be  denied  me,)  that,  as  it  stands  upon  record,  that,  upon 
the  discharge  of  my  office,  I was  called  to  accompt,  so  this 
my  declaration  may  be  recorded  also ; lest  hereafter,  when 
I shall  be  forgotten,  some  blemish  may  lie  upon  my  posterity, 
when  there  shall  be  nothing  to  clear  it,  etc. 

"John  Winthrop. 

“September  4th,  1634." 

Governor  Hutchinson,  in  his  “ History  of  Massachu- 
setts,” regards  the  investigation  which  called  forth  this 
paper  as  having  been  a hostile  proceeding ; and,  after 
remarking  that  Winthrop  “ discharged  himself  with 
great  honor,”  says,  in  a note,  that  “ he  might  have 
torn  his  books  of  accounts,  as  Scipio  Africanus  did, 
and  given  the  ungrateful  populace  this  answer : A 
Colony,  now  in  a flourishing  estate,  has  been  led  out 
and  settled  under  my  direction.  My  own  substance 
is  consumed.  Spend  no  more  time  in  harangues,  but 
give  thanks  to  God.”1 


1 Hutchinson’s  Massachusetts,  vol.  i.  p.  43. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


123 


We  are  not  disposed,  however,  to  complain  of  the 
proceeding  in  any  light  in  which  it  can  be  regarded. 
It  presents  a salutary  example  of  the  strictness  of 
our  New-England  fathers  in  holding  even  the  highest 
and  most  honored  of  then*  rulers  to  account  for  the 
exercise  of  their  authority  and  for  the  care  of  the  pub- 
lic property.  It  exhibits  the  scrupulous  exactness 
which  was  demanded  of  the  servants  of  the  Common- 
wealth in  those  early  days,  and  inculcates  a lesson  of 
responsibility  which  may  well  be  studied  by  then  suc- 
cessors. Above  all,  it  afforded  Governor  Winthrop 
an  opportunity  to  leave  upon  the  pages  of  history  a 
record  of  his  submission,  his  integrity,  and  his  dis- 
interested regard  for  the  welfare  of  the  infant  Colony 
he  had  planted,  which  will  redound  to  his  honor  to 
the  latest  generations. 

Two  letters  of  the  Governor  to  his  son  John,  who 
had  gone  to  England  in  company  with  the  excellent 
Wilson,  soon  after  the  bereavement  to  which  reference 
has  already  been  made,  may  form  a not  uninteresting 
conclusion  to  this  chapter.  They  are  both  without 
signature : — 

John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

‘‘To  my  loving  Son,  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  d’d.  at  Mr.  Downing  his 
Chamber,  in  the  Inner  Temple  Lane,  London. 

" My  dear  Son,  — I hope  the  Lord  hath  carried  you  safe 
to  England,  with  our  most  dear  Mr.  Warner,1  and  the  rest 

1 Undoubtedly,  as  Mr.  Savage  suggests,  Wilson  is  meant.  But,  as  there  was  danger 
to  be  apprehended  by  Puritan  ministers  in  England  at  that  period,  Winthrop  may  have 
purposely  changed  the  name,  lest  the  letter  should  fall  into  wrong  hands,  and  subj  ect 
Wilson  to  arrest.  It  will  be  observed  that  he  tells  his  son  to  “ advise  Mr.  W.  to  keep 
close  by  all  means.” 


124 


LITE  AND  LETTERS 


of  our  good  brethren  and  friends.  There  is  nothing  befallen 
since  your  departure,  but  Mr.  Peirce  came  from  Naraganset, 
three  days  after,  with  five  hundred  bushels  of  corn  only. 
At  the  court  it  was  informed,  that  some  of  Salem  had  taken 
out  a piece  of  the  cross  in  their  ensign ; whereupon  we  sent 
forth  an  attachment  to  bring  in  the  parties  at  the  next  court, 
where  they  are  like  to  be  punished  for  their  indiscreet  zeal, 
for  the  people  are  genei’ally  offended  with  it.  Mrs.  W.1  was 
at  first  very  much  affected  with  her  husband’s  departure,  but 
she  is  now  well  pacified.  I intend  to  send  this  letter  by 
Capt.  Underhill,  who  hath  leave  to  go  and  see  his  friends  in 
Holland.  If  he  come  to  you,  he  can  inform  you  of  all  things 
here.  As  I was  writing  this,  Richard  came  in  and  told  me  the 
dogs  had  killed  an  old  wolf  this  morning  in  our  neck.  She 
made  more  resistance  than  both  the  former.  I have  many 
things  to  write  to  you  about,  for  such  necessaries  as  are  to 
be  provided  and  sent  over ; but  this  occasion  is  sudden,  and 
I can’t  think  of  them,  but  shall  write  more  largely  by  Mr.  P. 
if  the  Lord  will.  Yourself  know  what  will  be  needful,  and 
therefore  may  consider  accordingly.  Remember  copperas,  white 
and  green,  and  two  or  three  pounds  of  Paracelsus’s  plaister, 
and  some  East  Indian  bezoar,  store  of  sail  cloth,  nails,  cordage, 
pitch,  tallow  and  wick,  steel  spades  and  shovels,  two  hand  saws 
and  small  axes,  the  best  of  all,  whatever  they  cost.  Com- 
mend us  to  all  our  good  friends  where  you  be  come,  Mr.  W. 
and  the  rest,  your  uncles,  aunts,  <fcc.  Advise  Mr.  W.  to  keep 
close  by  all  means,  and  make  haste  back.  The  good  Loi’d 
bless  and  prosper  you,  that  we  may  see  your  face  with  joy. 
Your  mother,  &c.  salute  and  bless  you.  Farewell. 

“November  6,  1634.” 


1 Mrs.  Wilson. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


125 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

To  my  dear  Son,  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  at  the  House  of  Mr.  Downing. 

in  Lincoln’s  Fields,  near  the  Golden  Lion  Tavern,  London,  d’d. 

"My  good  Son,  — The  Lord  bless  thee  ever. 

" I wrote  to  you  by  Capt.  Underhill,  who  went  hence  in 
Mr.  Babb’s  ship ; since  which  time  here  arrived  a ship  from 
Barnstable  of  two  hundred  tons,  Mr.  Packers  master.  She 
brought  about  twenty  passengers  and  forty  cattle.  She  lost 
but  two,  and  yet  was  seventeen  weeks  outward  bound,  whereof 
five  in  Ireland.  She  now  returns  empty  with  Mr.  Peirce, 
by  whom  I send  these. 

"All  things  continue  as  when  you  left  us;  only  Mrs.  War- 
ham  is  dead,  and  Mr.  Hooker’s  young  son,  (who  died  of  the 
small  pox,  which  are  very  rife  at  Newtown,)  and  two  men 
of  our  town,  Willy s and  Doretye ; and  two  lads  were  cast 
away  in  a great  tempest  at  N.  E.  on  Friday,  November  21, 
in  the  night,  between  Noddle’s  Island  and  Boston,  in  a small 
boat,  which  they  had  overladen  with  wood.  Myself  and 
divers  others  were  in  the  same  tempest,  not  without  some 
peril,  but  the  Lord  preserved  us.  Mr.  Sewall’s  boat  was 
then  in  the  cove  at  the  head  of  Cape  Ann,  and  broken  to 
pieces,  but  the  men  and  goods  saved.  The  pestilent  fever 
hath  taken  away  some  at  Plimouth  ; among  others,  Mr.  Prence, 
the  governour  his  wife,  and  Mr.  Allerton’s  wife. 

" W e met  the  last  week,  to  consider  about  the  business 
of  the  ensign  at  Salem,  and  have  written  a letter  to  my  brother 
Downing,  wherein,  under  our  hands,  we  signify  our  dislike  of 
the  action,  and  our  purpose  to  punish  the  offenders.1 

"I  wrote  to  you  in  my  former  letter  about  divers  things, 
which  we  should  have  need  of,  which  I will  here  insert  also, 
with  addition  of  some  others.2 

"The  Pekods  sent  two  embassies  to  us.  The  first  time, 
they  went  away  without  answer.  The  next  time,  we  agreed 


1 Six  lines  are  here  erased,  possibly  at  the  time  of  writing,  but  it  may  be  since. 

2 The  list  will  be  found  in  the  fourth  paragraph  from  this. 


126 


LIFE  AJMD  LETTERS 


a peace  with  them,  (for  friendly  commerce  only,)  which  was 
that  they  desired,  having  now  war  with  the  Dutch  and  Nari- 
gansetts,  upon  these  terms,  viz.,  that  they  should  deliver  us 
those  men,  who  killed  Capt.  Stone,  etc.,  and  surrender  up 
to  us  their  right  in  Conecticott,  which  they  willingly  agreed 
unto,  and  offered  us  a great  present  of  wampompeag,  and 
beavers,  and  otter,  with  this  expression,  that  we  might,  with 
part  thereof,  procure  their  peace  with  the  Narigansetts,  (them- 
selves standing  upon  terms  of  honor,  not  to  offer  any  thing 
of  themselves). 

"Winter  hath  begun  early  with  us.  The  bay  hath  been 
frozen  all  over,  but  is  now  open  again ; and  we  had  a snow 
last  week  of  much  depth  in  many  places.  It  came  with  so 
violent  a storm,  as  it  put  by  our  lecture  for  that  day.  I 
wish  that,  in  your  return,  you  would  observe  the  winds  and 
weather,  every  day,  that  we  may  see  how  it  agrees  with  our 
parts. 

"Mr.  Ward  continues  at  your  house  this  winter,  and  Mr. 
Clerk  (to  give  him  content)  in  his  own.  Mr.  Cl.  finds  much 
fault  with  your  servants  John  and  Sarah,  and  tells  me  they 
will  not  earn  their  bread,  and  that  Ned  is  worth  them  all. 

"Spades  and  shovels;  felling  axes,  and  other  small  axes; 
nails  of  6,  10  and  20;  piercer  bitts ; sithes  for  grass,  and 
two  brush  sithes ; copperas,  white  and  green ; Emplastrum 
Paracelsi,  two  or  three  lb.  ; Emplastrum  de  mim ; trading 
cloth,  good  store,  if  money  may'  be  had ; brown  thread,  and 
hair  buttons,  and  a hogshead  of  twine  for  herring  nets  ; shoes, 
two  soled,  strong,  and  the  best  Irish  stockings  and  wash 
leather  stockings ; strong  cloth  suits,  unlined  and  lined  suits 
of  canvas  ; suet,  tallow,  and  wick ; a carpenter,  and  a husband- 
man, and  a rope-maker,  and  a cooper;  some  muskets;  store 
of  brimstone ; a brake  for  hemp. 

"Bring  the  more  of  all  necessaries,  because  this  is  the  last 
we  shall  have  without  custom.1 

1 The  power  to  transport  persons  and  things,  without  paying  custom,  was  limited  by 
the  Charter  of  the  Colony  to  seven  years. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROF. 


127 


"If  my  brother  Tindale  would  let  you  have  £100,  you 
may  give  him  assurance  of  so  much  in  cattle  here,  to  be 
presently  set  out  for  my  wife  and  her  children,  with  the  in- 
crease, or  for  £200,  if  he  will. 

" Commend  us  to  all  our  good  friends,  your  aunt  Downing, 
and  uncle  G.  and  aunt,  those  at  Maplested,  Graces,  Assing- 
ton,  Groton,  Charter-House,  Sir  Richard  S.  and  his  son,  and 
all  the  rest,  as  you  have  occasion,  Mr.  Kirby,  etc.,  and  Mr. 
Howes ; and  make  haste  back.  And  if  there  be  any  matter 
of  importance,  write  by  the  first  fishing  ships.  Direct  your 
letters  to  Capt.  Wiggin,  or  Mr.  Hilton.  Your  mother  and 
the  rest  are  in  health,  (I  praise  God).  We  all  salute  you. 
The  good  Lord  direct,  keep  and  bless  you.  Farewell,  my 
good  son. 


December  12,  1634.” 


128 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


CHAPTER  IX. 

WINTHROP’S  AGENCY  IN  THE  DIVISION  OF  THE  TOWN-LANDS,  AND 
THE  RESERVATION  OF  BOSTON  COMMON.  THE  ARRIVAL  OF 
HUGH  PETERS  AND  HENRY  VANE.  WINTHROP  ACCUSED  OF  TOO 
MUCH  LENITY.  RENEWAL  OF  THE  CHURCH  COVENANT. 

During  the  year  1634,  Winthrop  seems  to  have  been 
much  occupied  with  the  affairs  of  Boston,  as  well  as 
with  those  of  the  Commonwealth  at  large.  The  earliest 
remaining  records  of  Boston,  commencing  in  Septem- 
ber of  this  year,  are  in  his  own  handwriting ; and  his 
name  stands  at  the  head  of  the  list  of  those  present 
at  the  meeting  to  which  they  relate.  In  December 
of  the  same  year,  he  was  elected  chairman  of  a board  of 
seven  men  “ to  divide  and  dispose  of  all  such  lands, 
belonging  to  the  town,  as  are  not  yet  in  the  lawful 
possession  of  any  particular  person,  to  the  inhabitants 
of  the  town,  according  to  the  order  of  the  court ; 
leaving  such  portions  in  common,  for  the  use  of  new- 
comers, and  the  further  benefit  of  the  town,  as  in  their 
best  discretion  they  shall  think  fit.” 

There  seems  to  have  been  some  difficulty  about  this 
election  at  the  first  trial,  although  the  town-records 
make  no  mention  of  it,  and  only  give  an  account  of 
the  second  trial,  when  the  choice  was  consummated. 
The  Journal  of  Winthrop  gives  the  following  account, 
under  date  of  Dec.  11,  1634:  — 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


129 


"This  day,  after  the  lecture,  the  inhabitants  of  Boston  met 
to  choose  seven  men  who  should  divide  the  town  lands  among 
them.  They  chose  by  papers,  and  in  their  choice  left  out 
Mr.  Coddington,  and  other  of  the  chief  men ; only  they 
chose  one  of  the  elders  and  a deacon,  and  the  rest  of  the  in- 
ferior sort  [and  Mr.  Winthrop  had  the  greater  number  before 
one  of  them  by  a voice  or  two].1  This  they  did,  as  fearing 
that  the  richer  men  would  give  the  poorer  sort  no  great  pro- 
portions of  land,  but  would  rather  leave  a great  part  at 
liberty  for  new  comers  and  for  common,  which  Mr.  Winthrop 
had  oft  persuaded  them  unto,  as  best  for  the  town,  etc.  Mr. 
Cotton  and  divers  others  were  offended  at  this  choice,  because 
they  declined  the  magistrates ; and  Mr.  Winthrop  refused  to 
be  one  upon  such  an  election  as  was  carried  by  a voice  or 
two,  telling  them,  that  though,  for  his  part,  he  did  not  appre- 
hend any  personal  injury,  nor  did  doubt  of  their  good  affection 
towards  him,  yet  he  was  much  grieved  that  Boston  should  be 
the  first  who  should  shake  off  their  magistrates,  especially 
Mr.  Coddington,  who  had  been  always  so  forward  for  their 
enlargement;  adding  further  reason  of  declining  this  choice, 
to  blot  out  so  bad  a precedent.  Whereupon,  at  the  motion 
of  Mr.  Cotton,  who  showed  them  that  it  was  the  Lord’s  order 
mnonc;  the  Israelites  to  have  all  such  businesses  committed  to 
the  elders,  and  that  it  had  been  nearer  the  rule  to  have  chosen 
some  of  each  sort,  etc.,  they  all  agreed  to  go  to  a new  election, 
which  was  referred  to  the  next  lecture  day.” 

On  the  next  lecture-day,  accordingly,  every  thing 
went  smoothly ; and  Winthrop,  Coddington,  Belling- 
ham Cotton,  Oliver,  Colburn,  and  Baulstone  were 
chosen.  It  is  to  the  Board  thus  appointed,  and  to 
the  policy  of  John  Winthrop,  who  presided  over  it, 


1 The  passage  enclosed  by  brackets  has  been  partially  erased  in  the  original,  and,  as 
Mr.  Savage  thinks,  by  the  author  himself.  It  makes  the  story  a little  plainer,  however, 
and  is  entirely  consistent  with  all  the  rest  of  it. 

17 


VOL.  II. 


130 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


that  we  owe  the  reservation  from  this  division  of  lands 
of  the  Common,  which  now  constitutes  so  much  of  the 
beauty  and  pride  of  Boston.1 * 3 

At  the  General  Court  of  January,  1634-5,  Win- 
throp was  elected,  with  the  Governor,  Deputy- Gover- 
nor, and  ten  others,  a member  of  a commission  for 
military  affairs,  with  “ power  of  life  and  limb.” 

On  the  6th  of  May,  1635,  the  general  election  of 
colonial  rulers  occurred  again ; when  Dudley,  in  his 
turn,  and  after  only  a single  year’s  service,  was  left 
out  of  the  chief  magistracy,  and  John  Haynes  chosen 
in  his  place.  Winthrop  was  again  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  Board  of  Assistants,  and  in  that  capacity  con- 
tinued his  devoted  service  to  the  affairs  of  the  Com- 
monwealth. 

In  the  month  of  October  of  this  year,  John  Winthrop 
the  younger  returned  from  England,  “ with  commission 
from  the  Lord  Say,  Lord  Brook,  and  divers  other  great 
persons,  to  begin  a plantation  at  Connecticut,  and  to 
be  Governour  there.”  During  his  absence,  he  had 
taken  for  his  second  wife,  Elizabeth  Beade,  daughter 
of  Edmund  Beade,  Esq.,  of  Essex  County,  England, 
who  now  accompanied  him.  Wilson,  the  pastor  of 
Boston,  returned  at  the  same  time,  accompanied  by 
Thomas  Shepard,  soon  to  be  known,  and  ever  afterwards 
to  be  remembered,  as  the  eminent  minister  of  Cam- 


1 Palfrey's  History  of  New  England,  vol.  i.  p.  379.  The  late  Henry  A.  S.  Dearborn, 

whose  ardor  and  enterprise  in  every  good  work  will  not  soon  be  forgotten,  had  drawn 

attention  to  this  fact  many  years  before,  in  several  articles  in  one  of  our  newspapers,  in 
which  he  claimed  that  the  Common  should  be  called  by  the  name  of  the  man  by  whose 
efforts  it  had  thus  been  saved  for  posterity;  but  we  should  be  sorry  to  lose  the  ancien* 
popular  designation. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


131 


1 ridge  The  two  latter  came  in  the  ship  “ Defence  ; ” 
but  hi  the  “ Abigail,”  with  the  younger  Winthrop,  wrere 
two  persons  who  were  destined  to  play  even  a more 
conspicuous  part  in  the  history  of  the  infant  Colony 
during  their  stay  here,  and  who  were  doomed  to  a 
common  and  melancholy  fate  after  their  return  to 
England.  One  of  these  persons  was  Hugh  Peter  or 
Peters,1  whom  Governor  Winthrop  describes,  in  the 
passage  of  his  Journal  announcing  his  arrival,  as  “ Mr. 
Peter,  pastor  of  the  English  church  in  Rotterdam,  who, 
being  persecuted  by  the  English  ambassador,  — who 
would  have  brought  his  and  other  churches  to  the 
English  discipline,  — and  not  having  had  his  health 
these  many  years,  intended  to  advise  with  the  ministers 
here  about  his  removal.”  Peters  had  married  for  his 
first  wife  “ one  Mistress  Read,  a widow  woman,  dwell- 
ing near  unto  him,”  who  was  undoubtedly  the  mother 
of  John  Winthrop,  jr.’s  second  wife.  He  is  thus 
sometimes  spoken  of,  in  the  correspondence  of  the 
time,  as  the  father  of  the  younger  Winthrop ; while 
Governor  Winthrop  the  elder  frequently  entitles  him 
“ brother  Peter.”  Hugh  Peters  had  long  before  taken 
an  interest  in  the  colonization  of  New  England.  He 
was  one  of  the  earliest  members  of  the  Massachusetts 


i Hugh  Peters,  as  he  is  generally  called  in  history,  habitually  spelt  his  own  name 
without  the  final  s.  There  is  a scandalous  Biography  of  him  by  Dr.  William  Tonge, 
■who  was  the  principal  witness  against  him  at  his  trial  as  one  of  the  Regicides,  and  who 
had  thus  cost  him  his  life.  It  was  printed  in  London  in  1663,  and  dedicated  to  Henrietta 
Maria,  the  widowed  queen  of  Charles  I.  It  speaks  of  him  as  having  once  been  a Jester, 
or  Fool,  in  Shakspeare’s  Company  of  Players.  It  also  accuses  him  of  great  profligacy 
of  all  sorts.  But  the  book  professes  to  have  been  “ penned  at  some  few  spare  hours  iu 
a fortnight’s  retirement  into  the  country,”  and  is  evidently  a hasty  and  heated  emana- 
tion of  personal  and  political  hatred. 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


132 

Company,  and  one  of  the  signers  of  the  Instructions 
to  Endicott  in  1G28.  It  is  possible  that  his  connec- 
tion with  the  Winthrops  may  have  first  induced  him 
to  come  over,  and  see  the  Colony  for  himself. 

The  other  and  still  more  distinguished  new-comer  is 
introduced  by  Governor  Winthrop  as  follows : — 

"Here  came  also  one  Mr.  Henry  Vane,  son  and  heir  to  Sir 
Henry  Vane,  comptroller  of  the  king’s  house,  who,  being  a 
young  gentleman  of  excellent  parts,  and  had  been  employed 
by  his  father  (when  he  was  ambassador)  in  foreign  affairs ; 
yet,  being  called  to  the  obedience  of  the  gospel,  forsook  the 
honors  and  preferments  of  the  court,  to  enjoy  the  ordinances 
of  Christ  in  their  purity  here.  His  father,  being  very  averse 
to  this  way,  (as  no  way  savoring  the  power  of  religion,) 
would  hardly  have  consented  to  his  coming  hither,  but  that, 
acquainting  the  king  with  his  son’s  disposition  and  desire,  he 
commanded  him  to  send  him  hither,  and  gave  him  license 
for  three  years’  stay  here.” 

These  gentlemen  seem  to  have  manifested  an  active 
interest  in  the  affairs  both  of  Church  and  State  at  the 
earliest  moment  after  their  arrival.  On  the  1st  of 
November,  “Mr.  Vane  was  admitted  a member  of  the 
church  of  Boston ; ” on  the  26th  of  November,  Hugh 
Peters  is  recorded  as  having,  while  “ preaching  at 
Boston  and  Salem,  moved  the  country  to  raise  a stock 
for  fishing,  as  the  only  probable  means  to  free  us 
from  that  oppression,  which  the  seamen  and  others 
held  us  under;”  and,  on  the  18th  of  January,  within 
three  months  after  they  had  landed  on  the  shores  of 
New  England,  we  find  them  associated  in  a movement 
of  which  Winthrop  gives  the  following  detailed  account, 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP, 


133 


(vhich  will  be  found  to  throw  not  a little  light  upon 
his  own  course  and  character,  as  well  as  upon  the  con- 
dition of  the  plantation : — 

"Mr.  Vane  and  Mr.  Peter,  finding  some  distraction  in  the 
commonwealth,  arising  from  some  difference  in  judgment,  and 
withal  some  alienation  of  affection  among  the  magistrates 
and  some  other  persons  of  quality,  and  that  hereby  factions 
began  to  grow  among  the  people,  some  adhering  more  to 
the  old  governour,  Mr.  Winthrop,  and  others  to  the  late 
governour,  Mr.  Dudley,  — the  former  carrying  matters  with 
more  lenity,  and  the  latter  with  more  severity,  — they  pro- 
cured a meeting,  at  Boston,  of  the  governour,  deputy,  Mr. 
Cotton,  Mr.  Hooker,  Mr.  Wilson,  and  there  was  present 
Mr.  Winthrop,  Mr.  Dudley,  and  themselves ; where,  after 
the  Lord  had  been  sought,  Mr.  Vane  declared  the  occasion 
of  this  meeting,  (as  is  before  noted,)  and  the  fruit  aimed 
at,  viz.  a more  firm  and  friendly  uniting  of  minds,  etc., 
especially  of  the  said  Mr.  Dudley  and  Mr.  Winthrop,  as 
those  upon  whom  the  weight  of  the  affairs  did  lie,  etc.,  and 
therefore  desired  all  present  to  take  up  a resolution  to  deal 
freely  and  openly  with  the  parties,  and  they  each  with  other, 
that  nothing  might  be  left  in  their  breasts,  which  might  break 
out  to  any  jar  or  difference  hereafter,  (which  they  promised 
to  do). 

" Then  Mr.  Winthrop  spake  to  this  effect : that  when  it 
pleased  Mr.  Yane  to  acquaint  him  with  what  he  had  ob- 
served, of  the  dispositions  of  men’s  minds  inclining  to  the 
said  faction,  etc.,  it  was  very  strange  to  him,  professing 
solemnly  that  he  knew  not  of  any  breach  between  his  brother 
Dudley  and  himself,  since  they  were  reconciled  long  since, 
neither  did  he  suspect  any  alienation  of  affection  in  him  or 
others  from  himself,  save  that,  of  late,  he  had  observed,  that 
some  new  comers  had  estranged  themselves  from  him,  since 
they  went  to  dwell  at  Newtown ; and  so  desired  all  the 
company,  that,  if  they  had  seen  any  thing  amiss  in  his  gov- 


134 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


eminent  or  otherwise,  they  would  deal  freely  and  faithfully 
with  him,  and  for  his  part  he  promised  to  take  it  in  good 
part,  and  would  endeavor,  by  God’s  grace,  to  amend  it. 

" Then  Mr.  Dudley  spake  to  this  effect : that  for  his  part 
he  came  thither  a mere  patient,  not  with  any  intent  to  charge 
his  brother  Winthrop  with  any  thing ; for  though  there  had 
been  formerly  some  differences  and  breaches  between  them, 
yet  they  had  been  healed,  and,  for  his  part,  he  was  not  will- 
ing to  renew  them  again ; and  so  left  it  to  others  to  utter 
their  own  complaints. 

" Whereupon  the  governour,  Mr.  Haynes,  spake  to  this 
effect : that  Mr.  Winthrop  and  himself  had  been  always  in 
good  terms,  etc.  ; therefore  he  was  loath  to  give  any  offence 
to  him,  and  he  hoped  that,  considering  what  the  end  of  this 
meeting  was,  he  would  take  it  in  good  part,  if  he  did  deal 
openly  and  freely,  as  his  manner  ever  was.  Then  he  spake 
of  one  or  two  passages,  wherein  he  conceived,  that  [he] 
dealt  too  remissly  in  point  of  justice ; to  which  Mr.  Winthrop 
answered,  that  his  speeches  and  carriage  had  been  in  part 
mistaken ; but  withal  professed,  that  it  was  his  judgment, 
that  in  the  infancy  of  plantation,  justice  should  be  adminis- 
tered with  more  lenity  than  in  a settled  state,  because  people 
were  then  more  apt  to  transgress,  partly  of  ignorance  of  new 
laws  and  orders,  partly  through  oppression  of  business  and 
other  straits ; but,  if  it  might  be  made  clear  to  him,  that  it 
was  an  error,  he  would  be  ready  to  take  up  a stricter  course. 
Then  the  ministers  were  desired  to  consider  of  the  question 
by  the  next  morning,  and  to  set  down  a rule  in  the  case. 
The  next  morning,  they  delivered  their  several  reasons,  which 
all  sorted  to  this  conclusion,  that  strict  discipline,  both  in 
criminal  offences  and  in  martial  affairs,  was  more  needful  in 
plantations  than  in  a settled  state,  as  tending  to  the  honor 
and  safety  of  the  gospel.  Whereupon  Mr.  Winthrop  acknowl- 
edged that  he  was  convinced,  that  he  had  failed  in  over  much 
lenity  and  remissness,  and  would  endeavor  (by  God’s  assist- 
ance) to  take  a more  strict  course  hereafter.  Whereupon 


or  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


135 


there  was  a renewal  of  love  amongst  them,  and  articles 
drawn  to  this  effect : — 

" 1 . That  there  should  be  more  strictness  used  in  civil 
government  and  military  discipline. 

"2.  That  the  magistrates  should  (as  far  as  might  be) 
ripen  their  consultations  beforehand,  that  their  vote  in  public 
might  bear  (as  the  voice  of  God). 

"3.  That,  in  meetings  out  of  court,  the  magistrates  should 
not  discuss  the  business  of  parties  in  their  presence,  nor 
deliver  their  opinions,  etc. 

"4.  That  trivial  things,  etc.,  should  be  ended  in  towns, 
etc. 

"5.  If  differences  fall  out  among  them  in  public  meetings, 
they  shall  observe  these  rules  : — 

"1.  Not  to  touch  any  person  differing,  but  speak  to  the 
cause. 

" 2.  To  express  their  difference  in  all  modesty  and  due  re- 
spect to  the  court  and  such  as  differ,  etc. 

" 3.  Or  to  propound  their  difference  by  way  of  question. 

'■  4.  Or  to  desire  a deferring  of  the  cause  to  further  time. 

"5.  After  sentence,  (if  all  have  agreed,)  none  shall  inti- 
mate his  dislike  privately ; or,  if  one  dissent,  he  shall  sit 
down,  without  showing  any  further  distaste,  publicly  or 
privately. 

" 6.  The  magistrates  shall  be  more  familiar  and  open  each 
to  other,  and  more  frequent  in  visitations,  and  shall,  in  tender- 
ness and  love,  admonish  one  another,  (without  reserving  any 
secret  grudge,)  and  shall  avoid  all  jealousies  and  suspicions, 
each  seeking  the  honor  of  another,  and  all,  of  the  court,  not 
opening  the  nakedness  of  one  another  to  private  persons ; 
in  all  things  seeking  the  safety  and  credit  of  the  gospel. 

"7.  To  honor  the  governour  in  submitting  to  him  the 
main  direction  and  ordering  the  business  of  the  court. 

" 8 . One  assistant  shall  not  seem  to  gratify  any  man  in 
undoing  or  crossing  another’s  proceedings,  without  due  ad- 
vice with  him. 


136 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


" 9.  They  shall  grace  and  strengthen  their  under  officers 
in  their  places,  etc. 

" 10.  All  contempts  against  the  court,  or  any  of  the  ma- 
gistrates , shall  be  specially  noted  and  punished ; and  the 
magistrates  shall  appear  more  solemnly  in  public,  with  at- 
tendance, apparel,  and  open  notice  of  their  entrance  into  the 
court.” 

It  would  seem,  from  this  account,  that  the  only 
charge  arrayed  against  Winthrop  on  this  occasion  was 
for  having  “ dealt  too  remissly  in  point  of  justice  in 
one  or  two  passages,”  or,  as  it  is  also  expressed,  for 
having  “ failed  in  over-much  lenity.”  Winthrop  was 
of  opinion,  it  appears,  that,  “ in  the  infancy  of  planta- 
tions, justice  should  be  administered  with  more  lenity 
than  in  a settled  state,  because  people  were  then 
more  apt  to  transgress,  partly  of  ignorance  of  new 
laws  and  orders,  partly  through  oppression  of  business 
and  other  straits.”  But  Governor  Haynes  was  of  an- 
other mind,  and  so  were  Vane  and  Peters.  Even  the 
ministers,  too,  — Cotton  and  Wilson  and  Hooker, — 
were  in  favor  of  a more  rigorous  administration  of 
the  government ; and,  upon  the  matter  being  referred 
to  them  for  decision,  they  delivered  an  opinion  pre- 
cisely the  opposite  of  that  which  Winthrop  had  ex- 
pressed, pronouncing  “ that  strict  discipline,  both  in 
criminal  offences  and  in  martial  affairs,  was  more 
needful  in  plantations  than  in  settled  states,  as  tending 
to  the  honor  and  safety  of  the  Gospel.” 

It  would  be  vain  to  enter  into  any  argument  at  the 
present  day  as  to  which  party  had  the  right  in  this  con- 
troversy ; but  Winthrop  will  not  suffer  with  posterity 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


137 


for  having  been  convicted  of  too  much  lenity  by  the 
Puritan  leaders,  and  for  having  stood  alone  in  that 
memorable  council  on  the  side  of  moderation.  Nor 
will  posterity  omit  to  make  the  proper  allowances,  if 
any  thing  of  unaccustomed  severity  should  seem  to 
exhibit  itself  in  any  part  of  his  subsequent  career. 
So  emphatic  a rebuke  of  his  lenity  could  hardly  fail  to 
have  made  a lasting  impression  upon  one  who  showed 
such  habitual  deference  to  the  ministers  from  whom  it 
proceeded.  It  will  be  observed,  that  he  at  once  ac- 
knowledged himself  convinced,  and  promised  “ to  en- 
deavor (by  God's  assistance)  to  take  a more  strict  course 
hereafter.” 

And  here  occurs  a most  agreeable  and  striking  co- 
incidence. This  impeachment  of  Winthrop’s  remiss- 
ness in  the  execution  of  justice,  and  of  the  general 
lenity  of  his  course,  was  almost  precisely  simultaneous 
with  the  censure  and  condemnation  of  Roger  Williams. 
It  wras  in  October,  1635,  that  Williams  was  sentenced 
by  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  to  depart  out 
of  their  jurisdiction  within  six  weeks ; and  it  was  in 
the  January  following,  and  within  seven  days  of  this 
judgment  against  Winthrop  for  his  “ too  much  lenity,” 
that  Governor  Haynes  and  the  Assistants,  being  in- 
formed that  Roger  Williams,  to  whom  liberty  had  been 
granted  “ to  stay  till  the  spring,”  was  using  this  liberty 
for  preaching  and  propagating  the  doctrines  for  which 
he  had  been  censured,  despatched  Captain  Underhill 
with  a commission  to  apprehend  him,  with  a view  to 
his  being  shipped  off  to  England.  Winthrop,  it  is 
well  known,  befriended  the  great  founder  of  Rhode 

18 


YOL.  II. 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


158 

Island,  and  apostle  of  toleration,  in  his  exile ; and  the 
most  affectionate  correspondence  was  kept  up  between 
them  as  long  as  Winthrop  lived.1 

A few  weeks  after  the  meeting  at  which  Winthrop’s 
lenity  was  censured,  we  find  the  following  entry  in  the 
Journal : — 

"25  February.]  The  distractions  about  the  churches  of 
Salem  and  Sagus,  and  the  removal  of  other  churches,  and 
the  great  scarcity  of  corn,  etc.,  occasioned  a general  fast  to 
[be]  proclaimed,  which,  because  the  court  was  not  at  hand, 
was  moved  by  the  elders  of  the  churches,  and  assented  unto 
by  the  ministers.  The  church  of  Boston  renewed  their  cove- 
nant this  day,  and  made  a large  explanation  of  that  which 
they  had  first  entered  into,  and  acknowledged  such  failings 
as  had  fallen  out,  etc.” 

A copy  of  what  is  believed  to  have  been  this  re- 
newed and  enlarged  Covenant  is  still  extant  among  the 
Winthrop  Papers,  and  will  form  a fitting  close  to  this 
chapter : — 

Church  Covenant. 

" W ee  who  through  the  exceeding  riches  of  Grace  & patience 
of  God  doe  yet  continue  members  of  this  church,  being  now 
assembled  in  the  holy  pi-esence  of  God,  & in  the  name  of 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  after  humble  confession  of  our  manifold 
breaches  of  covenant  before  the  Lord  our  God,  & earnest 
supplication  of  pardoning  mercy  through  the  blood  of  Christ, 
& deep  acknowledgement  of  our  great  unworthynes  to  be  owned 
as  the  Lord’s  covenant  people ; Also  acknowledging  our  in- 

1 A very  large  proportion  of  all  the  letters  of  Roger  Williams,  which  have  survived 
the  lapse  of  time,  are  addressed  to  Governor  Winthrop  of  Massachusetts,  or  to  his  son  the 
Governor  of  Connecticut.  More  than  sixty  have  been  recently  published  in  the  sixth 
volume,  fourth  series,  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  and  at  least  thirty  had 
been  previously  printed  in  vols.  ix.  and  x.  of  the  third  series. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


139 


ability  to  keep  covenant  with  God,  or  to  performe  any  spiritual! 
duty  unlesse  the  Lord  Jesus  do  enable  us  thereunto,  by  his 
spirit  dwelling  in  us  : and  being  awfully  sensible,  that  it  is 
a dreadfull  thing  for  sinfull  dust  & ashes,  personally  to  transact 
with  the  infinitely  glorious  Majesty  of  Heaven  and  Earth : 
We  doe  in  humble  confidence  of  his  gracious  assistance  & 
acceptance  through  Christ,  Each  one  of  us  severally  for  our 
selves,  & jointly  as  a church  of  the  living  God,  explicitly 
renew  our  Covenant  with  God,  & one  with  another  in  manner 
& forme  following  : — That  is  to  say,  — 

" Wee  doe  give  up  ourselves  unto  that  God  whose  name 
alone  is  Jehovah,  Father,  Son  & holy  Spiritt,  as  the  one  only 
true  and  living  God,  and  unto  our  Blessed  Lord  Jesus  Christ  as 
our  onely  Saviour,  prophett,  priest,  & King  over  our  soules, 
& onely  mediator  of  the  covenant  of  Grace ; promiseing  (by 
the  helpe  of  his  Spiritt  and  Grace)  to  cleave  unto  God  as 
our  chiefe  Good,  & unto  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  by  faith  in 
a way  of  Gospell  obedience  as  becometh  his  covenant  people 
for  ever. 

"Wee  doe  also  give  up  our  offspring  unto  God  in  Jesus 
Christ,  avouching  the  Lord  to  be  our  God,  & the  God  of 
our  children,  and  ourselves,  with  our  children,  to  be  his 
people,  humbly  adoring  this  Grace  of  God,  that,  wee  & our 
offspring  with  us,  may  be  looked  upon  as  the  Lord’s. 

"Wee  doe  also  give  up  our  selves  one  unto  another  in  the 
Lord,  & according  to  the  will  of  God,  freely  covenanting, 
& binding  our  selves  to  walke  together  as  a right  ordered 
Congregation,  & church  of  Christ,  in  all  wayes  of  his  worship 
according  to  the  holy  rules  of  the  word  of  God  : promiseing 
in  Brotherly  love,  faithfully  to  watch  over  one  another’s  soules, 
& to  submit  our  selves  to  the  discipline  & government  of 
Christ  in  his  Church,  & duely  to  attend  the  seales,  censures, 
or  whatever  ordinances  Christ  hath  comanded  should  be  ob- 
served, by  his  people  according  to  the  order  of  the  Gospell. 

"And  whereas  the  Lord  our  God,  hath  of  late  brought  us 
under  very  solemn  & awffull  dispensations  of  his  holy  provi- 


140 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


ilence,  even  so,  as  in  some  sort,  to  remove  this  Candlesticke 
out  of  its  place;  wee  must  needs  confesse  before  him,  that 
he  is  righteous,  & that  by  our  transgressions  against  the  cove- 
nant, we  have  deserved  all  the  evill  that  is  come  upon  us  — 
particularly,  Wee  from  our  hearts  bewaile  it  before  the  Lord, 
That  wee  have  loved  Christ  no  more,  & the  world  with  the 
things  and  vanityes  thereof  so  much,  as  also,  that  wee  have 
no  more  loved  one  another  with  a pure  heart  fervently.  [Wee 
must  moreover  confesse,  That  some  amongst  us  have  been 
visibly  guilty  of  that  sin  of  Pride  in  apparelling  themselves 
or  their  children,  otherwise  then  doth  become  their  places, 
& those  that  professe  Godlines.  — And  that  some  amongst 
us  have  been  guilty,  in  respect  of  that  too  common,  & pre- 
vailing sin  of  Excesse  in  drinking.  Wee  desire  to  be  ashamed 
before  the  Lord  our  God  this  day,  that  ever  such  evills  should 
be  found  amongst  us,  or  in  any  of  us]  1 & humbly  apply  our 
selves  to  the  throne  of  Grace  for  pardoning  mercy  : and  as 
an  expedient  to  reformation  of  these,  and  what  ever  evills 
have  provoked  the  Eyes  of  God’s  glory  amongst  us,  Wee 
doe  subjoine  unto  our  church  covenant  a further  engagement 
whereby  wee  doe  as  in  the  presence  of  God  promise, 

"1.  That  wee  will  (by  the  helpe  of  Christ)  endeavour  every 
one  of  us,  to  reforme  his  owne  heart  and  life,  by  seeking  to 
mortify  all  our  sins,  & endeavouring  to  walke  more  fully, 
firmely,  and  closely  with  God,  then  ever  wee  have  done,  & to 
uphold  the  power  of  Godlines,  & that  wee  will  continue  to 
worship  God  in  publicke,  private,  secrett;  and  this  (as  God 
shall  helpe  us)  without  formality,  & hypocricy,  & more  fully, 
faithfully  then  heretofore . to  discharge  all  covenant  dutyes,  one 
towards  another  in  a way  of  church  communion. 

"2.  Wee  promise  (by  the  helpe  of  Christ)  to  walke  before 
God  in  our  houses,  with  a perfect  heart,  & that  wee  will  uphold 
the  worship  of  God  therein  constantly,  both  in  respect  of 


1 These  brackets  are  in  the  original  paper,  and  seem  to  indicate  that  the  subject  was 
still  under  consideration ; or,  perhaps,  that  the  words  were  stricken  out. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


141 


prayer  and  reading  the  Scriptures,  that  so  the  word  of  Christ 
may  dwell  richly  in  us,  & that  wee  will  doe  what  in  us  lyeth 
to  bring  up  our  children  for  Christ,  That  they  may  become 
such,  as  they  that  have  the  Lords  name  put  upon  them  by 
a solemn  dedication  to  God  in  Christ,  ought  to  be ; & that 
therefore  we  will  Catechise  them,  & Exhort  and  charge  them 
to  feare  & serve  the  Lord,  & endeavour  to  sett  an  holy 
Example  before  them,  and  be  much  in  prayer  for  them  Con- 
version and  Salvation. 

"3.  Wee  doe  further  Engage  (the  Lord  helping  of  us)  to 
keep  ourselves  pure  from  the  Sins  of  the  times,  & in  our  places 
to  endeavour  the  suppression  thereof : — whether  those  Sins 
mentioned,  or  any  other  scandalous  transgressions,  against  the 
first  or  second  Table,  & that  we  will  make  conscience  to 
walke  so  as  that  we  may  not  give  occasion  to  others  to  sin, 
or  to  speake  evill  of  our  holy  profession. 

"Now  that  we  may  observe,  & keep  this  sacred  Covenant, 
& all  the  branches  of  it,  inviolable  forever,  we  desire  to  deny 
ourselves,  and  to  depend  wholly  upon  the  power  of  the 
Eternall  Spirit  of  Grace,  & upon  the  free  mercy  of  God,  & 
meritt  of  Jesus  Christ ; & where  we  shall  fade,  there  to  wait 
upon  the  Lord  Jesus  for  pardon,  & for  acceptance,  & for 
healing  for  his  name’s  sake.”1 

i In  our  Appendix  (No.  ni.)  will  be  found  the  rough  draft  of  a letter  of  the  Gov- 
ernor’s on  the  subject  of  this  Covenant. 


142 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


CHAPTER  X. 

COUNCILLORS  FOR  LIFE.  WINTHROP  CHOSEN  ONE  OF  THEM 
RELIGIOUS  CONTROVERSIES. ' CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  HIS 
SON. 


On  the  7th  of  April,  1636,  Winthrop  states  in  his 
Journal  that  it  was  ordered  by  the  General  Court, 
“ that  a certain  number  of  the  Magistrates  should  be 
chosen  for  life.”  He  adds,  in  a parenthesis,  “ for  that 
it  was  showed  from  the  Word  of  God  &c.  that  the 
principal  Magistrates  ought  to  be  for  life.”  1 Accord- 
ingly, at  the  next  General  Election,  on  the  25th  of 
May,  Henry  Vane  having  been  chosen  Governor,  John 
Winthrop  and  Thomas  Dudley  were  chosen  Council- 
lors for  life.  Winthrop  was,  at  the  same  time,  elected 
Deputy-Governor. 

This  Council  for  life  was  undoubtedly  proposed  by 
John  Cotton,  and  is  entirely  in  keeping  with  his  mem- 
orable sermon  at  a previous  election.  It  is  found, 
also,  in  the  draft  of  his  “ Model  of  Moses  his  Judicials,” 
which  was  presented  to  the  General  Court,  at  their  re- 
quest, in  October  of  this  year.  The  following  is  the 
fourth  article  of  the  first  chapter  of  this  Mosaic  code, 
as  first  printed  at  London  in  1641 : — 


1 Winthrop’s  History  of  New  England,  vol.  i.  p.  219. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


143 


" IV.  And  because  these  great  affaires  of  the  State  cannot 
well  and  sufficiently  be  attended,  nor  wisely  administered,  if 
they  be  often  changed,  therefore  the  Councellors  ought  to  be 
chosen  for  life,  unless  they  give  just  cause  of  removall,  which, 
if  they  doe,  then  they  to  be  removed  by  the  General  Court.” 

No  less  than  five  texts  of  Scripture  are  cited  in  the 
margin  as  authorities  for  this  provision.  But  it  is 
no  disparagement  to  John  Cotton  to  suggest,  as  Mr. 
Savage  has  well  done,  that  worldly  and  temporal 
motives  may  have  added  materially  to  the  force  of  the 
scriptural  precedents  upon  which  this  tenure  for  life 
was  founded.  Certain  men  of  rank  in  England  were 
at  this  time  deeply  interested  in  the  progress  of  our 
plantation,  and  were  supposed  to  be  seriously  inclined 
to  come  over  and  join  it.  It  might  easily  be  imagined 
that  they  would  be  less  reluctant  to  abandon  their 
high  estate  at  home,  if  there  was  something  in  the 
nature  of  privilege  and  peerage  to  be  enjoyed  here. 
Indeed,  Cotton  himself  holds  out  this  precise  idea  in 
the  following  passage  of  a letter  to  Lord  Say  and 
Sele,  written  in  this  same  year,  1636,  in  relation  to 
certain  propositions  brought  over  by  the  younger  Win- 
throp  when  he  returned  from  England  : — 

"What  our  brethren,  (magistrates,  or  ministers,  or  leading 
free-holders)  will  answer  to  the  rest  of  the  propositions,  I shall 
better  understand  before  the  gentleman’s  returne  from  Con- 
neeticutt,  who  brought  them  over.  Meanwhile,  two  of  the 
principal!  of  them,  the  General  Court  hath  already  conde- 
scended unto.  1.  In  establishing  a Standing  Councell,  who, 
during  their  lives,  should  assist  the  Governor  in  managing 
the  chiefest  affayres  of  this  little  state.  They  have  chosen 
for  the  present  onely  two  (Mr.  Winthrope  and  Mr.  Dudley) 


144 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


not  willing  to  choose  more,  till  they  see  what  further  better 
choyse  the  Lord  will  send  over  to  them,  that  soe  they  may 
keep  an  open  doore  for  such  desireable  gentlemen  as  your 
Lordship  mentioneth.  2.  They  have  granted  the  Governor 
and  Assistants  a negative  voyce,  and  reserved  to  the  freemen 
the  like  liberty  also.” 

; ‘ An  open  doore  for  such  desireable  gentlemen  as 
your  Lordship  mentioneth”  doubtless  suggests  the  lead- 
ing idea  of  John  Cotton,  in  the  establishment  of  this 
Council  for  life.  But  it  proved  to  be  exceedingly  dis- 
tasteful to  the  people  of  the  Colony,  and  lasted  only 
for  a few  years.  John  Endicott  was  chosen  a member 
of  it  in  1637 ; but  his  election  seems  to  have  been 
the  last  effort  to  increase  its  number,  or  prolong  its  ex- 
istence. The  aristocratic  character  of  Cotton’s  propo- 
sition, however,  will  be  a good  deal  less  glaring,  if 
we  reflect  that  there  was  nothing  hereditary  in  the 
tenure  which  it  established ; that  it  was,  after  all, 
neither  more  nor  less  than  the  judicial  tenure  — the 
dum  bene  gesserint  — of  our  later  constitutions ; and 
that  there  was  an  acknowledged  power  of  removal 
for  misconduct  by  the  General  Court.  In  these  early 
days,  moreover,  the  supreme  judicial  power  was 
probably  in  great  part  exercised  by  the  councillors. 
Certainly,  the  complete  separation  of  the  executive, 
legislative,  and  judicial  authority  was  reserved  for  more 
mature  systems  of  government  than  that  of  Massachu 
setts  in  1636. 

The  election  of  Vane  to  the  chief  magistracy  so 
soon  after  his  arrival  was  a signal  testimony  to  the 
importance  and  influence  which  he  had  rapidly  ac- 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


145 


quired.  His  early  consideration  in  the  Colony  may 
have  owed  something  to  his  high  connections  at  home. 
Winthrop  says,  in  his  Journal,  “ And  because  he  was 
son  and  heir  to  a privy  councillor  in  England,  the 
ships  congratulated  his  election  with  a volley  of  great 
shot.”  But  Vane  had  ability  and  enterprise  enough 
to  have  secured  an  ultimate  success  and  celebrity  with- 
out the  aid  of  any  mere  family  influence. 

His  administration  of  affairs  in  Massachusetts,  how- 
ever, was  destined  to  be  disturbed  by  a violence  of 
religious  and  civil  controversy,  which  has  never  been 
exceeded  on  the  same  soil,  if  on  any  soil  beneath  the 
sun.  Winthrop  thus  sets  forth  the  origin  of  this  con- 
troversy, under  date  of  Oct.  21 : — 

" One  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  a member  of  the  church  of  Boston, 
a woman  of  a ready  wit  and  bold  spirit,  brought  over  with 
her  two  dangerous  errors  : 1.  That  the  person  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  dwells  in  a justified  person.  2.  That  no  sanctification 
can  help  to  evidence  to  us  our  justification. — From  these 
two  grew  many  branches;  as,  1.  Our  union  with  the  Holy 
Ghost,  so  as  a Christian  remains  dead  to  every  spiritual  action, 
and  hath  no  gifts  nor  graces,  other  than  such  as  are  in  hypo- 
crites, nor  any  other  sanctification  but  the  Holy  Ghost  himself.” 

A large  blank,  immediately  following  this  statement 
in  the  Journal,  betokens  an  intention  on  the  part  of 
its  author  to  have  developed  more  deliberately  the 
other  “ branches  ” which  grew  out  of  “ the  two  danger- 
ous errors.”  If  he  failed  to  fulfil  that  intention  him- 
self, his  posterity  may  certainly  be  spared  from  making 
the  attempt.  He  took  his  full  share,  notwithstand- 
ing, in  the  conduct  of  this  memorable  strife ; and  his 

19 


VOL.  II. 


146 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


views  have  been  amply  unfolded  in  other  parts  of  the 
Journal.  Only  nine  days  later,  the  subjoined  narrative 
is  found,  giving  a detailed  account  of  a protracted  dis- 
cussion in  the  Boston  Church,  Winthrop  being  one  of 
the  chief  speakers  : — 

"30.]  Some  of  the  church  of  Boston,  being  of  the  opin- 
ion of  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  had  labored  to  have  Mr.  Wheelwright 
to  be  called  to  be  a teacher  there.  It  was  propounded  the 
last  Lord’s  day,  and  was  moved  again  this  day  for  resolution. 
One  1 of  the  church  stood  up  and  said,  he  could  not  consent, 
etc.  His  reason  was,  because  the  church  being  well  fur- 
nished already  with  able  ministers,  whose  spirits  they  knew, 
and  whose  labors  God  had  blessed  in  much  love  and  sweet 
peace,  he  thought  it  not  fit  (no  necessity  urging)  to  put  the 
welfare  of  the  church  to  the  least  hazard,  as  he  feared  they 
should  do,  by  calling  in  one,  whose  spirit  they  knew  not, 
and  one  who  seemed  to  dissent  in  judgment,  and  instanced 
in  two  points,  which  he  delivered  in  a late  exercise  there ; 
1.  That  a believer  was  more  than  a creature.  2.  That  the 
person  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  a believer  were  united.  Here- 
upon the  governour  [Vane]  spake,  that  he  marvelled  at  this, 
seeing  Mr.  Cotton  had  lately  approved  his  doctrine.  To 
this  Mr.  Cotton  answered,  that  he  did  not  remember  the  first, 
and  desired  Mr.  Wheelwright  to  explain  his  meaning.  He 
denied  not  the  points,  but  showed  upon  what  occasion  he 
delivered  them.  Whereupon,  there  being  an  endeavor  to 
make  a reconciliation,  the  first  replied,  that,  although  Mr. 
Wheelwright  and  himself  might  likely  agree  about  the  point, 
and  though  he  thought  reverendly  of  his  godliness  and  abili- 
ties, so  as  he  could  be  content  to  live  under  such  a ministry ; 
yet,  seeing  he  was  apt  to  raise  doubtful  disputations,  he 
could  not  consent  to  choose  him  to  that  place.  Whereupon 


1 “This,  we  cannot  doubt,”  says  Mr.  Savage,  “was  Winthrop  himself.' 


OF  JOHN  W1NTHROP, 


141 

the  church  gave  way,  that  he  might  be  called  to  a new 
church,  to  be  gathered  at  Mount  Wollaston,  now  Braintree. 

" Divers  of  the  brethren  took  offence  at  the  said  speech 
against  Mr.  Wheelwright ; whereupon  the  same  brother 1 spake 
in  the  congregation  the  next  day  to  this  effect : That,  hearing 
that  some  of  the  brethren  were  offended  at  his  former  speech, 
and  for  that  offences  were  dangerous,  he  was  desirous  to  give 
satisfaction.  The  offence,  he  said,  was  in  three  things : 
1.  For  that  he  had  charged  the  brother  in  public,  and  for  a 
thing  so  long  since  delivered,  and  had  not  first  dealt  with  him 
privately.  For  this  he  acknowledged  it  was  a failing;  but 
the  occasion  was,  that,  when  he  heard  the  points  delivered, 
he  took  them  in  a good  sense,  as  spoken  figuratively,  seeing 
the  whole  scope  of  his  doctrine  was  sound,  and  savouring  of  the 
spirit  of  God ; but  hearing,  very  lately,  that  he  was  suspected 
to  hold  such  opinions,  it  caused  him  to  think,  he  spake  as 
he  meant.  The  2d  cause  of  offence  was,  that  in  his  speech 
appeared  some  bitterness.  For  that  he  answered,  that  they 
well  knew  his  manner  of  speech  was  always  earnest  in  things 
which  he  conceived  to  be  serious  ; and  professed,  that  he  did 
love  that  brother’s  person,  and  did  honor  the  gifts  and  graces 
of  God  in  him.  The  3d  was,  that  he  had  charged  him  to 
have  held  things  which  he  did  not.  For  this  he  answered, 
that  he  had  spoken  since  with  the  said  brother ; and  for  the 
two  points, — that  a believer  should  be  more  than  a creature, 
and  that  there  should  be  a personal  union  between  the  Holy 
Ghost  and  a believer,  — he  had  denied  to  hold  either  of 
them  ; but  by  necessary  consequence,  he  doth  hold  them  both  ; 
for  he  holds,  (said  he,)  that  there  is  a real  union  with  the 
person  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  then  of  necessity  it  must  be 
personal,  and  so  a believer  must  be  more  than  a creature, 
viz.,  God-man,  even  Christ  Jesus.  For  though,  in  a true 
union,  the  two  terms  may  still  remain  the  same,  etc.,  as 
between  husband  and  wife,  he  is  a man  still,  and  she  a woman, 


1 Beyond  doubt,  Winthrop  himself. 


148 


ITTE  AND  LETTERS 


(for  the  union  is  only  in  sympathy  and  relation,)  yet  in  a 
real  or  personal  union  it  is  not.  Now,  whether  this  were 
agreeable  to  the  doctrine  of  the  church  or  not,  he  left  to  the 
church  to  judge ; hoping  that  the  Lord  would  direct  our 
teacher  to  clear  these  points  fully,  as  he  had  well  done,  in 
good  measure,  already.  Withal  he  made  this  request  to  the 
brother,  (which  he  said  he  did  seriously  and  affectionately,) 
that,  seeing  these  variances  grew  (and  some  estrangement 
withal)  from  some  words  and  phrases,  which  were  of  human 
invention,  and  tended  to  doubtful  disputation,  rather  than 
to  edification,  and  had  no  footing  in  scripture,  nor  had  been 
in  use  in  the  purest  churches  for  three  hundred  years  after 
Christ, — that,  for  the  peace  of  the  church,  etc.,  they  might 
be  forborn ; (he  meant,  person  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  real 
union ;)  and  concluded,  that  he  did  not  intend  to  dispute 
the  matter,  (as  not  having  place  or  calling  thereunto  then;) 
yet,  if  any  brother  desired  to  see  what  light  he  walked  by, 
he  would  be  ready  to  impart  it  to  him.  How  this  was  taken 
by  the  congregation,  did  not  appear,  for  no  man  spake  to  it. 

" A day  or  two  after,  the  same  brother  wrote  his  mind  fully, 
with  such  scriptures  and  arguments  as  came  to  hand,  and  sent 
it  to  Mr.  Cotton.” 

These  written  arguments  of  Governor  Winthrop’s 
have  not  come  down  to  us ; and  perhaps  their  loss 
will  hardly  be  regretted.  Another  passage  in  his 
Journal,  however,  bearing  date  the  17th  of  November 
of  the  same  year,  gives  a further  insight  into  the 
views  of  the  parties  to  this  perplexed  and  perplexing 
controversy : — 

"The  governour,  Mr.  Yane,  a wise  and  godly  gentleman, 
held,  with  Mr.  Cotton  and  many  others,  the  indwelling  of 
the  person  of  the  Holy  Ghost  in  a believer,  and  went  so  far 
beyond  the  rest,  as  to  maintain  a personal  union  with  the 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


149 


Ht  ly  Ghost ; but  the  deputy,1 2  with  the  pastor  and  divers 
others,  denied  both;  and  the  question  proceeded  so  far  by 
disputation,  (in  writing,  for  the  peace  sake  of  the  church, 
which  all  were  tender  of,)  as  at  length  they  could  not  find 
the  person  of  the  Holy  Ghost  in  scripture,  nor  in  the  primitive 
churches  three  hundred  years  after  Christ.  So  that,  all  agree- 
ing in  the  chief  matter  of  substance,  viz.  that  the  Holy 
Ghost  is  God,  and  that  he  doth  dwell  in  the  believers,  (as 
the  Father  and  Son  both  are  said  also  to  do,)  but  whether 
by  his  gifts  and  power  only,  or  by  any  other  manner  of 
presence,  seeing  the  scripture  doth  not  declare  it,  — it  was 
earnestly  desired,  that  the  word  person  might  be  forborn, 
being  a term  of  human  invention,  and  tending  to  doubtful 
disputation  in  this  case.” 

It  would  be  alike  tedious  and  unprofitable  to  follow 
these  religious  differences  further.9  It  would  probably 
be  in  our  days,  as  it  certainly  was  in  those,  — the 
longer  they  were  debated,  the  less  the  questions  were 
understood,  and  the  further  they  were  from  being 
settled.  Perhaps  it  would  turn  out  as  Winthrop  de- 
scribes it  to  have  done,  after  Mr.  Cotton  and  Mr.  Wilson 
had  made  then*  speeches,  on  another  occasion : “ No 
man  could  tell  (except  some  few  who  knew  the  bottom 
of  the  matter)  where  any  difference  was.” 3 “ Every  oc- 

casion,” says  the  Journal,  “ increased  the  contention,  and 
caused  great  alienation  of  minds  ; ” “ and  it  began  to  be 
as  common  here  to  distinguish  between  men,  by  being- 
under  a Covenant  of  Grace  or  a Covenant  of  Works, 
as  in  other  countries  between  Protestants  and  Papists.” 

1 Winthrop  himself  was  now  the  Deputy-Governor. 

2 An  admirable  sketch  of  the  Antinomian  controversy  will  be  found  in  the  Life  of 
Anne  Hutchinson,  by  Rev.  G.  E.  Ellis,  D.D.,  in  Sparks’s  Am.  Biography,  2d  series,  vol.  vi. 

3 Winthrop’s  History  of  New  England,  vol.  i.  p.  213 


150 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


Governor  Winthrop  was  opposed  to  the  views  of 
Mrs.  Hutchinson,  and  zealously  united  with  those  who 
were  stigmatized  as  being  under  the  Covenant  of 
Works.  But  it  may  be  interesting,  and  important  to 
his  character,  to  remember,  that  it  was  during  the  last 
months  of  this  same  year,  1636,  and  during  the  raging 
heat  of  this  memorable  Antinomian  strife,  that  he 
wrote  the  later  account  of  his  “ Christian  Experience,” 
from  which  we  have  already  quoted  some  passages  in 
our  first  volume,1  and  in  which  he  seems  to  exult 
in  magnifying  the  unworthiness  of  his  own  works  and 
ways  in  early  life,  in  order  to  signalize  the  triumph 
of  free  grace  in  his  conversion. 

In  our  next  chapter  we  shall  give  the  whole  of  this 
confession.  Meantime,  the  Records  of  the  Colony  fur- 
nish us  here  with  a fresh  illustration  of  the  diversified 
character  of  the  Governor’s  occupations  and  responsibil- 
ities. In  December  of  this  year,  “ all  military  men  in 
this  jurisdiction  ” were  ordered  by  the  General  Court  to 
be  ranked  into  three  regiments ; and  Boston,  Roxbury, 
Dorchester,  Weymouth,  and  Hingham  were  to  be  one 
regiment.  Of  this  first  regiment  of  Massachusetts 
militia,  John  Winthrop  was  appointed  colonel;  and 
Thomas  Dudley,  lieutenant-colonel.2 

We  conclude  this  chapter  with  five  letters  from  the 
Governor  to  his  son  John,  who,  as  we  shall  see,  is 
now  designated  as  Governor  of  the  plantation  on  the 
Connecticut  River.  These  letters  are  only  interesting 
as  they  give  an  impression  of  the  condition  of  things 


1 Life  and  Letters  of  John  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  chaps,  iv.  and  v. 

2 Records  of  Massachusetts,  vol.  i.  p.  186. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


151 


at  that  early  period  of  the  New-England  Colonies.  The 
second  of  them  is  here  printed  for  the  first  time.1 

John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

“To  my  very  loving  Son,  Mr.  Winthrop,  Jnn.  Governour  of 

Conecticott,  d. 

"Son,  — I went  to  Ten  Hills  this  morning,  with  your 
mother  and  your  wife,  to  have  seen  goodman  Buslmell ; but 
the  Lord  had  taken  him  away  half  an  hour  before  we  came 
there.  So  I made  haste  down  to  send  you  notice  of  it ; but 
the  ship  was  under  sail  before  I came,  which  gives  me  no 
time  to  write  further  to  you,  for  I must  send  the  boat  pre- 
sently after  her.  You  shall  receive  of  Mr.  Hodges  the  key 
of  one  of  his  chests , wdiere  the  seeds  are ; the  key  of  the 
other  can’t  be  found;  so  you  must  break  it  open.  There  is 
in  one  of  them  a rundlet  of  honey,  which  she  desires  may 
be  sent  to  her  against  she  lie  down.  She  desires  you  to 
take  an  inventory  of  all  he  hath  there.  We  are  all  in  health, 
I praise  Grod  for  it.  Your  two  men  you  left  sick,  your  wife 
and  mother,  and  all  of  us,  salute  you  and  your  good  com- 
pany. The  Lord  bless  and  prosper  you.  Farewell,  my 
good  son. 

“ This  28  of  the  1 mo.  1636.” 

John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

“ To  my  very  lovinge  Sonne,  Mr.  Winthrop,  the  Younger,  Govern.1, 

of  Conectecott. 

"Sonne,  — I wrote  unto  you  by  the  Eebecka  of  the  death 
of  Buslmell  & sent  the  keye  of  his  chest,  that  you  might  take 
out  the  seeds  & inventory  of  his  goods ; & havinge  this 
opportunity  by  Ml  Adyers  Pinace  I thought  good  to  certifie 
you  how  things  are  wth  us  heere,  but  I shall  not  need  to  write 


1 The  others  are  taken  from  the  Appendix  to  Winthrop’s  History  of  New  England. 


152 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


muche  because  this  bearer  can  inform  you  of  the  rest.  Mr. 
Allerton  is  come  here : but  his  Pinace  neere  spoyled,  she 
laye  10  : dayes  upon  a rock,  & beate  out  all  her  kele  : & being- 
mended  another  storme  came,  & beate  out  all  again  : he  is 
come  home  wthout  provisions  : so  is  Mr.  Mayhew,  who  yet 
gate  6 : hhds  of  Bread,  but  he  was  forced  to  take  aboard  40  Ib 
worth  of  trading  Comodytes.  The  Indians  have  killed  so 
many  of  their  swine  in  these  pts,  that  there  is  no  pork  to  be 
had.  We  were  at  Dorchester  last  fryday  at  the  gathering  of 
the  new  Chui-che  there,  but  the  pai’tyes  were  most  of  them 
founde  so  weak  as  ye  ministers  present  aduised  them  not  to 
ioyne  till  they  were  better  fitted,  wch  they  agreed  unto.  YoF 
wife  & all  ors  are  in  healthe  (I  prayse  God),  they  all  salute 
you,  but  the  cominge  of  this  bearer  is  so  suddaine  as  none 
could  write  : yof  si  eke  ones  begin  to  mende. 

" So  much  in  hast,  wth  my  love  & blessinge  to  yon  & salu- 
tations to  all  wth  you,  I comend  e you  & yor  affaires  to  the 
direction  & blessinge  of  the  Lord  & rest 

YoF  lovinge  father, 

J:  W: 

“ This  4 : of  the  2 : mo  : 1636. 

" forgett  not  to  send  me  some  Saltpeter : for  I thinke  it 
hath  saved  one  of  oF  mens  lives.” 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

“ To  my  very  loving  Son,  Mr.  Winthrop,  Jun.  Governor  of  the  new 
Plantation  upon  Connecticut,  d’d. 

" Son,  — Blessed  be  the  Lord,  who  hath  preserved  and 
prospered  you  hitherto. 

"I  received  your  letters  by  the  Blessing,1  which  arrived 
here  the  14  of  this  present,  and  is  to  return  to  you  with  Mr. 


1 A letter  from  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  to  his  father,  written  after  his  arrival  at  the 
month  of  the  Connecticut  River,  and  to  which  this  was  probably  the  reply,  will  be  found 
among  the  Winthrop  Papers  in  vol.  vi.,  4th  series,  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Collections,  dated 
April  7,  1636. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


153 


Pincheon’s  goods,  so  soon  as  she  can  be  laden.  By  her  I shall 
(God  willing)  write  to  you  of  other  things,  which  I may 
now  omit.  Your  wife  and  all  our  family  (I  praise  God)  are 
in  health.  I think  you  will  have  no  letter  from  her  till  the 
Blessing  come.  It  hath  been  earnestly  pressed  to  have  her 
go  to  Virginia  for  Mr.  Maverick  and  his  corn ; but  I have 
no  heart  to  it  at  this  season,  being  so  perilous  both  to  the 
vessel,  (for  worms,)  and  especially  the  persons.  I will  never 
have  any  that  belong  to  me  come  there,  if  I can  avoid  it ; 
but  Mr.  Mayhew  hath  taken  order  the  Rebecca  shall  go,  if 
she  can  be  met  with. 

"The  Lord,  in  much  mercy,  sent  us  a ship  the  12  of  this 
present  with  provisions  ; but  she  had  put  in  at  Pascataqua, 
and  sold  much  there  ; for  she  brought  only  thirty-nine  hogs- 
heads of  meal,  twenty-five  of  peas,  eight  of  oatmeal,  forty 
of  malt,  and  some  beef,  and  prunes,  and  aquavitte,  eighteen 
thousand  of  [unknown].  My  brother  Peter  bought  it  all,  and 
divided  it  among  all  the 

[Here  about  sixteen  lines  are  gone,  the  paper  being  torn.] 

" Queen  of  Bohemia  her  eldest  son  is  in  England,  and  no 
speech  of  any  stop  of  shipping  hither,  nor  of  the  general 
governour,  more  than  divers  years  before.  This  ship  came 
in  eight  weeks  from  Dartmouth,  and  saith,  there  had  not 
been  an  easterly  wind  in  England  fourteen  weeks  before. 

"For  home  news,  — the  general  court  hath  ordained  a 
standing  council  for  life,  and  quarterly  courts  to  be  kept  at 
Ipswich,  Salem,  Newtown,  and  Boston;  and  four  courts  in 
the  year  at  Boston,  for  greater  causes,  and  for  appeals.  Mr. 
Allerton  is  returned,  but  had  a very  ill  voyage.  His  bark 
lay  ten  days  upon  the  rock,  and  beat  out  all  her  keel ; and 
so,  the  second  time,  Mr.  Mayhew  and  he  could  get  but  little 
provisions,  and  at  extreme  rates,  but  six  hogsheads  of  bread, 
and  few  peas.  I can  get  but  one  barrel  of  peas  of  Mr. 
Allerton,  which  I will  send  you.  Some  pork  they  brought, 
but  so  lean  as  I have  not  seen  the  like  salted.  The  Indians 

20 


VOL.  II. 


154 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


killed  up  all  their  swine,  so  as  Capt.  Lovell  had  none ; but 
you  shall  have  beef  instead  of  it.  I have  sent  to  Ipswich 
for  your  cattle  and  your  servant ; for  it  will  be  great  loss 
to  keep  them  there.  I will  take  the  others  from  Mr.  Mayhew 
so  soon  as  grass  is  up. 

[Sixteen  more  lines  missing.] 

"I  sent  you  two  letters  lately,  one  by  Mr.  Hodges,  and 
the  other  by  Mr.  Oldham,  wherein  I certified  you  of  the 
death  of  goodman  Bushnell,  one  whom  you  will  miss  above 
all  the  rest.  I had  him  down  to  Boston,  to  do  him  what 
honor  I could  at  his  burial.  Your  carpenter  and  the  other 
fellow  (who,  I think,  truly  fears  God)  are  recovering,  and, 
I hope,  shall  be  able  to  come  to  you  in  the  Blessing.  I 
pray  send  me  some  saltpetre ; for  I suppose  it  was  a means, 
through  God’s  blessing,  to  save  one  of  their  lives,  being  far 
spent  in  a fever. 

"I  purpose  to  send  you  some  milch  goats  and  swine.  The 
prunes  I suppose  you  may  sell  such  of  them  as  you  can’t 
spend.  The  butt  cost  £10,  and  should  weigh  near  one  thou- 
sand pounds.  The  aquavitse  was  put  aboard  by  my  brother 
Peter’s  order,  without  my  appointment.  It  cost  £22.  What 
you  will  not  spend  of  it,  you  may  sell  to  the  Dutch  for  profit 
enough. 

"I  sent  you  two  letters  by  Mr.  Tilly.  Your  brother 
Stephen 

[A  line  and  a half  erased.] 

was  desirous  to  come  to  you.  If  you  have  any  employment 
for  him,  you  may  keep  him ; otherwise  you  may  return  him 
back. 

"This  ship  is  bound  for  the  Isle  of  Sable.  If  you  will 
send  the  Blessing  with  her,  she  may  be  here  time  enough  a 
month  hence.  But  two  things  I fear : first,  that  here  will 
be  no  men  nor  provisions  to  set  her  forth  with  : the  second, 
that  both  of  them  will  not  be  of  sufficient  strength  against 
the  French ; for  this  ship  hath  not  above  fourteen  men. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


155 


Neither  would  I send  any  of  ours  without  taking  leave  of  the 
French. 

"I  think  the  bark  goeth  away  in  the  morning.  Therefore 
I here  end,  with  salutations  to  all  our  friends  with  you,  Mr. 
Gardiner  and  his  wife,  etc.  Your  mother  saluteth  you  ; your 
wife  writes.  The  Lord  in  mercy  preserve,  guide,  prosper 
and  bless  you  in  all  your  ways.  Farewell,  my  good  son. 

" Mr.  Hooker  and  his  company  intend  to  set  forth  three 
weeks  hence. 

“ This  26  of  the  2 mo.  1636.1 

"This  night  we  hear  of  a ship  arrived  at  Pemaquid,  and 
of  twenty-four  ships  upon  the  seas,  bound  hither.” 

John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

“To  my  very  loving  Son,  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  Governor  of  the 
Plantation  upon  the  mouth  of  the  Conecticot,  d’d. 

"Son, — Mr.  Hooker  went  hence  upon  Tuesday  the  last 
of  May,  by  whom  I wrote  to  you,  and  sent  all  your  letters, 
with  one  from  England,  and  all  such  news  as  came  to  hand ; 
and  with  that  company,  viz.  by  Tho.  Bull  and  a man  of 
mine  own,  I sent  six  cows,  four  steers  and  a bull.  I left  it 
to  James  and  Thomas  Skidmore  to  send  such  as  might  be 
fittest  both  for  travel  and  for  your  use.  I now  send  this  by 
the  Rebecca,  in  which  you  shall  find  such  provisions  as  are 
here  expressed  on  the  other  side.  Mr.  Fenwick  of  Gray’s 
Inn  (one  of  those  who  employ  you)  hath  written  to  you  by 
Mr.  Hooker,  and  intends,  about  a month  hence,  with  my 
brother  P.2  to  be  with  you.  The  gentlemen  seem  to  be  dis- 
couraged in  the  design  here ; but  you  shall  know  more  when 
they  come  to  you. 


1 A letter  from  John  Winthrop,  jr.,  to  his  father,  written  between  the  dates  of 
this  and  the  next  letter,  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix  to  Winthrop’s  History  of  New 
England. 

2 Hugh  Peters 


156 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


"I  received  a very  loving  letter  from  my  Lord  S.1  wherein 
he  expresseth  a great  deal  of  satisfaction  in  your  proceedings ; 
but  saith  withal,  that  those  up  the  river  have  carved  largely 
for  themselves,  which,  he  thinks,  they  will  after  repent,  when 
they  see  what  helps  they  have  deprived  themselves  of.  The 
ship,  which  went  to  Ireland  for  sheep,  lost  all  her  sheep, 
being  five  hundred,  and  so  bare  up  when  she  was  near  this 
coast.  Capt.  Mason  is  dead ; and  thereupon  all  their  designs 
against  us  are  (through  God’s  great  mercy)  fallen  asleep. 
But  of  all  these  things  you  shall  hear  more  fully  when  my 
other  letters  come  to  you.  Here  are  come  for  you,  from  my 
sister  Downing,  divers  chests  of  commodities,  and  many  firkins 
of  butter  and  suet,  which  I have  bestowed,  till  I hear  what 
you  will  have  done  with  them.  Here  is  a great  glut  of 
all  provisions,  so  as  they  are  not  like  to  sell  in  haste. 

" We  had  nine  pieces  of  ordnance  to  the  Rebecca  her  side ; 
but  all  the  means  could  be  used  could  not  get  one  into  her. 
Sir  Math.  Boynton  hath  sent  moi’e  cattle,  and  two  servants. 
I intend  to  send  his  servants  to  Ipswich  to  provide  for  them 
against  winter ; for  here  is  not  hay  to  be  had.  His  letters 
to  you  come  by  Mr.  Hooker.  Sir  A.  Hazlerig  hath  refused 
my  brother  P.  his  bills,  which  is  great  damage  both  to  him 
and  Mr.  Endecott. 

"I  pray  deliver  this  letter  enclosed  to  John  Friend,  and 
if  he  pay  you  the  money,  deliver  him  his  bill,  (which  is 
here  also  enclosed;)  if  not,  I pray  return  it  to  me  again. 

"Here  was  an  anvil,  with  a beak  horn  at  the  end  of  it, 
which  I think  was  carried  to  Con*.  If  it  be,  I pray  send  it 
back,  for  it  is  challenged. 

" I paid  Mr.  Garsford  of  Salem  £5  for  a buff  coat  for 
Mr.  Gardiner,  which  you  must  remember  to  put  upon  his 
account.  Your  Wampompeak  I put  off  for  £30,  to  be  paid 
in  England  for  the  provisions  I send  you. 

" Soiling  and  his  wife  will  come  to  you  by  the  next,  if  he 


1 Lord  Say  and  Sele. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


157 


hear  not  to  the  contrary.  I know  not  what  to  write  more 
on  the  sudden.  I think  yonr  wife  writes,  but  she  is  now 
at  the  Garden  with  my  cousin1  Mary.  The  Lord  bless  and 
prosper  you.  Your  mother  salutes  you.  Farewell. 

" Provisions  sent  in  the  Rebecca. 

" A hogshead  of  oatmeal. 

"Two  hogsheads  of  meal £8.02 

"Five  casks  of  peas 10.08 

"Seven  barrels  of  beef 14.14 

" A hogshead  of  pork,  which  my  brother  P.  puts  in  14.07.7 

"A  frail  of  figs,  which  I send  to  yourself,  (in  the  barrel 
of  raisins). 

" Two  2 kilderkins  of  butter,  put  in  by  Mr.  Peirce  for  Serjeant 
Willes. 

"A  barrell  of  raisins  of  the  sun,  (the  figs  are  in  the  end 
that  hath  your  mark  in  black  lead,)  about  two  cwt.  at  45s. 
the  cwt.  which  is  about  four  pounds  and  a half. 

"Four  barrels  of  meal. 

" A rundlet  of  sack,  of  [blank]  gallons. 

"Biscuit  in  two  great  bags,  at  30s.  the  cwt. 

“ This  10  of  the  4 mo.  1636.” 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

“ To  my  very  loving  Son,  Mr.  Winthrop,  Governor  of  the  new 
Plantation  upon  Connecticut,  d’d. 

"Son,  — I -wrote  to  you  by  Mr.  Hooker,  and  sent  you, 
withal,  the  letters  out  of  England,  and  six  cows,  four  steers, 
and  one  bull.  I wrote  since  by  Mr.  Hodges  in  the  Re- 
becca, and  sent  many  provisions,  as  by  my  letter  did  appear  ; 
since  which  time  the  Wren  came  in,  and  one  brought  me 
your  letter,  but  being  very  busy  with  divers  friends,  I desired 


1 He  means  his  niece,  daughter  of  his  sister  Downing. 

2 “ I have  paid  for  them  .£7.4.4,  which  he  is  to  pay  you.: 


158 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


him  to  come  to  me  again  at  dinner ; but  I never  heard  of  him 
since,  nor  of  any  other  of  that  vessel,  so  as  I know  not  what 
they  intend  to  do  with  the  clay  you  sent.  The  potter  saith, 
that  you  sent  formerly  is  very  good.  I shall  take  order  with 
him  about  your  store,  etc.  I have  spoke  with  Mr.  Wilson 
and  Mr.  Coddington  for  money,  but  can  get  none.  I will 
send  you  what  I have  or  can  borrow  by  John  Gallop,  (£10,) 
and  some  wether  goats.  The  Bachelor  is  to  come  to  you  next 
week  with  Mr.  Peirce’s  goods,  and  the  lighter,  with  some 
ordnance  [in]  Mr.  Peirce  his  pinnace.  Mr.  Fenwick,  my 
brother  Peter,  etc.,  set  forth  on  horseback  on  the  27  of  this 
month,  and  will  expect  your  shallop  at  the  upper  towns  to 
carry  them  down  the  river,  and  so  will  go  in  Mr.  Peirce’s 
pinnace  to  Long  Island,  Hudson’s  River,  etc.  I would  have 
sent  you  some  ship  beer,  but  Mr.  Fleming  hath  provided  a 
butt  brought  in  John  Gallop.  Goodwife  B.  is  delivered  of 
a daughter,  and  abroad  again  in  a week.  Your  wife  grows 
big,  but  as  lively  as  any  woman  in  the  house,  God  be 
praised. 

" I do  not  send  you  George,  because  they  are  speaking  of 
putting  off  servants,  etc.  I suppose,  when  they  come  to 
you,  they  will  consider  of  the  widow  Bushnell  and  of  the 
other  widows  at  Ten  Hills,  widow  Briskowe,  who  hath  been 
sick  ever  since  you  went  abroad,  and  is  a great  burden  to  us. 

"We  hear  that  Scilla  Nova  is  at  the  West  Indies;  but  we 
hear  nothing  of  the  Pied  Cow. 

"I  must  end,  with  remembrance  of  mine  own  and  your 
mother’s  love  and  blessing  to  you  and  to  Stephen.  Fare- 
well, my  good  son. 

“23  of  the  4th  mo.  1636. 

" I send  you  two  small  sugar  loaves  by  J.  Gallop. 

"Mr.  W.’s  debt  is  £310.  I showed  him  his  bill,  with 
all  the  several  sums,  and  of  whom  he  received  them.  I 
have  laid  out,  since  you  went,  in  provisions,  etc.,  and  for 
seamen’s  wages,  near  £200. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


159 


"John  Gallop  hath  a pair  of  stockings  for  Stephen,  and 
shoes  and  stockings  for  Hen.  Smith. 

"Sergeant  Willes’s  two  kilderkins  of  B.  cost  7.4.4,  at  Id. 
the  pound.  If  you  have  more  peas  and  beef  than  you  need, 
you  may  send  back  some. 

"If  you  write  into  England,  send  your  letters  by  the  first 
return,  and  I shall  convey  them. 

"I  have  taken  order  with  Mr.  Coggeshall  for  Mr.  Old- 
ham, etc.” 


160 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


CHAPTER  XI. 

RELIGIOUS  EXPERIENCE  OF  HIS  MATURER  YEARS,  WRITTEN  ON 
HIS  FIFTIETH  BIRTHDAY,  1636-7. 

In  our  former  volume,  we  have  given,  in  the  order 
of  date,  almost  every  thing  which  could  be  deciphered 
in  the  little  autograph  record  of  religious  experiences 
which  has  so  recently  been  discovered  among  the  old 
papers  of  Governor  Winthrop.1  That  record  begins 
with  the  year  1602,  and  is  mainly  taken  up  with  the 
incidents  and  impressions  of  the  eighteen  succeeding 
years.  After  the  date  of  1620,  the  entries  are  but 
few  and  brief ; and  the  book,  of  which  only  three  or 
four  blank  pages  remained,  seems  then  to  have  been 
laid  aside.  We  have  found  the  Governor  recurring 
to  it,  however,  in  1628,  to  record  his  gratitude  to  God 
on  his  recovery  from  a serious  illness ; and  again, 
both  in  1628  and  in  1629,  to  note  the  providential 
escape  of  his  children  or  himself  from  some  casual 
dangers  which  they  had  encountered.  And  now,  in 
this  memorable  year  1636,  we  find  him  turning  once 
more,  and  for  the  last  time,  to  the  same  little  volume, 
in  order  to  give  expression  to  some  of  the  emotions 
which  had  been  excited  in  his  bosom  by  the  religious 


1 Life  and  Letters  of  John  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  chaps,  iv.,  v.,  vi. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


161 


contentions  which  were  convulsing  the  Colony,  and  in 
which  he  was  called  upon  to  take  so  leading  a part. 
Here  is  the  entry,  bearing  date,  December,  1636:  — 

" 1636,  lOber.]  Upon  some  differences  in  of  Churche  about 
the  waye  of  the  Spirit  of  God  in  the  worke  of  Justif : my- 
selfe  dissentino'e  from  the  reste  of  the  brethren,  I had  occa- 
sion  to  examine  mine  owne  estate,  wherein  the  Lord  wrought 
marveylously  upon  my  heart,  revivinge  my  former  peace  & 
consolatio  wth  muche  inci’ease  & better  assurance  then  for- 
merly ; & in  the  middest  of  it  (for  it  continued  many  dayes) 
he  did  one  tyme  darte  a beame  of  wrathe  into  my  soule,  wch 
strucke  me  to  the  heart,  but  then  the  Lord  Jesus  shewed 
himselfe  & stood  betweene  that  wrathe  & my  soule.  Oh  how 
sweet  was  Chr1  then  to  my  soule.  I thought  I never  prized 
him  before,  I am  sure  never  more,  nor  ever  felt  more  need 
of  him.  Then  I kept  him  close  to  my  heart  & could  not 
parte  wth  him.  Oh  how  my  heart  opened  to  let  him  in. 
Oh  how  was  I ravished  wth  his  love  ! my  prayers  could  breathe 
nothinge  but  Christ  & Love  & mercye,  wch  continued  with 
meltinge  & teares  night  & daye.” 

It  may  be  presumed  that  Governor  Winthrop  did 
not  take  up  this  little  book,  after  so  long  an  interval, 
to  make  his  only  entry  in  it  in  his  new  American 
home,  without  looking  back  to  its  earlier  pages,  and 
reviewing  the  various  fortunes  which  he  had  expe- 
rienced during  the  four  and  thirty  years  which  had 
elapsed  since  he  first  opened  the  account.  It  may, 
perhaps,  have  been  the  impression  produced  by  such 
a review,  which  prompted  him  to  prepare  so  deliber- 
ately, and  so  soon  afterwards,  the  paper  which  will 
form  the  principal  feature  of  our  present  chapter,  and 
which  seems  like  a solemn  summing-up  of  the  emo- 
tions and  experiences  which  had  previously  been  re- 

21 


YOL.  II. 


162 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


corded  in  detail.  It  is  the  religious  Confession  of  his 
maturer  years  ; or,  as  it  is  entitled  on  the  cover  of  the 
copy  from  which  it  is  now  for  the  first  time  printed, 
“ Governor  John  Winthrop’s  (the  Elder)  Christian  Ex- 
perience.” It  is  dated  on  the  day  on  which  he  entered 
his  fiftieth  year ; or,  as  he  himself  styles  it,  “ in  the 
49th  yeare  of  my  age  just  compleat.”  And  certainly 
a freer  and  fuller  and  nobler  confession,  in  the  sight 
of  God  and  man,  has  rarely,  if  ever,  borne  the  birth- 
day signature  of  one  occupying  so  considerable  a 
place  in  history.  He  was  then  resting  between  two 
prolonged  and  arduous  terms  of  the  chief  magistracy 
of  an  important  and  rising  Commonwealth ; and  he 
thought  it  no  scorn  to  employ  a part  of  his  compara- 
tive leisure  in  humbling  himself  before  his  Maker,  and 
in  magnifying  the  mercies  which  had  enabled  him  to 
overcome  the  temptations  by  which  his  earlier  years 
had  been  grievously  vexed  and  tried.  It  was  prepared, 
too,  as  we  have  seen,  at  the  height  of  those  intense 
theological  controversies  which  were  rending  the  com- 
munity in  which  he  lived : and  most  happy  would  it 
have  been,  if  all  the  religious  papers  to  which  those 
controversies  gave  occasion,  had,  like  this  one,  exhib- 
ited severity  towards  no  one  except  their  own  writers .; 
if  all  the  reproaches  had  been  only  self-reproaches, 
and  all  the  accusations  only  self-accusations. 

Governor  Wintlirop  did  not  spare  himself,  certainly, 
in  this  self-examination.  It  was  justly  and  beautifully 
said  of  it  by  another,1  “ By  those  who  do  not  know 

1 Mr.  Bancroft,  the  historian  of  the  United  States,  in  a note  to  myself  on  the  subject 
of  the  copy  which  he  had  furnished  the  Rev.  J.  B.  Felt,  LL.D.,  to  whom  I was  originally 
indebted  for  it. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


163 


that,  in  good  Puritan  times,  a thought  amiss  was 
mourned  over  as  a defilement,  and  love  of  play  as 
lewdness,  wrong  judgment  would  be  formed  of  the 
singularly  pure  character  which  the  very  excess  of 
self-reproach  sets  off  with  new  lustre.”  We  might 
apply  to  it  also  what  the  late  Lord  Macaulay  has  so 
well  said  of  John  Bunyan,  in  his  review  of  Southey's 
edition  of  the  “ Pilgrim’s  Progress  : ” “ By  most  of  his 
biographers,  he  has  been  treated  with  gross  injustice. 
They  have  understood  in  a popular  sense  all  those 
strong  terms  of  self-condemnation  which  he  employed 
in  a theological  sense.  They  have  therefore  repre- 
sented him  as  an  abandoned  wretch,  reclaimed  by 
means  almost  miraculous ; or,  to  use  them  favorite  meta- 
phor, ‘ as  a brand  plucked  from  the  burning.’  Surely 
Mr.  I\imey  ought  to  have  been  too  familiar  with  the 
bitter  accusations  which  the  most  pious  people  are  in 
the  habit  of  bringing  against  themselves,  to  understand 
literally  all  the  strong  expressions  which  are  to  be 
found  in  the  ‘ Grace  Abounding.’  ” 1 

But  this  “ Christian  Experience  ” will  speak  for 
itself ; and  if,  by  any  chance  or  in  any  quarter,  it 
should  be  construed  into  an  evidence  of  a more  than 
common  delinquency  or  depravity  in  childhood,  it  can- 
not fail  to  be  accepted  also  as  an  evidence  of  a more 
than  common  virtue  and  piety  in  manhood.  There  is 
nothing  to  indicate  whether  it  was  made  public  in  any 
way  at  the  time  it  was  written.  There  is  no  allusion 
to  it  in  the  Governor’s  Journal  or  History,  unless  it 


1 Edinburgh  Review,  December,  1830. 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


Lb'4 

be  in  the  statement,  about  the  same  period,  that  one 
of  the  brethren  “ bore  witness  to  the  truth.” 1 But, 
if  it  did  receive  any  general  circulation  in  the  Church 
or  in  the  Colony,  it  must  surely  have  saved  its  author 
from  any  further  suspicion  of  being  inclined  to  dis- 
parage the  doctrine  of  Free  Grace. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  original  of  this  paper 
has  thus  far  eluded  the  most  diligent  search.  We 
have  every  satisfaction,  however,  which  can  be  derived 
from  the  comparison  of  two  independent  copies  of 
widely  different  dates.  The  original  was  undoubtedly 
in  the  hands  of  Governor  Trumbull  when  he  com- 
municated it  to  President  Stiles  of  Yale  College,  in  a 
letter  dated  Lebanon,  14th  June,  1783,  commencing 
as  follows : “ Reverend  sir,  Governor  Winthrop’s  re- 
lation of  his  ‘ Christian  Experience  ’ is  enclosed,  — a 
gentleman  eminent  for  piety,  who,  being  gone  to  the 
enjoyment  of  God  and  our  Redeemer,  yet  speaketli.” 
One  of  our  copies  was  the  result  of  this  communica- 
tion.2 A second  and  more  ancient  copy  has  recently 
been  obtained  through  the  kindness  of  the  late  Miss 
Elizabeth  Belknap,  daughter  of  the  admirable  Dr. 
Jeremy  Belknap,  the  principal  founder  and  constant 
benefactor  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 
This  copy  is  in  the  clear  and  careful  handwriting  of 
Henry  Dunster,  the  first  President  of  Harvard  College. 
President  Dunster’s  wife  was  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Glover, 
widow  of  that  Rev.  Jose  Glover  who  embarked  for 


1 Winthrop’s  History  of  New  England,  vol.  i.  p.  212. 

2 I cannot  help  thinking  that  the  original  may  be  in  the  archives  of  Tale  College, 
New  Haven,  though  I have  inquired  for  it  in  vain. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


165 


New  England  in  1639,  with  the  implements  for  estab- 
lishing- the  first  printing-office  in  America,  but  who 
died  on  the  passage,  leaving  the  enterprise  to  be  carried 
on  by  Mr.  Stephen  Daye.  Two  of  Mrs.  Glover’s 
daughters  by  her  first  husband  were  the  wives  of 
Adam  and  Deane  Winthrop,  sons  of  Governor  Win- 
throp  ; and  the  “ Christian  Experience  ” of  their  father 
must  thus  have  come  to  President  Dunster  in  the  most 
authentic  shape.  The  neatness  of  his  copy,  in  a book 
containing  many  other  valuable  writings,  attests  the 
interest  which  he  attached  to  it ; and  it  differs  from 
the  other  copy  in  our  possession  only  in  adhering- 
more  strictly  to  the  old  style  of  spelling  and  abbrevia- 
tions. We  are  thus  enabled  to  furnish  the  paper, 
with  the  fullest  confidence  of  its  exact  conformity  to 
the  original ; and  we  leave  it  to  our  readers  without 
further  comment.  Some  of  them  may,  perhaps,  re- 
member that  we  have  already  used  a few  of  its  opening 
paragraphs,  to  illustrate  the  Governor’s  early  life,  in 
our  first  volume. 

" Governor  John  Winthrop’ s {the  elder ) Christian 
{Experience. 

" In  my  youth  I was  very  lewdly  disposed,  inclining  unto 
& attempting  (so  far  as  my  yeares  enabled  mee)  all  kind 
of  wickednesse,  except  swearing  & scorning  religion,  which 
I had  no  temptation  unto  in  regard  of  my  education.  About 
ten  years  of  age,  I had  some  notions  of  God,  for  in  some 
great  frighting  or  danger,  I have  prayed  unto  God,  & found 
manifest  answer ; the  remembrance  whereof  many  years  after, 
made  mee  think  that  God  did  love  mee,  but  it  made  mee 
no  whit  the  better:  After  I was  12  yeares  old,  I began  *o 


166 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


have  some  more  savor  of  Religion,  & I thought  I had  more 
understanding  in  Divinity  than  many  of  my  yeares ; for  in 
reading  of  some  good  books,  I conceived,  that  I did  know 
divers  of  those  points  before,  though  I knew  not  how  I should 
come  by  such  knowledge,  (but  since  I pei'ceived  it  was  out 
of  some  logicall  principles,  whereby  out  of  some  things  I 
could  conclude  others,)  yet  I was  still  very  wild,  & disso- 
lute, & as  years  came  on,  my  lusts  grew  stronger,  but  yet 
under  some  restraint  of  my  naturall  reason ; whereby  I had 
the  command  of  myself,  that  I could  turne  into  any  form. 
I would,  as  occasion  required,  write  letters  etc.  of  meer 
vanity ; & if  occasion  were,  I could  write  others  of  savoury 
& Godly  co unsell. 

"About  fourteen  years  of  age,  being  in  Cambridge,  I fell 
into  a lingering  feaver,  which  took  away  the  comfort  of  my 
life.  For  being  there  neglected  & despised,  I went  up  & 
down  mourning  with  myself ; & being  deprived  of  my  youth- 
full  joys,  I betook  myself  to  God,  whom  I did  believe  to  bee 
very  good  & mercifull,  & would  welcome  any  that  would  come 
to  him,  especially  such  a young  soule,  & so  well  qualified 
as  I took  myself  to  bee ; so  as  I took  pleasure  in  drawing 
near  to  him.  But  how  my  heart  was  affected  with  my  sins, 
or  what  thoughts  I had  of  Christ,  I remember  not.  But 
I was  willing  to  love  God,  & therefore  I thought  hee  loved 
mee.  But  so  soon  as  I recovered  my  perfect  health,  & 
met  with  somewhat  else  to  take  pleasure  in,  I forgot  my 
former  acquaintance  with  God,  and  fell  to  former  lusts,  & 
grew  worse  than  before.  Yet  some  good  moodes  I had  now 
& then,  & sad  checks  of  my  natural  Conscience,  by  which 
the  Lord  preserved  mee  from  some  foule  sins,  which  other- 
wise I had  fallen  into.  But  my  lusts  were  so  masterly  as 
no  good  could  fasten  upon  mee,  otherwise  than  to  hold  me 
to  some  task  of  ordinary  duties,  for  I cared  for  nothing  but 
how  to  satisfy  my  voluptuous  heart. 

"About  18  years  of  age,  (being  a man  in  stature,  & 
understanding  as  my  parents  conceived  me)  I married  into  a 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


167 


family  under  Mr.  Culverwell  his  ministry  in  Essex ; & living 
there  sometimes  I first  found  the  ministry  of  the  Word  to 
come  home  to  my  heart  with  power,  (for  in  all  before  I 
found  only  light)  & after  that  I found  the  like  in  the  ministry 
of  many  others.  So  as  there  began  to  be  some  change  which 
I perceived  in  myself,  & others  took  notice  of.  Now  I began 
to  come  under  strong  exercises  of  conscience,  (yet  by  fits 
only).  I could  no  longer  dally  with  religion.  God  put  my 
soule  to  sad  tasks  sometimes,  which  yet  the  flesh  would  shake 
off,  & outwear  still.  I had  withal  many  sweet  invitations, 
which  I would  willingly  have  entertained,  but  the  flesh  would 
not  give  up  her  interest.  The  merciful  Lord  would  not  thus 
bee  answered,  but  notwithstanding  all  my  stubbornnesse  & 
unkind  rejections  of  mercy,  bee  left  me  not  till  he  had  over- 
come my  heart  to  give  up  itself  to  him,  & to  bid  farewell 
to  all  the  world,  & until  my  heart  could  answer,  'Lord! 
what  wilt  thou  have  mee  doe  ? ’ 

"Now  came  I to  some  peace  & comfort  in  God  & in  his 
wayes,  my  chief  delight  was  therein.  I loved  a Christian  & 
the  very  ground  hee  went  upon.  I honoured  a faythful 
minister  in  my  heart  & could  have  kissed  his  feet : Now  I 
grew  full  of  zeal  (which  outranne  my  knowledge  & carried 
mee  sometimes  beyond  my  calling),  & very  liberall  to  any 
good  work.  I had  an  unsatiable  thirst  after  the  word  of 
God  & could  not  misse  a good  sermon,  though  many  miles 
off,  especially  of  such  as  did  search  deep  into  the  conscience 
I had  also  a great  striving  in  my  heart  to  draw  others  to 
God.  It  pitied  my  heart  to  see  men  so  little  to  regard  their 
soules,  & to  despise  that  happiness  which  I knew  to  be  better 
than  all  the  world  besides,  which  stirred  mee  up  to  take  any 
opportunity  to  draw  men  to  God,  & by  successe  in  my  en- 
deavours I took  much  encouragement  hereunto.  But  these 
affections  were  not  constant,  but  very  unsettled.  By  these  oc- 
casions I grew  to  bee  of  some  note  for  religion  (which  did 
not  a little  puff  mee  up)  & divers  would  come  to  mee  for 
advice  in  cases  of  conscience  ; — & if  I heard  of  any  that  were 


168 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


in  trouble  of  mind  I usually  went  to  comfort  them  ; so  that 
upon  the  bent  of  my  spirit  this  way  & the  success  I found 
of  my  endeavours,  I gave  up  myself  to  the  study  of  Divinity, 
& intended  to  enter  into  the  ministry,  if  my  friends  had  not 
dive/ ted  me. 

" But  as  I grew  into  employment  & credit  thereby ; so  I 
grew  also  in  pride  of  my  guifts,  & under  temptations  which 
sett  mee  on  work  to  look  to  my  evidence  more  narrowly 
than  I had  done  before  (for  the  great  change  which  God 
had  wrought  in  mee,  & the  generall  approbation  of  good 
ministers  & other  Christians,  kept  me  from  making  any 
great  question  of  my  good  estate,)  though  my  secret  cor- 
ruptions, & some  tremblings  of  heart  (which  was  greatest 
when  I was  among  the  most  godly  persons)  put  me  to 
some  plunges ; but  especially  when  I perceived  a great 
decay  in  my  zeal  & love,  &c.  And  hearing  sometimes  of 
better  assurance  by  the  seale  of  the  Spirit,  which  I also 
knew  by  the  word  of  God,  but  could  not,  nor  durst  say  that 
ever  I had  it ; & finding  by  reading  of  Mr.  Perkin’s 1 & other 
books,  that  a reprobate  might  (in  appearance)  attaine  to  as 
much  as  I had  done ; finding  withal  much  hollowness  & vaine 
glory  in  my  heart,  I began  to  grow  very  sad,  & knew  not 
what  to  do  : I was  ashamed  to  open  my  case  to  any  minis- 
ter that  knew  mee ; I feared  it  would  shame  myself  & religion 
also,  that  such  an  eminent  professor  as  I was  accounted,  should 
discover  such  corruptions  as  I found  in  myself ; & had  in  all 
this  time  attained  no  better  evidence  of  salvation  ; & [if]  I should 
prove  a hypocrite,  it  was  too  late  to  begin  anew  : I should  never 
repent  in  truth  ; having  repented  so  oft  as  I had  done.  It  was 
like  Hell  to  mee  to  think  of  that  in  Hebr.  6. 2 Yet  I should 


1 William  Perkins,  a fellow  of  Christ’s  College,  Cambridge,  was  one  of  the  great 
theological  writers  of  his  day.  He  was  a strict  Calvinist,  and  his  controversy  with 
Arminius  is  said  to  have  occasioned  the  calling  of  the  Synod  of  Dort.  He  died  in 
1602,  and  his  writings  were  published  in  three  folio  volumes. 

2 Doubtless  the  passage  referred  to  is  the  following:  “ For  it  is  impossible  for  those 
who  were  once  enlightened,  and  have  tasted  of  the  heavenly  gift,  and  were  made  par- 
takers of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  have  tasted  the  good  word  of  God,  and  the  powers 


OF  JOHN  WINTHKOP. 


169 


sometimes  propound  questions  afarre  off  to  such  of  the  most 
Godly  ministers  as  I mett,  which  gave  mee  ease  for  the 
present,  but  my  heart  could  not  find  where  to  rest ; but  I 
grew  very  sad  & melancholy ; & now  to  hear  others  applaud 
mee,  was  a dart  through  my  liver ; for  still  I feared  I was 
not  sound  at  the  root,  and  sometimes  I had  thoughts  of 
breaking  from  my  profession,  & proclaim®  myself  an  hypo- 
crite. But  these  troubles  came  not  all  at  once  but  by  fits, 
for  sometimes  I should  find  refreshing  in  prayer,  & some- 
times in  the  love  that  I had  had  to  the  Saints  : which  though 
it  were  but  poor  comfort  (for  I durst  not  say  before  the 
Lord  that  I did  love  them  in  truth) , yet  the  Lord  upheld 
mee,  and  many  times  outward  occasions  put  these  fears  out 
of  my  thoughts.  And  though  I had  knowne  long  before, 
the  Doctrine  of  free  Justification  by  Christ,  & had  often 
urged  it  upon  my  owne  soul  & others,  yet  I could  not  close 
with  Christ  to  my  satisfaction. — I have  many  times  striven 
to  lay  hold  upon  Christ  in  some  promise,  & have  brought 
forth  all  the  arguments  that  I had  for  my  part  in  it.  But 
instead  of  finding  it  to  bee  mine,  I have  lost  sometimes  the  faith 
of  the  very  general  truth  of  the  promise,  sometimes  after  much 
striving  by  prayer  for  faith  in  Christ,  I have  thought  I had 
received  some  power  to  apply  Christ  unto  my  soul : but  it 
was  so  doubtfull  as  I could  have  little  comfort  in  it,  & it 
soon  vanished. 

"Upon  these  & the  like  troubles,  when  I could  by  no 
means  attaine  sure  & settled  peace ; & that  which  I did  get 
was  still  broken  off  upon  every  infirmity ; I concluded  there  was 
no  way  to  help  it,  but  by  walking  more  close  with  God  and 
more  strict  observation  of  all  dutyes ; & hereby  though  I put 
myself  to  many  a needless  task,  & deprived  myself  of  many 
lawful  comforts,  yet  my  peace  would  fayle  upon  every  small 
occasion,  & I was  held  long  under  great  bondage  to  the 


of  the  world  to  come,  if  they  shall  fall  away,  to  renew  them  again  unto  repentance  ; 
seeing  they  crucify  to  themselves  the  Son  of  God  afresh,  and  put  him  to  an  open 
shame.” — Heb.  vi.  4-6. 


VOL.  II. 


22 


170 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


Law  (sin,  & humble  myself;  & sin,  & to  humiliation  again, 
& so  day  after  day)  yet  neither  got  strength  to  my  Sanctifi- 
cation, nor  bettered  my  evidence,  but  was  brought  to  such 
bondage,  as  I durst  not  use  any  recreation,  nor  meddle  with 
any  worldly  business  &c.  ; for  fear  of  breaking  my  peace 
(which  even  such  as  it  was,  was  very  precious  to  mee)  but 
this  would  not  hold  neither,  for  then  I grew  very  melancholy 
& mine  own  thoughts  wearied  mee,  & wasted  my  spirits. 

" While  I wandered  up  & downe  in  this  sad  & doubtful 
estate  (wherein  yet  I had  many  intermissions,  for  the  flesh 
would  often  shake  oflf  this  yoake  of  the  Law,  but  was  still 
forced  to  come  under  it  again)  wherein  my  greatest  troubles 
were  not  the  sense  of  God’s  wrath  or  fear  of  damnation,  but 
want  of  assurance  of  salvation,  & want  of  strength  against 
my  corruptions  ; I knew  that  my  greatest  want  was  fayth  in 
Christ,  & fame  would  I have  been  united  to  Christ,  but  I 
thought  I was  not  holy  enough ; I had  many  times  com- 
fortable thoughts  about  him  in  the  word,  prayer,  & meditation, 
but  they  gave  mee  no  satisfaction,  but  brought  mee  lower 
in  mine  own  eyes,  & held  me  still  to  a constant  use  of  all 
means,  in  hope  of  better  things  to  come.  Sometimes  I was 
very  confident  that  hee  had  given  mee  a hungering  & thirsting 
soul  after  Christ,  & therefore  would  surely  satisfy  mee  in  his 
good  time.  Sometimes  again  I was  ready  to  entertain  secret 
murmurings,  that  all  my  pains  & prayers  etc.  should  prevail 
no  more  ; but  such  thoughts  were  soon  rebuked  : I found  my 
heart  still  willing  to  justify  God.  Yea,  I was  persuaded  I 
should  love  him,  though  he  should  cast  mee  off. 

"Being  in  this  condition  it  pleased  the  Lord  in  my  family 
exercise  to  manifest  unto  mee  the  difference  between  the 
covenant  of  Grace,  & the  Covenant  of  works  (but  I took 
the  foundation  of  that  of  works  to  have  been  with  man  in 
innocency,  & onely  held  forth  in  the  laws  of  Moses  to  drive 
us  to  Christ).  This  covenant  of  Grace  began  to  take  great 
impression  in  mee,  & I thought  I had  now  enough  : To 
have  Christ  freely,  & to  be  justified  freely  was  very  sweet 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


171 


to  mee ; & upon  sound  warrant  (as  I conceived)  but  I 
would  not  say  with  any  confidence,  it  had  been  sealed  to 
me,  but  I rather  took  occasion  to  be  more  remisse  in  my 
spiritual  watch,  & so  more  loose  in  my  conversation. 

" I was  now  about  30  yrs  of  age,  & now  was  the  time 
come  that  the  Lord  would  reveale  Christ  unto  mee,  whom  I 
had  long  desired,  but  not  so  earnestly  as  since  I came  to 
see  more  clearly  into  the  covenant  of  free  grace.  First  there- 
fore hee  laid  a sore  affliction  upon  me  wherein  he  laid  me 
lower  in  myne  own  eyes  than  at  any  time  before,  & showed 
mee  the  emptiness  of  all  my  guifts  & parts ; left  mee  neither 
power  nor  will,  so  as  I became  as  a weaned  child.1  I could 
now  no  more  look  at  what  I had  been  or  what  I had  done, 
nor  be  discontented  for  want  of  strength  or  assurance,  mine 
eyes  were  only  upon  his  free  mercy  in  Jesus  Christ.  I knew 
I was  worthy  of  nothing,  for  I knew  I could  do  nothing 
for  him  or  for  myself.  I could  only  mourn,  & weep  to 
think  of  free  mercy  to  such  a vile  wretch  as  I was.  Though 
I had  no  power  to  apply  it  yet  I felt  comfort  in  it.  I did 
not  long  continue  in  this  estate,  but  the  good  spirit  of  the 
Lord  breathed  upon  my  soule,  & said  I should  live.  Then 
every  promise  I thought  upon  held  forth  Christ  unto  me, 
saying,  I am  thy  salvation.  Now  could  my  soul  close  with 
Christ,  & rest  there  with  sweet  content,  so  ravished  with  his 
love,  as  I desired  nothing,  nor  feared  anything,  but-  was 
filled  with  joy  unspeakable  & glorious,  & with  a spirit  of 
adoption.  Not  that  I could  pray  with  more  fervency  or  more 
enlargement  of  heart  than  sometimes  before,  but  I could  now 
cry,  My  Father,  with  more  confidence.  Meethought  this 
condition  & that  frame  of  heart  which  I had  after,  was  in  re- 
spect of  the  former  like  the  reign  of  Solomon,  free,  peaceable, 
prosperous,  & glorious,  the  other,  more  like  that  of  Ahaz, 
full  of  troubles,  fears  & abasements.  And  the  more  I 


1 For  some  account  of  the  afflictions  which  befell  the  Governor  when  he  was  “ about 
30  yrs  of  age,”  see  first  volume  of  the  Life  and  Letters,  pp.  76,  77. 


172 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


grew  thus  acquainted  with  the  spirit  of  God.  the  more  were 
my  corruptions  mortifyed  & the  new  man  quickened.  The 
world,  the  flesh,  & Satan,  were  for  a time  silent,  I heard 
not  of  them : but  they  would  not  leave  mee  so.  This  Estate 
lasted  a good  time,  (divers  months,)  but  not  always  alike, 
but  if  my  comfort  & joy  slackened  awhile,  yet  my  peace 
continued,  & it  would  returne  with  advantage.  I was  now 
growne  familiar  with  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  he  would  oft 
tell  mee  he  loved  mee.  I did  not  doubt  to  believe  him. 
If  I went  abroad,  he  went  with  me,  when  I returned,  he  came 
home  with  mee.  I talked  with  him  upon  the  way,  he  lay 
down  with  me,  & usually  I did  awake  with  him.  Now  I 
could  go  into  any  company  & not  lose  him : &,  so  sweet 
was  his  love  to  me,  as  I desired  nothing  but  him  in  Heaven 
or  Earth. 

"This  Estate  would  not  hold,  neither  did  it  decline  suddenly, 
but  by  degrees.  And  though  I found  much  spiritual  strength 
in  it,  yet  I could  not  discerne  but  my  hunger  after  the  Word 
of  God,  & my  love  to  the  Saints  had  been  as  great  (if  not 
more)  in  former  times.  One  reason  might  bee  this,  I found 
that  the  many  blemishes  & much  hollow-heartednesse  which 
I discerned  in  many  professors,  had  weakened  the  esteem  of 
a Christian  in  my  heart.  And  for  my  comfort  in  Christ, 
as  worldly  employments,  & the  love  of  temporal  things  did 
steal  ■ away  my  heart  from  him,  so  would  his  sweet  counte- 
nance be  withdrawn  from  mee.  But  in  such  a condition  he 
would  not  long  leave  me,  but  would  still  recall  me  by  some 
word  or  affliction,  or  in  prayer  or  meditation,  & I should 
then  bee  as  a man  awakened  out  of  a dreame,  or  as  if  I 
had  been  another  man.  And  then  my  care  was  (not  so 
much  to  get  pardon,  for  that  was  sometimes  sealed  to  me, 
while  I was  purposing  to  goe  seek  it,  & yet  sometimes  I 
could  not  obtain  it  without  seeking  & waiting  also  but)  to 
mourn  for  my  ingratitude  towards  my  God,  & his  free  & rich 
mercy.  The  consideration  whereof  would  break  my  heart 
more,  & wring  more  tears  from  mine  eyes,  than  ever  the 


OF  JOHN  TVINTHKOP. 


173 


fear  of  damnation  or  any  affliction  had  done ; so  as  many 
times  & to  this  very  day,  a thought  of  Christ  Jesus,  & 
free  grace  bestowed  on  me,  melts  my  heart  that  I cannot 
refraine. 

" Since  this  time,  I have  gone  under  continuall  conflicts 
between  the  flesh  & the  Spirit,  & sometimes  with  Satan  him- 
self, (which  I have  more  discerned  of  late  than  I did  for- 
merly) ; many  falls  1 have  had,  & have  lyen  long  under 
some,  yet  never  quite  forsaken  of  the  Lord.  But  still  when 
I have  been  put  to  it  by  any  suddaine  danger  or  fearful 
temptation,  the  good  spirit  of  the  Lord  hath  not  fayled  to 
beare  witnesse  to  mee,  giving  mee  comfort,  & courage  in 
the  very  pinch,  when  of  myself  I have  been  very  fear  full, 
& dismayed.  My  usual  falls  have  been  through  deadhearted- 
ness, & presumptuousnesse,  by  which  Satan  hath  taken 
advantage  to  wind  me  into  other  sins.  When  the  flesh 
prevayles  the  spirit  withdraws,  & is  sometimes  so  grieved  as 
he  seems  not  to  acknowledge  his  own  work.  Yet  in  my 
worst  times  he  hath  been  pleased  to  stirre,  when  he  would 
not  speak,  & would  yet  support  me,  that  my  faith  hath  not 
failed  utterly. 

"The  Doctrine  of  free  justification,  lately  taught  here,  took 
me  in  as  drowsy  a condition,  as  I had  been  in  (to  my  re- 
membrance) these  twenty  years,  & brought  me  as  low  (in  my 
own  apprehension)  as  if  the  whole  work  had  been  to  begin 
anew.  But  when  the  voice  of  Peace  came,  I knew  it  to  be 
the  same  that  I had  been  acquainted  with  before,  though  it 
did  not  speak  so  loud  nor  in  that  measure  of  joy  that  I had 
felt  sometimes.  Only  this  I found,  that  I had  defiled  the 
white  garments  of  the  Lord  Jesus.  That  of  justification  in 
undervaluing  the  riches  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  & his  free 
grace,  & setting  up  Idols  in  mine  own  heart,  some  of  them 
made  of  his  silver,  & of  his  gold ; & that  other  garment 
of  sanctification  by  many  foul  spots  which  God’s  people 
might  take  notice  of,  & yet  the  inward  spots  were  fouler 
than  those. 


174 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


"The  Lord  Jesus  who  (of  his  own  free  grace)  hath  washed 
my  soul  in  the  blood  of  the  everlasting  covenant,  wash  away 
all  those  spots  also  in  his  good  time. 

" Amen,  even  so  doe,  Lord  Jesus. 

"John  Winthrop. 

« The  12>n  of  the  11th  month,  1636. 

in  the  49th  year  of  my  age  just  compleat.” 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


175 


CHAPTER  XII. 

WTNTHR  TP  RE-ELECTED  GOVERNOR  AFTER  A VIOLENT  STRUGGLE. 
CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  HIS  WIFE.  CONTROVERSY  BETWEEN 
VANE  AND  WINTHROP  ABOUT  TOLERATION.  THE  YOUNG 
LORD  LEIGH.  VANE’S  DEPARTURE.  WINTHROP’S  LETTERS  TO 
GOVERNOR  BRADFORD  ABOUT  THE  PEQUOT  WAR. 

The  religious  rancors  of  this  period  entered  deeply 
into  politics,  and  the  Commonwealth  was  the  scene  of 
an  excitement  quite  equal  to  that  which  agitated  the 
church.  Town  and  country  were  arrayed  against  each 
other  in  the  strife.  Governor  Vane  and  the  Hutchin- 
sonians  were  warmly  sustained  by  Boston ; while  Win- 
throp,  though  a Boston  man,  was  obliged  to  look  to 
the  country  towns  for  his  main  sympathy  and  support. 
It  would  seem,  from  the  sequel,  that  he  did  not  look 
in  vain. 

At  the  General  Court  in  March,  1636-7,  the  con- 
tentions ran  so  high,  that  although  it  had  been  declared 
four  years  previously,  by  general  consent,  that  “ Boston 
is  the  fittest  place  for  publique  meetings  of  any  place 
in  the  Bay,” 1 it  was  now  determined  that  the  next 
court  should  not  be  held  there.  Accordingly,  on  the 
17th  of  May,  1637,  the  Court  of  Elections  was  held 
at  Newtown,  where  events  occurred  which  we  must 
allow  Winthrop  to  describe  in  his  own  words:- — ■ 


1 Records  of  Massachusetts,  vol.  i.  p.  101. 


176 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


"Our  court  of  Elections  was  at  Newtown.  So  soon  as 
the  court  was  set,  being  about  one  of  the  clock,  a petition 
was  preferred  by  those  of  Boston.  The  governour  [Vane] 
would  have  read  it,  but  the  deputy  [Winthrop]  said  it  was 
out  of  order ; it  was  a court  for  elections,  and  those  must 
first  be  despatched,  and  then  their  petitions  should  be  heard. 
Divers  others  also  opposed  that  course,  as  an  ill  precedent, 
etc.  ; and  the. petition,  being  about  pretence  of  liberty,  etc., 
(though  intended  chiefly  for  revoking  the  sentence  given 
against  Mr.  Wheelwright,)  would  have  spent  all  the  day  in 
debate,  etc.  ; but  yet  the  governour  and  those  of  that  party 
would  not  proceed  to  election,  except  the  petition  was  read. 
Much  time  was  already  spent  about  this  debate,  and  the 
people  crying  out  for  election,  it  was  moved  by  the  deputy, 
that  the  people  should  divide  themselves,  and  the  greater  num- 
ber must  carry  it.  And  so  it  was  done,  and  the  greater 
number  by  many  were  for  election.  But  the  governour 
[Vane]  and  that  side  kept  their  place  still,  and  would  not 
proceed.  Whereupon  the  deputy  [Winthrop]  told  him,  that, 
if  he  would  not  go  to  election,  he  and  the  rest  of  that  side 
would  proceed.  Upon  that,  he  came  from  his  company,  and 
they  went  to  election  ; and  Mr.  Winthrop  was  chosen  gover- 
nour, Mr.  Dudley  deputy,  and  Mr.  Endecott  of  the  standing 
council ; and  Mr.  Israel  Stoughton  and  Mr.  Richard  Salton- 
stall  were  called  in  to  be  assistants;  and  Mr.  Vane,  Mr. 
Coddington,  and  Mr.  Dummer,  (being  all  of  that  faction,) 
were  left  quite  out. 

" There  was  great  danger  of  a tumult  that  day  ; for  those 
of  that  side  grew  into  fierce  speeches,  and  some  laid  hands 
on  others ; but  seeing  themselves  too  weak,  they  grew  quiet. 
They  expected  a great  advantage  that  day,  because  the  re- 
mote towns  were  allowed  to  come  in  by  proxy ; but  it  fell 
out,  that  there  were  enough  beside.  But  if  it  had  been 
otherwise,  they  must  have  put  in  their  deputies,  as  other 
towns  had  done,  for  all  matters  beside  elections.  Boston, 
having  deferred  to  choose  deputies  till  the  election  was  passed, 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


177 


went  home  that  night,  and  the  next  morning  they  sent  Mr. 
Vane,  the  late  governour,  and  Mr.  Coddington,  and  Mr.  Hoffe, 
for  their  deputies ; but  the  court,  being  grieved  at  it,  found 
a means  to  send  them  home  again,  for  that  two  of  the 
freemen  of  Boston  had  not  notice  of  the  election.  So  they 
went  all  home,  and  the  next  morning  they  returned  the  same 
gentlemen  again  upon  a new  choice ; and  the  court  not  find- 
ing how  they  might  reject  them,  they  were  admitted.” 

Thus,  after  an  interval  of  three  years,  during  which 
Thomas  Dudley,  John  Haynes,  and  Henry  Vane,  had 
successively  presided  over  the  Colony,  John  Winthrop 
was  once  more,  and  for  a fifth  term,  called  to  the 
helm.  The  little  bark  was  tossing  upon  troubled 
waters,  and  needed  a steady  and  experienced  hand  to 
keep  her  on  a safe  track.  The  change  of  adminis- 
tration, as  we  have  seen,  was  not  made  without  a 
struggle.  The  excitement  on  the  occasion  may  be 
inferred  from  the  lively  anecdote  of  the  Rev.  John 
Wilson,  which  Governor  Hutchinson  has  given  us  in 
a note  to  his  History  of  Massachusetts,  and  which  he 
took  from  a manuscript  life  of  Wilson  himself : 1 — 

"Mr.  Wilson,  the  Minister,  in  his  zeal  gat  up  on  the  bough 
of  a tree  (it  was  hot  weather,  and  the  election  like  that  of 
Parliament  men  for  the  Counties  in  England  was  carried  on 
in  the  field)  and  there  made  a Speech,  advising  the  people 
to  look  to  their  Charter,  and  to  consider  the  present  work 
of  the  day,  which  was  designed  for  the  choosing  of  the 
Governor,  Deputy  Governor,  and  the  rest  of  the  Assistants 
for  the  Government  of  the  Commonwealth.  His  Speech  was 
well  received  by  the  people,  who  presently  called  out  'elec- 
tion, election,’  which  turned  the  scale.” 


VOL.  II. 


1 Hutchinson’s  Hist,  of  Mass.,  vol.  i.  p.  62,  note,. 
23 


178 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


It  would  thus  seem  that  the  first  stump- speech  of 
which  we  have  any  authentic  account  in  this  country 
was  made  in  New  England,  and  by  a clergyman ! 

But  the  excitement  did  not  end,  it  appears,  with 
the  election ; and  Governor  Winthrop  would  seem  not 
to  have  met  with  all  the  conrtesy  and  respect  on  this 
occasion  to  which  he  was  entitled  according  to  the 
laws  or  customs  of  the  Colony.  His  Journal  proceeds 
as  follows  : — 

" Upon  the  election  of  the  new  governour,  the  serjeants, 
who  had  attended  the  old  governour  to  the  court,  (being  all 
Boston  men,  where  the  new  governour  also  dwelt,)  laid  down 
their  halberds  and  went  home  ; and  whereas  they  had  been 
wont  to  attend  the  former  governour  to  and  from  the  meetings 
on  the  Lord’s  days,  they  gave  over  now,  so  as  the  new  gover- 
nour was  fain  to  use  his  own  servants  to  carry  two  halberds 
before  him ; whereas  the  former  governour  had  never  less 
than  four.” 

Doubtless  it  was  during  these  political  agitations, 
in  which  her  husband  was  so  deeply  involved,  that 
the  true-hearted  Margaret  Winthrop  wrote  the  follow- 
ing characteristic  and  consoling  letter : — 

Margaret  Winthrop  to  her  Husband. 

"Dear  in  my  thoughts, — I blush  to  think  how  much 
I have  neglected  the  opportunity  of  presenting  my  love  to  you. 
Sad  thoughts  possess  my  spirits,  and  I cannot  repulse  them  ; 
which  makes  me  unfit  for  any  thing,  wondering  what  the  Lord 
means  by  all  these  troubles  among  us.  Sure  I am,  that  all 
shall  work  to  the  best  to  them  that  love  God,  or  rather 
are  loved  of  him.  I know  he  will  bring  light  out  of  obscu- 
rity,  and  make  his  righteousness  shine  forth  as  clear  as  the 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


179 


noon  day.  Yet  I find  in  myself  an  adverse  spirit,  and  a 
trembling  heart,  not  so  willing  to  submit  to  the  will  of  God 

as  I desire.  There  is  a time  to  plant,  and  a time  to  pull 

up  that  which  is  planted,  which  I could  desiie  might  not 
be  yet.  But  the  Lord  knoweth  what  is  best,  and  his  will 

be  done.  But  I will  write  no  more.  Hoping  to  see  thee 

to-morrow,  my  best  affections  being  commended  to  yourself, 
[and]  the  rest  of  our  friends  at  Newton,  I commit  thee  to  God. 

"Your  loving  wife, 

"Margaret  Winthrop. 


“ Sad  Boston,  1637.” 


And  here,  among  the  newly  discovered  family  papers, 
is  evidently  the  answer  to  it : — 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Wife. 


“ ffor  Mrs.  Winthrop  at  Boston. 

"Deare  [torn], — I am  still  detayned  from  thee,  but  it 
is  by  the  Lord,  who  hath  a greater  interest  in  me  than  thy 
selfe,  when  his  worke  is  donne  he  will  restore  me  to  thee 
againe  to  or  mutuall  comfort : Amen.  I thanke  thee  for 
thy  sweet  Lre : my  heart  was  wtt  thee  to  have  written  to 
thee  everye  daye,  but  businesse  would  not  permitt  me.  I 
suppose  thou  hearest  much  newes  from  hence : it  may  be, 
some  grievous  to  thee : but  be  not  troubled,  I assure  thee 
thinges  goe  well,  & they  must  needs  doe  so,  for  God  is  wth 
us  & thou  shalt  see  a happy  issue.  I hope  to  be  wth  thee 
to  morrowe  & a frende  or  2 : I suppose.  So  I kisse  my 
sweet  wife  & rest 

"Thine  "Jo:  Winthrop. 

“ This  6 : daye.” 


These  simultaneous  contentions  in  Church  and 
State  led  naturally  to  a great  deal  of  personal  bitter- 
ness and  estrangement,  as  well  as  to  a great  deal  of 
open  and  public  controversy.  They  led  also  to  some 


180 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


'egislation  by  the  General  Court,  which  has  been  the 
subject  of  much  reproach  and  condemnation  by  those 
who  were  not  in  a condition  to  appreciate  the  cir- 
cumstances which  gave  occasion  to  it.  The  following 
passages  from  the  Governor’s  Journal,  bearing  date 
May  24,  1637,  give  a striking  picture  of  the  period, 
and  contain  some  account  of  a memorable  Order  of 
Court  which  was  at  once  the  consequence  of  past 
distractions  and  the  cause  of  fresh  ones : — 

"The  former  governour  [Vane]  and  Mr.  Coddington,  being 
discontented  that  the  people  had  left  them  out  of  all  public 
service,  gave  further  proof  of  it  in  the  congregation ; for 
they  refused  to  sit  in  the  magistrate’s  seat,  (where  Mr. 
Vane  had  always  sitten  from  his  first  arrival,)  and  went  and 
sate  with  the  deacons,  although  the  governour  sent  to  desire 
them  to  come  in  to  him.  And  upon  the  day  of  the  general 
fast,  they  went  from  Boston  to  keep  the  day  at  the  Mount 
with  Mr.  Wheelwright. 

" Another  occasion  of  their  discontent,  and  of  the  rest  of 
that  party,  was  an  order,  which  the  court  had  made,  to  keep 
out  all  such  persons  as  might  be  dangerous  to  the  common- 
wealth, by  imposing  a penalty  upon  all  such  as  should  retain 
any,  etc.,  above  three  weeks,  which  should  not  be  allowed 
by  some  of  the  magistrates  ; for  it  was  very  probable,  that 
they  expected  many  of  their  opinion  to  come  out  of  England 
from  Mr.  Brierly  his  church,  etc. 

" This  order,  and  other  differences  between  the  new  gover- 
nour and  them,  was  the  cause,  that,  at  his  return  to  Boston, 
none  of  them  met  him ; and  the  serjeants,  which  had  con- 
stantly attended  the  former  governour  to  all  public  meetings 
with  four  halberds,  did  now  refuse  to  do  any  such  office  to 
the  new,  alleging  that  they  had  done  it  to  the  former  volun- 
tarily, in  respect  of  his  person,  not  his  place.  To  which 
it  was  answered , that  there  was  a double  error ; 1 . Because 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


181 


the  place  drowns  the  person,  be  he  honorable  or  base ; 2.  In 
that  any  compliment  of  honor,  being  once  conferred  upon 
an  office,  (though  voluntarily,)  cannot  after  be  taken  away 
without  contempt  and  injury.  The  country,  taking  notice  of 
this,  offered  to  send  in  some  from  the  neighboring  towns  to 
carry  the  halberds  by  course ; and  upon  that  the  town  of 
Boston  offered  to  send  some  men,  but  not  the  serjeants; 
but  the  o-overnour  chose  rather  to  make  use  of  two  of  his 

O 

own  servants.” 

Winthrop’s  popularity  in  the  country  seems  rather 
to  have  been  increased  by  these  demonstrations  of 
unkindness  in  Boston,  — if  they  were  intended  as  such, 
— as  we  see  by  the  account  of  his  journey  to  Ipswich 
a few  weeks  afterwards.  Of  this  visit,  the  Journal, 
under  date  of  June  23,  furnishes  the  following  brief 
notice : — 

"The  governour  went  to  Sagus,  and  so  to  Salem  and  to 
Ipswich,  at  all  which  places  the  men  of  the  towns  met  him, 
and  guarded  him  from  town  to  town,  (though  not  desired 
nor  expected  by  him,)  to  show  their  respect  to  their  gover- 
nour, and  also  for  his  safety,  in  regard  it  was  reported  the 
Pequods  were  come  this  way.  He  returned  again  the  28th, 
being  forced  to  travel  all  the  night  by  reason  of  the  heat, 
which  was  so  extreme,  as  divers  of  those  who  were  new 
come  on  shore,  died  in  their  travel  a few  miles.” 

Governor  Hutchinson  remarks,  in  this  connection, 
that  “ Mr.  Winthrop,  however  firm  and  resolute  in 
the  execution  of  his  office,  and  steady  to  his  principles, 
yet  in  private  life  behaved  with  much  moderation.  He 
was  obliging  and  condescending  to  all,  and  by  this 
means  in  a short  time  recovered  their  affections,  and 
was  in  greater  esteem  than  ever.  '1 


1 Hutchinson’s  Hist,  of  Mass.,  vol.  i.  p.  64. 


182 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


Winthrop  felt  called  upon,  however,  to  vindicate  the 
Order  of  Court  which  had  given  such  offence,  and 
which  had  subjected  his  party  and  himself  to  so  much 
censure.  He  accordingly  prepared  and  published  a 
formal  argument  in  its  defence ; which  is  here  given 
at  full  length,  both  as  containing  a distinct  explana- 
tion of  the  subject  in  dispute,  and  as  furnishing  a 
good  illustration  of  the  Governor’s  controversial  style 
and  method : — 

" A.  Defence  of  an  Order  of  Court  made  in  the  Year  1637. 

“ A Declaration  of  the  Intent  and  Equitye  of  the  Order  made  at  the 
last  Court,  to  this  effect,  that  none  should  be  received  to  inhabite 
within  this  Jurisdiction  but  such  as  should  be  allowed  by  some 
of  the  Magistrates. 

"For  clearing  of  such  scruples  as  have  arisen  about  this 
order,  it  is  to  be  considered,  first,  what  is  the  essentiall  forme 
of  a common  weale  or  body  politic  such  as  this  is,  which 
I conceive  to  be  this  — The  consent  of  a certaine  companie 
of  people,  to  cohabite  together,  under  one  government  for 
their  mutual  safety  and  welfare. 

"In  this  description  all  these  things  doe  concurre  to  the 
well  being  of  such  a body,  1 Persons,  2 Place,  3 Consent, 
4 Government  or  Order,  5 Wellfare. 

"It  is  clearely  agreed,  by  all,  that  the  care  of  safety  and 
welfare  was  the  original  cause  or  occasion  of  common  weales 
and  of  many  familyes  subjecting  themselves  to  rulers  and 
laws ; for  no  man  hath  lawfull  power  over  another,  but  by 
birth  or  consent,  so  likewise,  by  the  law  of  proprietye,  no 
man  can  have  just  interest  in  that  which  belongeth  to  an- 
other, without  his  consent. 

"From  the  premises  will  arise  these  conclusions. 

" 1.  No  common  weale  can  be  founded  but  by  free  consent. 
"2.  The  persons  so  incorporating  have  a public  and  rela- 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


183 


tive  interest  each  in  other,  and  in  the  place  of  then’  cohabita- 
tion and  goods,  and  laws,  &c.  and  in  all  the  means  of  their 
welfare  so  as  none  other  can  claime  priviledge  with  them  but 
by  free  consent. 

"3.  The  nature  of  such  an  incorporation  tyes  every  member 
thereof  to  seeke  out  and  entertaine  all  means  that  may  conduce 
to  the  wellfare  of  the  bodye,  and  to  keepe  off  whatsoever  doth 
appeare  to  tend  to  theire  damage. 

" 4.  The  wellfare  of  the  whole  is  [not?]  to  be  put  to  apparent 
hazard  for  the  advantage  of  any  particular  members. 

"From  these  conclusions  I thus  reason. 

" 1 . If  we  heere  be  a corporation  established  by  free  con- 
sent, if  the  place  of  our  cohabitation  be  our  owne,  then  no 
man  hath  right  to  come  into  us  &c.  without  our  consent. 

"2.  If  no  man  hath  right  to  our  lands,  our  government, 
priviledges,  &c.  but  by  our  consent,  then  it  is  reason  we  should 
take  notice  of  them  before  we  conferre  any  such  upon  them. 

"3.  If  we  are  bound  to  keepe  off  whatsoever  appears  to 
tend  to  our  mine  or  damage,  then  may  we  lawfully  refuse 
to  receive  such  whose  dispositions  suite  not  with  ours  and 
whose  society  (we  know)  will  be  hurtfull  to  us,  and  there- 
fore it  is  lawfull  to  take  knowledge  of  all  men  before  we 
receive  them. 

"4.  The  churches  take  liberty  (as  lawfully  they  may)  to 
I’eceive  or  reject  at  their  discretion ; yea  particular  towns 
make  orders  to  the  like  effect ; why  then  should  the  common 
weale  be  denied  the  like  liberty  and  the  whole  more  restrained 
than  any  parte? 

"5.  If  it  be  sinne  in  us  to  deny  some  men  place  &c. 
among  us,  then  it  is  because  of  some  right  they  have  to  this 
place  &c.  for  to  deny  a man  that  which  he  hath  no  right  unto 
is  neither  sinne  nor  injury. 

"6.  If  strangers  have  right  to  our  houses  or  lands,  &c. 
then  it  is  either  of  justice  or  of  mercye ; if  of  justice  let  them 
plead  it,  and  we  shall  know  what  to  answer : but  if  it  be 
only  in  way  of  mercye,  or  by  the  rule  of  hospitality,  &c. 


184 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


then  I answer  1st,  A man  is  not  a fit  object  of  mercye  except 
he  be  in  miserye.  2d,  We  are  not  bound  to  exercise  mercye 
to  others  to  the  ruine  of  ourselves.  3d,  There  are  few  that 
stand  in  neede  of  mercye  at  theire  first  coming  hither.  As 
for  hospitality,  that  rule  doth  not  bind  further  than  for  some 
present  occasion,  not  for  continual  residence. 

" 7.  A family  is  a little  common  wealth,  and  a common 
wealth  is  a greate  family.  Now  as  a family  is  not  bound  to 
entertaine  all  comers,  no  not  every  good  man  (-otherwise  than 
by  way  of  hospitality),  no  more  is  a common  wealth. 

" 8.  It  is  a generall  received  rule,  turpius  ejicitur  quavi 
non  admittitur  hospes,  it  is  worse  to  receive  a man  whom 
we  must  cast  out  againe,  than  to  denye  him  admittance. 

" 9.  The  rule  of  the  Apostle,  John  2.  10.  is,  that  such 
as  come  and  bring  not  the  true  doctrine  with  them  should 
not  be  received  to  house,  and  by  the  same  reason  not  into 
the  common  weale. 

" 10.  Seeing  it  must  be  granted  that  there  may  come  such 
persons  (suppose  Jesuits,  &c.)  which  by  consent  of  all  ought 
to  be  rejected,  it  will  follow  that  this  law  (being  only  for 
notice  to  be  taken  of  all  that  come  to  us,  without  which  we 
cannot  avoyd  such  as  indeed  are  to  be  kept  out)  is  no  other 
but  just  and  needfull,  and  if  any  should  be  rejected  that 
ought  to  be  received,  that  is  not  to  be  imputed  to  the  law, 
but  to  those  who  are  betrusted  with  the  execution  of  it. 
And  herein  is  to  be  considered,  what  the  intent  of  the  law 
is,  and  by  consequence,  by  what  rule  they  are  to  walke,  who 
are  betrusted  with  the  keeping  of  it.  The  intent  of  the  law 
is  to  preserve  the  wellfare  of  the  body ; and  for  this  ende 
to  have  none  received  into  any  fellowship  with  it  who  are 
likely  to  disturbe  the  same,  and  this  intent  (I  am  sure)  is 
lawful  and  good.  Now  then,  if  such  to  whom  the  keeping 
of  this  law  is  committed,  be  persuaded  in  theire  judgments 
that  such  a man  is  likely  to  disturbe  and  hinder  the  publick 
weale,  but  some  others,  who  are  not  in  the  same  trust,  judge 
otherwise,  yet  they  are  to  follow  theire  owne  judgments,  rather 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


185 


then  the  judgments  of  others  who  are  not  alike  interested  : 
As  in  tryall  of  an  offender  by  a jury ; the  twelve  men  are 
satisfied  in  their  consciences,  upon  the  evidence  given,  that 
the  party  deserves  death  : but  there  are  20  or  40  standers 
by  who  conceive  otherwise,  yet  is  the  jury  bound  to  con- 
demn him  according  to  their  owne  consciences,  and  not  to 
acquit  him  upon  the  different  opinion  of  other  men,  except 
theire  reasons  can  convince  them  of  the  errour  of  theire  con- 
sciences, and  this  is  according  to  the  rule  of  the  Apostle, 
Rom.  14.  5.  Let  every  man  be  fully  persuaded  in  his  own 
mynde. 

"If  it  be  objected,  that  some  prophane  persons  are  received 
and  others  who  are  religious  are  rejected,  I answer  1st,  It 
is  not  knowne  that  any  such  thinge  hath  as  yet  fallen  out. 
2.  Such  a practice  may  be  justifiable  as  the  case  may  be,  for 
younger  persons  (even  prophane  ones)  may  be  of  lesse  danger 
to  the  common  weale  (and  to  the  churches  also)  than  some 
older  persons,  though  professors  of  religion  : for  our  Saviour 
Christ  when  he  conversed  with  publicans,  &c.  sayth  that 
such  were  nearer  the  kingdom  of  heaven  than  the  l'eli  clous 
pharisees,  and  one  that  is  of  large  parts  and  confirmed  in 
some  erronious  way,  is  likely  to  doe  more  liarme  to  church 
and  common  weale,  and  is  of  lesse  hope  to  be  reclaymed 
then  10  prophane  persons,  who  have  not  yet  beene  hardened, 
in  the  contempt  of  the  meanes  of  grace. 

" Lastly,  Whereas  it  is  objected  that  by  this  law,  we  reject 
good  Christians  and  so  consequently  Christ  himselfe  : I answer 
1st,  It  is  not  knowne  that  any  Christian  man  hath  beene  re- 
jected. 2,  A man  that  is  a true  Christian,  may  be  denyed 
residence  among  us,  in  some  cases,  without  rejecting  Christ ; 
as  admitt  a true  Christian  should  come  over,  and  should  main- 
taine  community  of  goods,  or  that  magistrates  ought  not  to 
punish  the  breakers  of  the  first  table,  or  the  members  of 
churches  for  criminal  offences  : or  that  no  man  were  bound 
to  be  subject  to  those  lawes  or  magistrates  to  which  they 
should  not  give  an  explicite  consent,  &c.  I hope  no  man 

24 


VOL.  II. 


186 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


will  say,  that  not  to  receive  such  an  one,  were  to  reject 
Christ ; for  such  opinions  (though  being  maintained  in  simple 
ignorance,  they  might  stand  with  a state  of  grace  yet)  they 
may  be  so  dangerous  to  the  publick  weale  in  many  respects, 
as  it  would  be  our  sinne  and  unfaithfullness  to  receive  such 
among  us,  except  it  were  for  tryall  of  theire  reformation. 
I would  demand  then  in  the  case  in  question  (for  it  is  boot- 
lesse  curiosity  to  refrayne  openesse  in  things  publick)  whereas 
it  is  sayd  that  this  law  was  made  of  purpose  to  keepe  away 
such  as  are  of  Mr.  Wheelwright  his  judgment  (admitt  it 
were  so  which  yet  I cannot  confesse)  where  is  the  evill  of 
it?  If  we  conceive  and  finde  by  sadd  experience  that  his 
opinions  are  such,  as  by  his  own  profession  cannot  stand 
with  externall  peace,  may  we  not  provide  for  our  peace,  by 
keeping  off  such  as  would  strengthen  him,  and  infect 
others  with  such  dangerous  tenets?  and  if  we  finde  his  opin- 
ions such  as  will  cause  divisions,  and  make  people  looke  at 
their  magistrates,  ministers  and  brethren  as  enemies  to  Christ ; 
and  Antichrists,  &c.  were  it  not  sinne  and  unfaithfullness 
in  us,  to  receive  more  of  those  opinions,  which  we  allready 
finde  the  evill  fiuite  of : Nay,  why  doe  not  those  who  now 
complayne  joyne  with  us  in  keeping  out  of  such,  as  well  as 
formerly  they  did  in  expelling  Mr.  Williams  for  the  like, 
though  lesse  dangerous?  Where  this  change  of  theire  judg- 
ments should  arise  I leave  to  themselves  to  examine,  and  I 
earnestly  entreate  them  so  to  doe,  and  for  this  law  let  the 
equally  mynded  judge,  what  evill  they  finde  in  it,  or  in  the 
practice  of  those  who  are  betrusted  with  the  execution  of  it.” 

The  publication  of  this  paper  brought  out  Vane  in 
reply,  whose  “ briefe  answer  ” was  more  than  three 
times  longer  than  Winthrop’s  defence.  Thereupon 
Winthrop  published  a replication  as  long  as  both  the 
other  papers  together.  For  these  latter  documents, 
our  readers  will  be  willingly  remitted  to  Governor 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


187 


Hutchinson’s  “ Collection  of  Original  Papers,”  1 who  dis- 
misses them  with  the  single  remark,  “ I leave  the 
reader  to  judge  who  had  the  best  cause,  and  who 
best  defended  it.” 

Vane’s  reply  has  often  been  referred  to,  as  containing 
a clear  and  comprehensive  exposition  of  the  true  prin- 
ciples of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  and  as  entitling 
him  to  be  ranked  among  the  earliest  assertors  of 
toleration  and  the  rights  of  conscience.  Yet  his  paper 
contains  repeated  suggestions  of  a power  in  the  king 
to  control  the  colonial  proceedings,  and  exhibits  him 
clearly  as  a friend  to  the  royal  prerogative.2  But, 
without  detracting  in  the  slightest  degree  from  the 
lofty  and  enviable  claims  which  have  been  made  for 
him,  it  may  well  be  doubted  whether  such  views  as 
his  were  entirely  applicable  to  the  case  in  hand,  or 
to  the  condition  of  the  Colony  at  the  time.  It  may 
well  be  doubted,  whether  the  little  Commonwealth 
could  have  been  held  together  in  peace  and  prosperity, 
or  could  have  been  held  together  at  all,  by  any  other 
policy  than  that  which  Winthrop  defended. 

There  was  nothing  whatever  of  persecution,  properly 
so  called,  in  that  policy,  nor  any  attempt  to  interfere 
with  the  freedom  of  conscience.  It  was  a simple 
decree  of  separation,  or  rather  of  non-admission,  to 
prevent  political  strife.  Nor  is  it  easy  to  perceive  how 
some  measure  of  the  sort  could  have  been  dispensed 
with  in  that  infancy  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony. 


1 A new  and  beautiful  edition  of  this  valuable  Collection  of  Papers  has  recently 
been  published  by  the  Prince  Society  in  Poston. 

2 Palfrey’s  Histoiy  of  New  England,  vol.  i.  p.  505.  See,  also,  Life  of  Sir  H.  Vane, 
by  Hon.  C.  W.  Upham,  in  vol.  iv.  Sparks’s  Am.  Biography. 


188 


LIFE  AND  LE'llERS 


It  was  not  difficult,  indeed,  in  those  days,  — as  it 
certainly  is  not  in  these,  — to  secure  credit  with  poster- 
ity by  advocating  some  broad,  unqualified  principle  of 
abstract  right,  without  regard  to  circumstances  or  con- 
sequences. One  has  only  to  look  forward  a hundred 
years,  and  descry,  as  almost  any  one  easily  can  descry, 
certain  great  reformations  which  the  progress  of  events 
and  the  influences  of  civilization  and  Christianity  are 
sure  to  accomplish ; and  then,  by  taking  any  one  of 
these  for  his  peculiar  topic  and  his  chosen  cause,  he 
may  confidently  rely  on  being  counted  among  the  pio- 
neers of  the  enterprise.  Nay,  such  a man  may  be 
recorded  as  having  aided  and  advanced  a reform,  which 
his  premature  and  intemperate  efforts  may  have  abso- 
lutely retarded  and  hindered ; while  another,  who,  in 
looking  to  the  present  and  the  practicable,  may  have 
really  laid  the  foundations  for  future  progress  and 
success,  will  perhaps  be  set  down  as  bigoted,  and  be- 
hind the  times. 

It  was  admirably  said  by  the  late  Josiah  Quincy  on 
this  subject,  in  his  Centennial  Discourse  in  1830,  that 
“ had  our  early  ancestors  adopted  the  course  we  at 
this  day  are  apt  to  deem  so  easy  and  obvious,  and 
placed  their  government  on  the  basis  of  liberty  for 
all  sorts  of  consciences,  it  would  have  been,  in  that 
age,  a certain  introduction  of  anarchy.  It  cannot  be 
questioned,  that  all  the  fond  hopes  they  had  cherished 
from  emigration  would  have  been  lost.  The  agents  of 
Charles  and  James  would  have  planted  here  the  stand- 
ard of  the  transatlantic  monarchy  and  hierarchy. 
Divided  and  broken,  without  practical  energy,  subject 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


189 


to  court  influences  and  court  favorites,  New  England 
would,  at  this  day,  have  been  a Colony  of  the  parent 
State,  her  character  yet  to  be  formed,  and  her  inde- 
pendence yet  to  be  vindicated.” 

“ The  non-toleration,”  proceeded  Mr.  Quincy,  u which 
characterized  our  early  ancestors,  from  whatever  source 
it  may  have  originated,  had  undoubtedly  the  effect  they 
intended  and  wished.  It  excluded  from  influence,  in 
their  infant  settlement,  all  the  friends  and  adherents 
of  the  ancient  monarchy  and  hierarchy ; all  who,  from 
any  motive,  ecclesiastical  or  civil,  were  disposed  to 
disturb  their  peace  or  their  churches.  They  consid- 
ered it  a measure  of  ‘ self-defence.’  And  it  is  un- 
questionable, that  it  was  chiefly  instrumental  in  forming 
the  homogeneous  and  exclusively  republican  character 
for  which  the  people  of  New  England  have,  in  all 
times,  been  distinguished ; and,  above  all,  that  it  fixed 
irrevocably  in  the  country  that  noble  security  for  re- 
ligious liberty,  the  independent  system  of  church  gov- 
ernment,” 1 

Governor  Winthrop  seems  to  have  exercised  the 
discretion  committed  to  him  as  one  of  the  magistrates, 
under  this  much-vexed  Order  of  Court,  with  modera- 
tion and  leniency,  and  even  to  have  incurred  some 
odium,  among  those  of  his  own  way  of  thinking,  by 
such  a course.  The  Journal,  under  date  of  July  12, 
says,  — 

"Here  came  over  a brother  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  and  some 
other  of  Mr.  Wheelwright’s  friends,  whom  the  governour 


1 See  also  Quincy’s  Municipal  History  of  Boston. 


190 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


thought  not  fit  to  allow,  as  others,  to  sit  down  among  us, 
without  some  trial  of  them.  Therefore,  to  save  others  from 
the  danger  of  the  law  in  receiving  of  them,  he  allowed  them 
for  four  months.  This  was  taken  very  ill  by  those  of  the 
other  party,  and  many  hot  speeches  given  forth  about  it,  and 
about  their  removal,  etc.” 

A few  weeks  previous  to  this  arrival  came  over  a 
more  distinguished  stranger  than  Mrs.  Hutchinson’s 
brother,  — probably  the  first  young  nobleman  that  ever 
visited  Boston  on  a mere  tour  of  pleasure,  and  of 
whom  the  Journal  gives  the  following  most  agreeable 
account : — 

" In  the  Hector  came  also  the  Lord  Ley,  son  and  heir 
of  the  Earl  of  Marlborough,  being  about  nineteen  years  of 
age,  who  came  only  to  see  the  country.  He  was  of  very 
sober  carriage,  and  showed  much  wisdom  and  moderation  in 
his  lowly  and  familiar  carriage,  especially  in  the  ship,  where 
he  was  much  disrespected  and  unworthily  used  by  the  master, 
one  Feme,  and  some  of  the  passengers ; yet  he  bare  it 
meekly  and  silently.  When  he  came  on  shore  the  governour 
was  from  home,  and  he  took  up  his  lodging  at  the  common 
inn.  When  the  governour  returned,  he  presently  came  to 
his  house.  The  governour  offered  him  lodging,  etc.,  but  he 
refused,  saying,  that  he  came  not  to  be  troublesome  to  any, 
and  the  house  where  he  was,  was  so  well  governed,  that  he 
could  be  as  private  there  as  elsewhere.” 

His  juvenile  lordship,  however,  seems  hardly  to  have 
fulfilled,  during  his  brief  visit,  the  promise  of  wisdom 
and  meekness  which  he  had  given  during  the  voyage. 
He  appears  to  have  entered  forthwith  into  the  con- 
troversies of  the  time,  to  have  sided  at  once  with 
Vane  against  the  party  in  power,  and  even  to  have 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


191 


taken  upon  himself  to  institute  some  investigation  into 
the  loyalty  of  the  colonists. 

We  hear  of  him  first,  on  the  1st  of  July,  uniting 
with  Vane  in  declining  to  dine  with  Governor  Win- 
throp  for  conscience’  sake  : — 

"The  differences  grew  so  much  here,  as  tended  fast  to  a 
separation;  so  as  Mr.  Vane,  being,  among  others,  invited 
by  the  governour  to  accompany  the  Lord  Ley  at  dinner, 
not  only  refused  to  come,  (alleging  by  letter  that  his  con- 
science withheld  him,)  but  also,  at  the  same  hour,  he  went 
over  to  Nottle’s  Island  to  dine  with  Mr.  Maverick,  and 
carried  the  Lord  Ley  with  him.” 

Next  we  find  him,  in  the  following  paragraph  of 
the  Journal,  in  the  beginning  of  August,  calling  one 
Ewre  to  account  for  uttering  treason  against  the  king ; 
when  Governor  Winthrop  seems  to  have  taken  fit 
opportunity  to  vindicate  the  freedom  of  speech : — 

" The  Lord  Ley,  being  told  that  one  Ewre  had  spoken 
treason  against  the  king,  sent  for  the  party,  one  Brooks, 
and  inquiring  of  him,  he  told  him  that  Ewre  had  said,  about 
twelve  months  before,  that,  if  the  king  did  send  any  author- 
ity hither  against  our  patent,  he  would  be  the  first  should 
resist  him.  This  coming  to  the  governour’s  knowledge,  he 
sent  for  the  parties,  and  bound  them  over  to  the  general  court. 
When  they  came  there,  Brooks  brought  his  wife  to  witness 
with  him ; but  her  testimony  agreed  not  with  his ; also  three 
others  (whom  he  had  told  it  unto)  reported  it  otherwise. 
So  at  length  they  all  agreed,  and  set  it  under  their  hands, 
that  Ewre  said,  that,  if  there  came  any  authority  out  of 
England  contrary  to  the  patent,  he  would  withstand  it.  Now, 
because  here  was  no  mention  of  the  king,  and  because  he 
never  informed  any  of  the  magistrates  of  it,  and  for  that 
it  was  evident  that  he  bare  malice  to  the  said  Ewre,  we 


192 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


saw  no  cause  to  take  any  other  of  the  parties  informing, 
(the  rather  because  themselves  did  urge  it,  and  she  refused 
longer  to  speak  at  all,  except  she  might  be  put  to  her  oath,) 
nor  any  offence  which  deserved  punishment,  seeing  it  is  law- 
ful to  resist  any  authority,  which  was  to  overthrow  the  lawful 
authority  of  the  king’s  grant ; and  so  the  governour  did  openly 
declare,  in  the  court,  as  justifiable  by  the  laws  of  England.” 

Finally,  we  observe  the  young  lord  taking  early  leave 
of  New  England,  doubtless  in  disgust  at  all  which  he 
had  found  there,  in  company  with  Vane,  whose  de- 
parture may  perhaps  be  the  subject  of  greater  regret. 
The  Journal  thus  announces  this  memorable  exodus, 
under  date  of  Aug.  3d,  1637:  — 

"3.]  The  Lord  Ley  and  Mr.  Vane  went  from  Boston  to 
the  ship,  riding  at  Long  Island,  to  go  for  England.  At  their 
departure,  those  of  Mr.  Vane’s  party  were  gathered  together, 
and  did  accompany  him  to  the  boat,  (and  many  to  the 
ship ;)  and  the  men,  being  in  their  arms,  gave  him  divers 
vollies  of  shot,  and  five  pieces  of  ordnance,  and  he  had  five 
more  at  the  castle.  But  the  governour  was  not  come  from 
the  court,  but  had  left  order  with  the  captain  for  their  honor- 
able dismission.” 

There  was  so  much  that  was  noble  in  Vane’s  charac- 
ter, so  much  that  was  heroic  in  his  career,  and  so 
much  that  was  sad  in  his  fate,  after  his  return  to 
England,  that  we  cannot  but  rejoice  in  the  record  of 
this  “honorable  dismission”  which  he  received  by 
order  of  Governor  Winthrop.  We  are  glad  to  know, 
too,  that  if  there  was  any  bitterness  between  the  two, 
during  the  violent  controversy  to  which  they  were 
parties,  it  did  not  survive  the  occasion  which  engen- 
dered it.  Winthrop  speaks  of  Vane  in  his  Journal, 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


193 


under  date  of  July  25,  1645,  in  the  kindest  and  most 
unqualified  terms,  as  one  “ who  had  sometime  lived  at 
Boston,  and  though  he  might  have  taken  occasion 
against  ns  for  some  dishonor  which  he  apprehended 
to  have  been  unjustly  put  upon  him  here,  yet  both 
now  and  at  other  times  he  showed  himself  a true 
friend  to  New  England,  and  a man  of  a noble  and 
generous  mind.”  And  the  following  letter  from  Vane 
to  Winthrop,  written  the  same  year,  and  while  Sir 
Henry  was  at  the  height  of  his  parliamentary  influ- 
ence and  fame,  proves  that  a friendly  correspondence 
was  kept  up  between  them,  and  that  their  relations 
were  cordial  and  affectionate  : — 

Sir  Henry  Vane  to  John  Winthrop. 

" Honored  Sir,  — I received  yours  by  your  sonne,  and 
was  unwilling  to  let  him  returne  without  telling  you  as 
much.  The  exercise  and  troubles  which  God  is  pleased  to 
lay  upon  these  Kingdomes  and  the  inhabitants  in  them,  teaches 
us  patience  and  forbearance  one  with  another  in  some  measure, 
though  there  be  difference  in  our  opinions,  which  makes  me 
hope  that,  from  the  experience  here,  it  may  also  be  derived 
to  yourselves,  least  while  the  congregationall  way  amongst 
you  is  in  its  freedom,  and  is  backed  with  power,  it  teach  its 
oppugners  here  to  extirpate  it  and  roote  it  out,  from  its  owne 
principle  and  practice.  I shall  need  say  noe  more  knowing 
your  sonne  can  acquaint  you  particularly  with  our  affairs. 

"Sir,  I am  Your  affectionate  Friend 

and  Servant  in  Christ, 

“June  10,  1645.”  "H.  VaNE. 

" Pray  commend  me  kindly  to  your  wife,  Mr.  Cotton  and 
his  wife,  and  the  rest  of  my  friends  with  you.”  1 


VOL.  II. 


1 Hutchinson  Papers,  p.  137. 
25 


194 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


We  close  the  present  chapter  with  two  letters'  from 
Winthrop  to  Governor  Bradford  of  Plymouth,  cue  of 
them  written  only  three  days  after  the  election  which 
we  have  described,  and  the  other  written,  as  it  will 
be  perceived,  just  as  Vane  was  about  embarking;  and 
which  show  that  the  Colony  had  experienced  other 
troubles,  of  late,  besides  those  resulting  from  religious 
differences  or  political  convulsions  among  themselves. 
A terrible  war  with  the  Pequot  Indians  had  broken 
out ; and  in  the  last  of  these  letters  the  Governor 
gives  an  animated  account  of  the  sad  conflict  by  which 
it  was  brought  to  an  early  and  successful  conclusion. 
His  letter  presents,  indeed,  a melancholy  picture  of 
the  poor  Pequots  after  their  defeat ; and  no  one  can 
read  it  without  being  tempted  to  cry  shame  on  those 
who  so  ruthlessly  separated  husbands  and  wives,  parents 
and  children,  and  doomed  all  the  males  to  exile  and 
slavery.  Yet  the  New-England  colonists  had  an  honest 
and  earnest  desire  to  convert  and  civilize  the  na- 
tives ; and  it  is  easier  to  deplore  their  want  of  success 
than  to  suggest  what  was  left  undone  by  them  towards 
accomplishing  it.  It  may  even  be  doubted  whether 
any  measures  of  mercy  towards  the  Pequots  in  this  case 
would  have  been  consistent  with  self-preservation : — 

John  Winthrop  to  William  Bradford. 

" Sf : The  Lord  having  so  disposed,  as  that  your  letter  to 
our  late  Govr.  is  fallen  to  my  lott  to  make  answer  unto,  I 

1 Both  these  letters  are  found  in  Bradford’s  History  of  Plymouth  Plantation,  as 
admirably  edited  by  Mr.  Deane  in  1856.  The  second  is  also  found  in  Morton’s  New- 
England  Memorial,  from  which  we  have  copied  it.  The  spelling  in  Bradford  is  evidently 
not  Winthrop’s,  and  is  too  bad  to  be  followed  when  we  can  find  a better  copy  of  the  same 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


195 


could  have  wished  I might  have  been  at  more  freedom  of 
time  & thoughts  also,  that  I might  have  done  it  more  to 
your  & my  owne  satisfaction.  But  what  shall  be  wanting 
now  may  be  supplyed  hereafter.  For  ye  matters  which  from 
your  selfe  & counsell  were  propounded  & objected  to  us,  we 
thought  not  fitte  to  make  them  so  pubiicke  as  ye  cognizance 
of  our  Generali  Courte.  But  as  they  have  been  considered 
by  those  of  our  counsell,  this  answer  we  thinke  fitt  to  return 
unto  you.  (1.)  Wereas  you  signifie  your  willingnes  to  joyne 
with  us  in  this  Warr  against  ye  Pequents,  though  you  can- 
not ingage  your  selves  without  ye  consente  of  your  Generali 
Courte,  we  acknowledg  your  good  affection  toward  us,  (which 
we  never  had  cause  to  doubt  of,)  and  are  willing  to  attend 
your  full  resolution,  when  it  may  most  seasonably  be  ripened. 
(2ly.)  Wheras  you  make  this  warr  to  be  our  peopls,  and  not 
to  conceirne  your  selves,  otherwise  then  by  consequence,  we 
do  in  parte  consente  to  you  therin  ; yet  we  suppose,  that, 
in  case  of  perill,  you  will  not  stand  upon  such  terms,  as 
we  hope  we  should  not  doe  towards  you ; and  withall  we 
conceive  that  you  looke  at  ye  Pequents,  and  all  other  In- 
deans, as  a couione  enimie,  who,  though  he  may  take  occa- 
sion of  ye  begining  of  his  rage,  from  some  one  parte  of  ye 
English,  yet  if  he  prevaile,  will  surly  pursue  his  advantage, 
to  ye  rooting  out  of  ye  whole  nation.  Therefore  when  we 
desired  your  help,  we  did  it  not  without  respecte  to  your 
own  saftie,  as  ours.  (3ly.)  Wheras  you  desire  we  should 
be  ingaged  to  aide  you,  upon  all  like  occasions ; we  are 
perswaded  you  doe  not  doubte  of  it ; yet  as  we  now  deale 
with  you  as  a free  people,  and  at  libertie,  so  as  we  cannot 
draw  you  into  this  warr  with  us,  otherwise  then  as  reason 
may  guid  & provock  you ; so  we  desire  we  may  be  at  ye 
like  freedome,  when  any  occasion  may  call  for  help  from  us. 
And  wheras  it  is  objected  to  us,  that  we  refused  to  aide 
you  against  ye  French  ; we  conceive  ye  case  was  not  alicke  ; 
yet  we  cannot  wholy  excuse  our  failing  in  that  matter. 
(4Iy.)  Wereas  you  objecte  that  we  began  ye  warr  without 


196 


LIFE  AND  LE ITERS 


your  privities,  & managed  it  contrary  to  your  advise ; the 
truth  is,  that  our  first  intentions  being  only  against  Block* 
Hand,  and  ye  interprice  seeming  of  small  difficulties  we  did 
not  so  much  as  consider  of  taking  advice,  or  looking  out  for 
aide  abroad.  And  when  we  had  resolved  upon  ye  Pequents, 
we  sent  presently,  or  not  long  after,  to  you  aboute  it ; but 
ye  answer  received,  it  was  not  seasonable  for  us  to  chaing  our 
counsells,  except  we  had  seen  and  waighed  your  grounds, 
which  might  have  out  wayed  our  owne.  (5ly.)  For  our 
peoples  trading  at  Kenebeck,  we  assure  you  (to  our  knowl- 
edge) it  hath  not  been  by  any  allowance  from  us ; and  what 
we  have  provided  in  this  and  like  cases,  at  our  last  Courte, 
M!'  E.  W.1  can  certifie  you. 

"And  (6ly)  ; Wheras  you  objecte  to  us  y5  we  should  hold 
trade  & correspondancie  with  ye  French,  your  enemise ; we 
answer,  you  are  misinformed,  for,  besids  some  letters  which 
hath  passed  betweene  our  late  Govf  and  them,  to  which  we 
were  privie,  we  have  neither  sente  nor  incouraged  ours  to 
trade  with  them  ; only  one  vessell  or  tow,  for  ye  better  con- 
veance  of  our  letters,  had  licens  from  our  Gov!'  to  sayle  thither. 

"Diverce  other  things  have  been  privatly  objected  to  us, 
by  our  worthy  freind,  wherunto  he  received  some  answer ; 
but  most  of  them  concerning  ye  apprehention  of  perticuler  dis- 
curteseis,  or  injueries  from  some  perticuler  amongst  us.  It 
concernes  us  not  to  give  any  other  answer  to  them  then  this  ; 
that,  if  ye  offenders  shall  be  brought  forth  in  a right  way, 
we  shall  be  ready  to  doe  justice  as  ye  case  shall  require.  In 
the  meane  time,  we  desire  you  to  rest  assured,  that  such 
things  are  without  our  privity,  and  not  a little  greeveous 
unto  us. 

" Now  for  ye  joyning  with  us  in  this  warr,  which  indeed 
concerns  us  no  other  wise  then  it  may  your  selves,  viz  : the 
releeving  of  our  freinds  & Christian  breathren,  who  are  now 
first  in  ye  danger ; though  you  may  thinke  us  able  to  make 


1 Edward  Winslow. 


)F  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


197 


it  good  without  you,  (as,  if  the  Lord  please  to  be  with  us, 
we  may,)  yet  3 things  we  offer  to  your  consideration,  which 
(we  conceive)  may  have  some  waight  with  you.  (First)  yb 
if  we  should  sinck  under  this  burthen,  your  opportunitie  of 
seasonable  help  would  be  lost  in  3 respects.  1.  You  can- 
not recover  us,  or  secure  your  selves  ther,  with  3 times  ye 
charge  & hazard  which  now  you  may.  2ly.  The  sorrowes 
which  we  should  lye  under  (if  through  your  neglect)  would 
much  abate  of  ye  acceptablenes  of  your  help  afterwards. 
3ly.  Those  of  yours,  who  are  now  full  of  courage  and  for- 
wardnes,  would  be  much  damped,  and  so  less  able  to  under- 
goe  so  great  a burden.  The  (2)  thing  is  this,  that  it  concernes 
us  much  to  hasten  this  warr  to  an  end  before  the  end  of 
this  Soiner,  otherwise  ye  newes  of  it  will  discourage  both 
your  & our  freinds  from  coming  to  us  next  year ; with  what 
further  hazard  & losse  it  may  expose  us  unto,  your  selves 
may  judge. 

"The  (3)  thing  is  this,  that  if  ye  Lord  shall  please  to 
blesse  our  endeavors,  so  as  we  end  ye  warr,  or  put  it  in  a 
hopefull  way  without  you,  it  may  breed  such  ill  thoughts  in 
our  people  towards  yours,  as  will  be  hard  to  entertaine  such 
opinione  of  your  good  will  towards  us,  as  were  fitt  to  be 
nourished  anion''  such  neighbours  & brethren  as  we  are.  And 
what  ill  consequences  may  follow,  on  both  sides,  wise  men 
may  fear,  & would  rather  prevente  then  hope  to  redress. 
So  with  my  harty  salutations  to  your  selfe,  and  all  your 
counsell,  and  other  good  freinds  with  you,  I rest 
"Yours  most  assured  in  ye  Lord, 

"Jo:  WlNTHROP. 

“Boston,  y°  20  of  ye  3 month,  1637.” 

John  Winthrop  to  William  Bradford . 

" Worthy  Sir,  — I received  your  loving  letter,  and  am 
much  provoked  to  express  my  affections  towards  you,  but 
straightness  of  time  forbids  me,  for  my  desire  is  to  acquaint 
you  with  the  Lord’s  great  mercy  towards  us,  in  our  pre- 


198 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


vailing  against  his  & our  enemies,  that  you  may  rejoice  & 
praise  his  name  with  us.  About  fourscore  of  our  men, 
having  coasted  along  towards  the  Dutch  Plantation,  some- 
times by  water  but  most  by  land,  met  here  & there  with 
some  Pequots,  whom  they  slew  or  took  prisoners.  Two 
Sachems  they  took  & beheaded ; & not  hearing  of  Sassa- 
cus,  the  chief  Sachem,  they  gave  a prisoner  his  life  to  go  & 
find  him  out : He  went  & brought  them  word  where  he  was, 
but  Sassacus  suspecting  him  to  be  a spy,  after  he  was  gone, 
fled  away  with  some  twenty  more  to  the  Mohawks,  so  our 
men  missed  of  him ; yet  dividing  themselves  & ranging  up 
& down  as  the  providence  of  God  guided  them,  for  the 
Indians  were  all  gone,  save  three  or  four,  & they  knew  not 
whither  to  find  them,  or  else  would  not,  upon  the  thirteenth 
of  this  month,  they  lighted  upon  a great  company,  viz.  eighty 
strong  men,  & two  hundred  women  & children,  in  a small 
Indian  town,  fast  by  a hideous  swamp,  which  they  all  slipped 
into,  before  our  men  could  get  to  them. 

" Our  Captains  were  not  then  come  together ; but  there 
was  Mr.  Ludlow  & Captain  Mason,  with  some  ten  of  their 
men,  Captain  Patrick,  with  some  twenty  or  more  of  his, 
who,  shooting  at  the  Indians,  Captain  Trask,  with  fifty  more, 
came  soon  in  at  the  noise.  Then  they  gave  order  to  sur- 
round the  swamp,  it  being  about  a mile  round ; but  Lieutenant 
Davenport,  & some  twelve  more,  not  hearing  that  command, 
fell  into  the  swamp  amongst  the  Indians.  The  swamp  was 
so  thick  with  shrubs,  & boggy  withal,  that  some  stuck  fast, 
& received  many  shot. 

" Lieutenant  Davenport  was  dangerously  wounded  about 
his  arm  hole,  & another  shot  in  the  head,  so  as  fainting, 
they  were  in  great  danger  to  have  been  taken  by  the  Indians  ; 
but  Sergeant  Riggs  and  Sergeant  Jeffery,  & two  or  three 
more,  rescued  them,  & slew  divers  of  the  Indians  with  their 
swords.  After  they  were  drawn  out,  the  Indians  desired 
parley,  & were  offered  by  Thomas  Stanton,  our  interpreter, 
that  if  they  would  come  out  & yield  themselves,  they  should 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


199 


have  their  lives  that  had  not  their  hand  in  the  English  blood. 
Whereupon  the  Sachem  of  the  place  came  forth,  & an  old 
man  or  two,  & their  wives  & children,  & so  they  spake  two 
hours,  till  it  was  night.  Then  Thomas  Stanton  was  sent  to 
them  again,  to  call  them  forth,  but  they  said  they  would  sell 
their  lives  there ; & so  shot  at  him  so  thick,  as,  if  he  had 
not  been  presently  relieved  & rescued,  on  his  crying  out, 
they  would  have  slain  him. 

" Then  our  men  cut  off  a place  of  swamp  with  their  swords, 
& cooped  up  the  Indians  into  a narrow  compass,  so  as  they 
could  easier  kill  them  through  the  thickets.  So  they  con- 
tinued all  the  night,  standing  about  twelve  foot  one  from 
another,  & the  Indians  coming  up  close  to  our  men,  shot 
their  arrows  so  thick,  as  they  pierced  their  hat  brims,  & their 
sleeves  & stockings,  & other  parts  of  their  clothes ; yet  so 
miraculously  did  the  Lord  preserve  them,  as  not  one  of  them 
was  wounded,  save  those  there  who  rashly  went  into  the  swamp 
as  aforesaid.  When  it  was  near  day  it  grew  very  dark,  so 
as  those  of  them  that  were  left,  dropped  away,  though  they 
stood  but  twelve  or  fourteen  foot  asunder,  & were  presently 
discovered,  & some  killed  in  the  pursuit.  In  the  searching 
of  the  swamp  the  next  morning,  they  found  nine  slain,  & some 
they  pulled  up,  whom  the  Indians  had  buried  in  the  mire  ; 
so  as  they  do  think  that  of  all  their  company  not  twenty  did 
escape,  for  they  afterwards  found  some  who  died  in  the  fight, 
of  their  wounds  received.  The  prisoners  were  divided,  some 
to  those  of  the  river,  & the  rest  to  us  of  these  parts.  We 
send  the  male  children  to  Bermuda1  by  Mr.  William  Pierce, 
& the  women  & maid  children  are  disposed  about  in  the 
towns.  There  have  been  slain  & taken  in  all,  about  seven 
hundred,  the  rest  are  dispersed,  & the  Indians,  in  all  quarters, 
so  terrified,  as  all  their  friends  are  afraid  to  receive  them. 
Two  of  the  Sachems  of  Long  Island  came  to  Mr.  Stough- 

O o 


1 “But  they  were  carried  to  the  West  Indies.”  — Note  of  Bradford , in  Beane’s 
edition  of  the  History  of  Plymouth  Plantation,  p.  360. 


200 


LTFE  AND  LETTERS 


ton,  & tendered  themselves  to  be  under  our  protection ; & 
two  of  the  Neponset  Sachems  have  been  with  me  to  seek 
our  friendship.  Among  the  prisoners  we  have  the  wife  & 
children  of  Mononotto,  a woman  of  very  modest  countenance 
& behaviour.  It  was  by  her  mediation,  that  two  English 
maids  were  spared  from  death,  & were  kindly  used  by  her. 
One  of  her  first  requests  was,  that  the  English  would  not 
abuse  her  body,  & that  her  children  might  not  be  taken 
from  her.  Those  which  were  wounded  we  fetched  soon  off, 
by  John  Gallop,  who  came  with  his  boat  in  a happy  hour, 
to  bring  them  victuals,  & to  carry  their  wounded  men  to  the 
barque,  where  our  chief  surgeon  was,  with  Mr.  Wilson,  being 
about  eight  leagues  off.  Our  people  are  all  in  health,  the 
Lord  be  praised.  And  although  they  had  marched  in  their 
arms  all  the  day,  & had  been  in  fight  all  the  night,  yet  they 
professed  they  found  themselves  so,  as  they  would  willingly 
have  gone  to  such  another  business.  The  Captains  report 
we  have  slain  thirteen  Sachems,  but  Sasacus  & Mononotto 
are  still  living;.  This  is  the  substance  of  what  I have  re- 
ceived,  though  I am  forced  to  omit  many  considerable  circum- 
stances. So  being  in  much  straightness  of  time,  the  ships 
being  to  depart  within  this  four  days,  & in  them  Lord  Lee 
& Mr.  Vane;  I here  break  off,  & with  hearty  salutations,  &c. 
I rest 

"Your  assured  friend, 

"John  Winthrop. 


“July  28,  1637” 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP 


201 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

MORE  STRIFE.  THE  GREAT  NEW-ENGLAND  COUP  D’ETAT.  ESSAY 
ON  THE  POWER  OF  THE  CHURCH.  WINTHROP’S  LETTERS  TO 
HIS  WIFE  AND  SON. 

Not  long  before  Vane’s  departure  from  New  England, 
and  while  he  was  still  in  the  chair  of  state,  Hugh 
Peters  made  bold  to  tell  him  to  his  face,  and  in  pres- 
ence of  the  court  and  of  the  elders  of  the  churches, 
that  “ it  had  sadded  the  Ministers’  spirits  that  he 
should  be  jealous  of  their  meetings,  or  seem  to  restrain 
their  liberty ; ” that  “ he  should  consider  his  youth, 
and  short  experience  in  the  things  of  God,  and  be- 
ware of  peremptory  conclusions,  which  he  perceived 
him  to  be  very  apt  unto ; ” adding  also,  “ that  before 
he  came,  within  less  than  two  years  since,  the  Churches 
were  in  peace.” 1 

Hugh  Peters  may,  or  may  not,  have  had  sufficit  it 
ground  for  this  severe  rebuke.  It  is  certain,  however, 
that,  if  Vane’s  coming  had  caused  all  the  dissensions 
which  we  have  described,  his  departure  by  no  means 
put  an  immediate  end  to  them.  On  the  contrary,  they 
seemed  to  wax  warmer  and  fiercer  than  before.  All 
sorts  of  measures  were  resorted  to  in  order  to  allay 


VOL.  II. 


1 Winthrop’s  History  of  New  England,  vol.  i.  p.  209. 
26 


202 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


them.  Sermons  of  pacification  were  proposed.  A day 
of  general  humiliation  was  appointed.  And,  finally,  on 
the  30th  of  August,  a solemn  assembly  or  synod  of 
all  the  teaching  elders  was  convened  at  Newtown,  to 
consider  “ the  erroneous  opinions,  unwholesome  ex- 
pressions, and  abused  Scriptures,  which  were  spread 
in  the  country.”  Winthrop  tells  us  that  “ there  were 
about  eighty  opinions,  some  blasphemous,  others  erro- 
neous, and  all  unsafe,  condemned  by  the  whole  as- 
sembly.” 

But  peace  was  as  far  off  as  before  ; and,  according 
to  the  following  passage  from  the  Journal,  the  con- 
tention and  discord  reached  such  a pitch,  even  in  this 
spiritual  assembly,  that  Governor  Winthrop  was  com- 
pelled to  threaten  the  interposition  of  the  civil  au- 
thority : — 

" Some  of  the  church  of  Boston,  and  some  others,  were 
offended  at  the  producing  of  so  many  errors,  as  if  it  were  a 
reproach  laid  upon  the  country  without  cause ; and  called  to 
have  the  persons  named,  which  held  those  errors.  To  which 
it  was  answered  and  affirmed  by  many,  both  elders  and 
others,  that  all  those  opinions  could  be  proved,  by  sufficient 
testimony,  to  be  held  by  some  in  the  country ; but  it  was  not 
thought  fit  to  name  the  parties,  because  this  assembly  had 
not  to  do  with  persons,  but  doctrines  only.  Yet  this  would 
not  satisfy  some,  but  they  oft  called  for  witnesses  ; and,  because 
some  of  the  magistrates  declared  to  them,  (when  they  re- 
fused to  forbear  speech  unseasonably,  though  the  moderators 
desired  them,)  that,  if  they  would  not  forbear,  it  would  prove 
a civil  disturbance,  and  then  the  magistrate  must  interpose, 
they  objected  against  this,  as  if  the  magistrate  had  nothing 
to  do  in  this  assembly.  So  as  he  was  forced  to  tell  one  of 
them,  that,  if  he  would  not  forbear,  but  make  trial  of  it,  he 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


203 


might  see  it  executed.  Upon  this  some  of  Boston  departed 
from  the  assembly,  and  came  no  more.” 

On  the  last  day  of  this  assembly,  several  resolutions 
were  solemnly  adopted,  two  of  which  afford  us  an 
edifying  insight  into  some  of  the  practices  of  the 
period,  and  show  the  character  of  some  of  the  dis- 
orders by  which  the  peace  of  the  churches  was  so 
grievously  disturbed.  They  are  as  follows : — - 

"1.  That  though  women  might  meet  (some  few  together) 
to  pray  and  edify  one  another ; yet  such  a set  assembly,  (as 
was  then  in  practice  at  Boston,)  where  sixty  or  more  did 
meet  every  week,  and  one  woman  (in  a prophetical  way,  by 
resolving  questions  of  doctrine,  and  expounding  scripture) 
took  upon  her  the  whole  exercise,  was  agreed  to  be  disorderly, 
and  without  rule. 

" 2.  Though  a private  member  might  ask  a question  pub- 
licly, after  sermon,  for  information;  yet  this  ought  to  be 
very  wisely  and  sparingly  done,  and  that  with  leave  of  the 
elders:  but  questions  of  reference,  (then  in  use,)  whereby 
the  doctrines  delivered  were  reproved,  and  the  elders  re- 
proached, and  that  with  bitterness,  etc.,  was  utterly  con- 
demned.” 

Whatever  may  be  thought,  in  our  days,  of  the 
women’s  meetings  which  were  proscribed  by  the  first  of 
these  resolutions,  we  doubt  whether  even  the  advocates 
of  the  largest  liberty  would  defend  the  practice  which 
was  condemned  in  the  second,  — the  practice,  which 
seems  at  that  time  to  have  prevailed  in  some  of  the 
churches,  of  members  of  the  congregation  rising  pub- 
licly after  the  sermon  was  over,  to  reprove  and  re- 
proach with  bitterness  the  doctrines  which  had  been 
delivered  by  the  minister.  Some  of  the  other  resolutions 


204 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


and  decisions  which  were  adopted  on  this  occasion  could 
hardly  be  commended  to  modem  approbation  ; but  the 
synod  seems,  upon  the  whole,  to  have  given  great 
satisfaction  to  Governor  Winthrop ; and  it  is  not  a 
little  amusing,  after  having  so  recently  cited  his  de- 
scription of  the  disturbances  which  characterized  its 
opening,  to  find  in  his  Journal  the  following  account 
of  its  close.  Surely  the  latter  end  of  that  meeting- 
must  have  been  better  than  the  beginning : — 

" 22.]  The  assembly  brake  up  ; and  it  was  propounded  by 
the  governour,  that  they  would  consider,  that,  seeing  the  Lord 
had  been  so  graciously  present  in  this  assembly,  that  matters 
had  been  carried  on  so  peaceably,  and  concluded  so  comfortably 
in  all  love,  etc.,  if  it  were  not  fit  to  have  the  like  meeting  once 
a year,  or,  at  least,  the  next  year,  to  settle  what  yet  remained 
to  be  agreed,  or  if  but  to  nourish  love,  etc.  This  motion  was 
well  liked  of  all,  but  it  was  not  thought  fit  to  conclude  it.” 

But  tranquillity  was  not  yet  restored  to  the  churches 
of  the  Colony.  Vane  had  departed.  Sermons  had  been 
preached.  A day  of  humiliation  had  been  austerely  ob- 
served. A solemn  assembly  had  sat  for  nearly  a month ; 
had  passed  a score  of  resolutions,  and  condemned  four- 
score of  blasphemous,  erroneous,  or  unsafe  opinions  ; 
and  had  separated  in  love.  Women’s  conventicles  had 
been  ruled  disorderly.  Public  reprovings  and  reproach- 
ings  of  the  minister  after  sermon  had  been  censured  and 
prohibited.  But,  if  the  dissenters  had  been  convinced, 
it  soon  became  evident  that  they  had  been  “ con- 
vinced against  then-  will,”  and  — 

“ Were  of  the  same  opinion  still.” 

Little  more  than  two  months,  indeed,  had  elapsed 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


205 


since  the  assembly  adjourned,  when  we  find  the  Gover- 
nor setting  down  in  his  Journal  the  story  of  its  failure, 
and  bearing  witness  to  the  utter  disappointment  of  his 
own  hopes.  The  record  is  dated  November,  1637,  and 
furnishes  a full  account  of  the  severe  and  summary 
courses  to  which  the  General  Court  at  last  resorted,  in 
order  to  put  a final  end  to  the  religious  feuds  by  which 
the  churches  and  the  whole  Commonwealth  had  been  so 
long  distracted : — 

" There  was  great  hope  that  the  late  general  assembly  would 
have  had  some  good  effect  in  pacifying  the  troubles  and  dissen- 
sions about  matters  of  religion;  but  it  fell  out  otherwise.  For 
though  Mr.  Wheelwright  and  those  of  his  party  had  been 
clearly  confuted  and  confounded  in  the  assembly,  yet  they 
persisted  in  their  opinions,  and  were  as  busy  in  nourishing 
contentions  (the  principal  of  them)  as  before.  Whereupon 
the  general  court,  being  assembled  in  the  2 of  the  9th  month, 
and  finding,  upon  consultation,  that  two  so  opposite  parties 
could  not  contain  in  the  same  body,  without  apparent  hazard 
of  ruin  to  the  whole,  agreed  to  send  away  some  of  the  princi- 
pal ; and  for  this  a fair  opportunity  was  offered  by  the  remon- 
strance or  petition,  which  they  preferred  to  the  court  the  9th  of 
the  1st  month,  wherein  they  affirm  Mr.  Wheelwright  to  be  in- 
nocent, and  that  the  court  had  condemned  the  truth  of  Christ, 
with  divers  other  scandalous  and  seditious  speeches,  (as  ap- 
pears at  large  in  the  proceedings  of  this  court,  which  were 
faithfully  collected  and  published  soon  after  the  court  brake 
up,)  subscribed  by  more  than  sixty  of  that  faction,  whereof 
one  William  Aspinwall,  being  one,  and  he  that  drew  the  said 
petition,  being  then  sent  as  a deputy  for  Boston,  was  for  the 
same  dismissed,  and  after  called  to  the  court  and  disfranchised 
and  banished.  John  Coggeshall  was  another  deputy,  who, 
though  his  hand  were  not  to  the  petition,  yet,  professing  him- 
self to  approve  it,  etc.,  was  also  dismissed,  and  after  disfran- 


206 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


chised.  Then  the  court  sent  warrant  to  Boston  to  send  other 
deputies  in  their  room  ; but  they  intended  to  have  sent  the 
same  men  again  ; but  Mr.  Cotton,  coming  amongst  them,  dis- 
suaded them  with  much  ado.  Then  the  court  sent  for  Mr. 
Wheelwright,  and,  he  persisting  to  justify  his  sermon,  and  his 
whole  practice  and  opinions,  and  refusing  to  leave  either  the 
place  or  his  public  exercisings,  he  was  disfranchised  and  ban- 
ished. Upon  which  he  appealed  to  the  king,  but  neither  called 
witnesses,  nor  desired  any  act  to  be  made  of  it.  The  court 
told  him,  that  an  appeal  did  not  lie  ; for  by  the  king’s  grant  we 
had  power  to  hear  and  determine  without  any  reservation,  etc. 
So  he  relinquished  his  appeal,  and  the  court  gave  him  leave  to 
go  to  his  house,  upon  his  promise,  that,  if  he  were  not  gone 
out  of  our  jurisdiction  within  fourteen  days,  he  would  render 
himself  to  one  of  the  magistrates. 

"The  court  also  sent  for  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  and  charged  her 
with  divers  matters,  as  her  keeping  two  public  lectures  every 
week  in  her  house,  whereto  sixty  or  eighty  persons  did  usually 
resoi’t,  and  for  reproaching  most  of  the  ministers  (viz.,  all  ex- 
cept Mr.  Cotton)  for  not  preaching  a covenant  of  free  grace, 
and  that  they  had  not  the  seal  of  the  spirit,  nor  were  able 
ministers  of  the  New  Testament ; which  were  clearly  proved 
against  her,  though  she  sought  to  shift  it  off.  And,  after  many 
speeches  to  and  fro,  at  last  she  was  so  full  as  she  could  not  con- 
tain, but  vented  her  revelations  ; amongst  which  this  was  one, 
that  she  had  it  revealed  to  her,  that  she  should  come  into  New 
England,  and  should  here  be  persecuted,  and  that  God  would 
ruin  us  and  our  posterity,  and  the  whole  state,  for  the  same. 
So  the  court  proceeded  and  banished  her ; but,  because  it  was 
winter,  they  committed  her  to  a private  house,  where  she 
was  well  provided,  and  her  own  friends  and  the  elders  per- 
mitted to  go  to  her,  but  none  else. 

"The  court  called  also  Capt.  Underhill,  and  some  five  or  six 
more  of  the  principal,  whose  hands  were  to  the  said  petition; 
and  because  they  stood  to  justify  it,  they  were  disfranchised, 
and  such  as  had  public  places  were  put  from  them. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


207 


" The  court  also  ordered,  that  the  rest,  who  had  subscribed 
the  petition,  (and  would  not  acknowledge  their  fault,  and 
which  near  twenty  of  them  did,)  and  some  others,  who  had 
been  chief  stirrers  in  these  contentions,  etc.,  should  be  dis- 
armed. This  troubled  some  of  them  very  much,  especially 
because  they  were  to  bring  them  in  themselves  ; but  at  last, 
when  they  saw  no  remedy,  they  obeyed. 

"All  the  proceedings  of  this  court  against  these  persons 
were  set  down  at  large,  with  the  reasons  and  other  observa- 
tions, and  were  sent  into  England  to  be  published  there,1  to  the 
end  that  all  our  godly  friends  might  not  be  discouraged  from 
coming  to  us,  etc.” 

It  is  well  remarked  by  Mr.  Savage,  in  liis  note  upon 
this  passage  of  the  Journal,  that  “ in  no  part  of  the 
history  of  any  of  the  United  States,  perhaps,  can  a par- 
allel be  found  ” for  the  act  which  is  here  recorded.  It 
was,  indeed,  a cotip  d'etat  worthy  of  the  most  arbitrary 
governments  of  the  old  world,  and  which  has  hardly 
been  matched  by  any  of  them  in  modern  times.  Yet 
it  was  resorted  to  by  the  Puritans  of  New  England  in 
no  spirit  of  usurpation,  and  with  no  purpose  of  self- 
aggrandizement.  The  resolution  of  the  General  Court, 
under  which  the  Hutchinsonian  party  was  disarmed, 
undoubtedly  sets  forth  the  honest  apprehensions  and 
convictions  of  those  by  whom  it  was  adopted.  It  was 
passed  on  the  20th  November,  1637  ; and  is  in  the  fol- 
lowing words : — 

1 These  proceedings  gave  occasion,  seven  years  afterwards,  to  the  publication  in 
London,  of  the  “ Short  Story  of  the  Rise,  Reign,  and  Ruin  of  the  Antinomians,  &c.,” 
which  has  been  the  subject  of  along  story  in  these  later  days.  Mr.  Savage  has  gone 
deeply  into  the  controversy  as  to  the  relative  parts  of  Winthrop  and  Welde  in  this  pub- 
lication, and  I gladly  yield  to  the  force  of  an  argument  which  assigns  all  that  was 
rancorous  and  vindictive  in  that  publication  to  somebody  other  than  Winthrop  — See 
Savage’s  Genealogical  Diet.,  vol.  iv.  pp.  459-73. 


208 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


" Whereas  the  opinions  and  revelations  of  Mr.  Wheelwright 
and  Mrs.  Hutchinson  have  seduced  and  led  into  dangerous  er- 
rors,  many  of  the  people  heare  in  Newe  England,  insomuch  as 
there  is  just  cause  of  suspition,  that  they,  as  others  in  Ger- 
many, in  former  times,  may,  upon  some  revelation,  make  some 
suddaine  irruption  upon  those  that  differ  from  them  in  judg- 
ment : for  prevention  whereof,  it  is  ordered,  that  all  those, 
whose  names  are  underwritten,  shall,  (upon  warning  given  or 
left  at  their  dwelling  houses,)  before  the  30th  day  of  this 
month  of  November,  deliver  in  at  Mr.  Cane’s1  house  at  Boston 
all  such  guns,  pistols,  swords,  powder,  shot,  and  match,  as 
they  shall  bee  owners  of,  or  have  in  their  custody,  upon  paine  of 
tenn  pound  for  evry  default  to  bee  made  thereof ; which  armes 
are  to  bee  kept  by  Mr.  Cane  till  this  court  shall  take  further 
order  therein.  Also  it  is  ordered,  upon  like  penalty  of  X£, 
that  no  man,  who  is  to  render  his  armes  by  this  order,  shall 
buy  or  borrow  any  guns,  swords,  pistols,  powder,  shot,  or 
match,  untill  this  court  shall  take  further  order  therein.” 

Under  this  order,  nearly  sixty  persons  in  Boston, 
and  about  twenty  in  the  neighboring  towns,  were 
disarmed,  — many  of  them  persons  of  the  best  con- 
sideration in  the  Colony ; and  some  of  whom  were 
afterwards  highly  distinguished  in  the  military  ser- 
vice of  New  England. 

Such  a measure  could  not  fail  to  excite  a good 
deal  of  ill  blood  towards  the  magistrates  by  whom 
it  was  executed.  Governor  Winthrop,  of  course,  re- 
ceived his  full  share  of  censure  for  the  proceeding. 
The  following  passage  from  his  Journal,  of  about 
the  same  date  with  the  transaction,  gives  the  story 


1 Captain  Robert  Keayne,  the  first  Commander  of  the  Ancient  and  Honorable  Artil- 
lery Company,  and  whose  difficulty  with  Mrs.  Sherman  about  the  stray  sow  will  soon 
render  him  familiar  to  our  readers. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


209 


of  an  attempt  which  was  made  to  call  him  to  ac- 
count in  the  church,  and  furnishes  his  own  brief 
of  a speech  which  he  made  on  the  subject : — 

"After  this,  many  of  the  church  of  Boston,  being  highly 
offended  with  the  governour  for  this  proceeding,  were  earn- 
est with  the  elders  to  have  him  called  to  account  for  it ; 
but  they  were  not  forward  in  it,  and  himself,  understanding 
their  intent,  thought  fit  to  prevent  such  a public  disorder, 
and  so  took  occasion  to  speak  to  the  congregation  to  this 
effect : — 

"1.  That  if  he  had  been  called,  etc.,  he  would  have 
desired,  first,  to  have  advised  with  the  elders,  whether  the 
church  had  power  to  call  in  question  the  proceedings  of 
the  civil  court. 

"2.  He  would  have  consulted  with  the  rest  of  the  court, 
whether  he  mio-ht  discover  the  counsels  of  the  court  to  this 

O 

assembly. 

"3.  Though  he  knew,  that  the  elders  and  some  others 
did  know,  that  the  church  could  not  inquire  into  the  jus- 
tice and  proceedings  of  the  court,  etc.  ; yet,  for  the  satis- 
faction of  such  as  did  not,  and  were  willing  to  be  satisfied, 
he  woidcl  declare  his  mind  herein. 

" 4.  He  showed,  that,  if  the  church  had  such  power, 
they  must  have  it  from  Christ,  but  Christ  had  disclaimed 
it  in  his  practice  and  by  rule,  as  Luke  [blank,]  Matt, 
[blank ;]  and  the  scripture  holds  not  out  any  rule  or  ex- 
ample for  it ; and  though  Christ’s  kingly  power  be  in  his 
church,  yet  that  is  not  that  kingly  power  whereby  he  is 
King  of  kings  and  Lord  of  lords,  for  by  that  kings  reign 
and  princes,  etc.  It  is  true,  indeed,  that  magistrates,  as 
they  are  church  members,  are  accountable  to  the  church 
for  their  failings,  but  that  is  when  they  are  out  of  their 
calling ; for  we  have  examples  of  the  highest  magistrates 
in  the  same  kind,  as  Uzzia,  when  he  would  go  offer 
incense  in  the  temple,  the  officers  of  the  church  called 

27 


VOL.  II. 


210 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


him  to  account,  and  withstood  him.  But  when  Asa  put 
a prophet  in  prison,  and  when  Salam  put  out  Abiathar 
from  the  priesthood,  (the  one  being  a good  act  and  the 
other  ill,)  yet  the  officers  of  the  church  did  not  call  either 
of  them  to  account  for  it.  If  a magistrate  shall,  in  a pri- 
vate way,  take  away  a man’s  goods  or  his  servants,  etc., 
the  church  may  call  him  to  account  for  it ; but  if  he  doth 
thus  in  pursuing  a course  of  justice,  (though  the  thing  be 
unjust,)  yet  he  is  not  accountable,  etc. 

"5.  For  himself,  he  did  nothing  in  the  cases  of  the 
brethren,  but  by  the  advice  and  direction  of  our  teacher 
and  other  of  the  elders.  For  in  the  oath,  which  was  ad- 
ministered to  him  and  the  rest,  etc.,  there  was  inserted, 
by  his  advice,  this  clause, — In  all  causes  wherein  you  arc 
to  give  your  vote,  etc.,  you  are  to  give  your  vote  as  in 
your  judgment  and  conscience  you  shall  see  to  be  most  for 
the  public  good,  etc.  ; and  so  for  his  part  he  was  per- 
suaded, that  it  would  be  most  for  the  glory  of  God,  and 

the  public  good,  to  pass  sentence  as  they  did. 

"6.  He  would  give  them  one  reason,  which  was  a ground 

for  his  judgment,  and  that  was,  for  that  he  saw,  that  those 

brethren,  etc.,  were  so  divided  from  the  rest  of  the  country 
in  their  judgment  and  practice,  as  it  could  not  stand  with 
the  public  peace,  that  they  should  continue  amongst  us. 
So,  by  the  example  of  Lot  in  Abraham’s  family,  and  after 
Hagar  and  Ishmael,  he  saw  they  must  be  sent  away.” 

It  will  be  perceived  that  the  larger  part  of  the 
Governor’s  argument  on  this  occasion  was  aimed  at 
the  pretended  power  of  the  Church  to  call  a magis- 
trate to  account  for  what  he  may  have  done  in  the 
discharge  of  his  official  responsibility.  Towards  the 
close,  however,  he  makes  a declaration,  which  no  one 
will  disbelieve,  that,  according  to  his  best  judgment, 
the  brethren  who  had  been  banished  “ were  so  divided 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


211 


from  the  rest  of  the  country  in  their  judgment  and 
practice,  as  it  could  not  stand  with  the  public,  peace 
that  they  should  continue  amongst  us  ; ” and  that  “ for 
his  part  he  was  persuaded,  that  it  would  be  most  for 
the  glory  of  God  and  the  public  good  to  pass  sen 
tence  as  they  did.”  The  public  peace  and  the  glory 
of  God  may  have  been  the  plausible  pretexts  of  other 
men,  in  other  times,  for  the  adoption  of  arbitrary  and 
tyrannical  measures  ; but  nobody  will  doubt  that  they 
were  the  true  motives  of  John  Winthrop  and  his  asso 
dates  in  1637,  however  all  may  regret  the  acts  to 
which  they  were  parties.  Nor  let  it  be  forgotten, 
in  this  connection,  how  recently  we  have  seen  Win- 
throp rebuked  and  censured  for  too  much  lenity, 
until  he  had  been  constrained  to  promise  that  he 
would  school  himself  to  a severer  and  more  rigorous 
exercise  of  authority  thereafter. 

It  was  doubtless  at  this  period,  and  with  reference 
to  this  controversy,  that  the  Governor  prepared  an 
essay  on  the  power  of  the  Church  to  sit  in  judgment 
on  the  civil  magistrate.  An  imperfect  copy  of  this 
essay  is  found  among  his  papers,  and  we  give  it  as 
we  find  it : — 

" That  a Church  hath  not  power  to  call  any  Civill  Magis- 
trate to  give  A.ccount  of  his  Juditia.ll  proceedings  in  any 
Court  of  Civill  Justice;  and  what  the  Church  may  doe 
in  such  Causes. 

" 1 : The  Scripture  affords  neither  rule  nor  example  of 
any  such  power  in  the  Church,  but  diverse  agf  it : for 
Christ  disclameth  it,  where  he  asketh  who  made  him  a Judge 
of  djvidinge  Inheritances.  But  if  they  should  have  this 


212 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


power,  they  must  of  necessitye  be  Judges  of  such  thinges  : 
for  putt  Case,  a Magistrate  give  sentence  agl  a member 
of  a Church,  upon  a title  of  Inheritance,  or  in  an  Action  of 
Debt  or  Trespasse,  & he  beinge  offended  wth  the  Magis- 
trate for  it  (as  supposinge  it  to  be  uniust)  bringes  him 
to  the  Church  for  it,  then  must  the  Churche  trye  this 
title,  & examine  the  matter  of  Debt  or  Trespasse,  wth  all 
the  circumstances  of  it  de  integro ; else  how  shall  they  be 
able  to  Judge  whether  the  Magistrate  hath  given  offence 
to  his  brother  or  not  ? 

" 2 : By  occasion  heerof  the  Church  should  become  the 
Supreame  Court  in  the  Jurisdiction,  & capable  of  all  Ap- 
peales,  & so  in  trueth  meerly  Antich! , by  beinge  exalted 
aboue  all  that  is  called  God,  &c. 

" 3 : If  this  were  allowed,  then  the  Church  should  have 
power  to  Judge,  where  it  wants  meanes  to  finde  out  the 
Trueth : for  the  Churche  cannot  call  in  forrein  witnesses : 
nor  examine  witnesses  upon  oath,  nor  require  the  view  of 
the  records  of  the  Court : all  wh.  may  be  needful  for  find- 
inge  out  the  trueth  in  many  cases. 

" 4 : To  examine  a Civill  businesse  in  a waye  of  Judi- 
cature (though  it  ayme  not  at  outward  punishment)  is  an 
exercise  of  such  A utye  as  Christ  forbiddes  his  disciples : 
the  Lords  of  the  Gentiles  exercise  Auty.e,  etc.  ; but  you 
shall  not  doe  so. 

" 5 : Christ  his  kingdome  is  not  of  this  world,  therefore 
his  officers  in  this  kingdome  cannot  Juditially  enquire  into 
affaires  of  this  world. 

" 6 : Such  powers  would  confounde  those  Jurisdictions 
which  Christ  hath  made  distinct : for  as  he  is  Ivinge  of 

ldnges  & Lo : of  Los : he  hath  sett  up  another  kingdome 
in  this  worlde,  wherein  magistrates  are  his  officers,  and 
they  are  to  be  accountable  to  him  for  their  miscarriages 
in  the  waye  & order  of  this  kingdome. 

" 7 : This  would  sett  Christ  ag*  himselfe  in  his  owne 
Ordinances,  without  any  ordinary  meanes  of  redresse,  & so 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


213 


there  must  needs  be  a defecte  in  his  dispensations,  wh. 
caiit  be ; for  if  the  Church  (supposinge  the  Civill  magis- 
trates had  intrenched  upon  Christs  spirituall  kingdome) 
should  excommunicate  them;  & againe  the  magistrate  (sup- 
posinge the  Officers  of  the  Church  had  vsurped  upon  his 
Civill  authoritye)  should  imprison  or  banishe  them : now 
is  Christs  kingdome  divided,  one  ordinance  ag*  another,  not 
to  moderation  but  to  destruction : and  heere  is  no  menes  to 
reconcile  them  : but  if  the  Rule  of  Christ  be  observed, 
Resist  not  evill,  & submitt  yol selves  to  the  higher  powers, 
now  is  the  honor  & safety  of 

[Here  the  paper  is  torn.] 

" It  was  Luthers  Counsell  to  the  Anabaptists  (from  the 
example  of  himself  & others  of  those  Churches),  that  thoughe 
their  magistrates  did  oppresse  & iniure  them,  yet  they  should 

praye  for  them,  & comende  them,  & seeke  to  winne  them 

by  gentlenesse  &c,  & when  the  Churche  shall  binde  kinges 
in  chaines  & nobles  in  fetters  of  iron  (Ps  : 149)  (wh.  cant 
be  meant  of  Church  censures,  for  it  shalbe  in  vengeance  & 
Judgment  foretould  ag*  the  heathen),  then  the  meek  shall  be 
beautified  wth  salvation ; then  Kinges  shalbe  their  nursing 
fathers  &c ; (Esay  49.  23)  they  shall  bowe  downe  to  hir 
& licke  the  duste  of  her  feet ; & none  shall  hurt  or  de- 
stroye  in  all  the  holy  mountaine  (Esay  65.  25)  : So  that 
the  wisdome,  pietye  & meeknesse  of  the  Chui’ch  shall  winne 
the  hearts  of  kinges  &c : & binde  them  so  to  her  in  the 
power  of  the  Gospell,  as  they  shall  love  the  verye  earth 
she  treads  on ; they  shall  beare  that  reverence  to  her,  as 

she  shall  need  feare  no  hurt  from  them,  no  more  than 

a child  doth  from  the  nurse : therefore  no  need  to  binde 
them  by  churche  censures : they  were  other  kinges  whom 
he  savth  the  people  should  curse  in  the  dayes  of  their 
calamitye ; & yet  when  they  should  curse  their  kinges,  he 
sayth,  they  should  curse  their  God  allso  (Esay  8.  21), — ■ 
a man  may  not  say  to  a king,  thou  art  wicked ; nor  call 
princes  ungodly  (Job:  34.  18). 


214 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


" I denye  not  but  that  a private  person  may  privately 
reproove  a magistrate  ofFendinge,  but  lie  may  not  doe  it 
publicly : except  he  be  publicly  called  to  beare  witnesse  to 
the  Trueth,  as  Stephen  was. 

"I  consent  allso,  that  Magistrates  should  beare  wth  the 
faylinges  of  their  Christian  brethren,  when  in  tender  care 
of  the  public  good  & their  honor  & comfort,  they  chance 
to  excede  the  limitts  of  their  libty ; but  such  breth : must 
then  see,  & not  Justifie  their  faylings ; for  Christ  bidds 
us  not  forgive  o!'  brother,  till  he  saye,  it  repenteth  him.” 

The  little  that  remains  to  be  told  of  the  story  of 
Mrs.  Hutchinson  and  her  followers,  before  her  final 
departure  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Colony,  would 
throw  no  additional  light  on  the  character  or  conduct 
of  Governor  Winthrop,  and  may  therefore  be  left,  to- 
gether with  the  account  of  her  sad  fate,  to  the 
pages  of  general  history.  The  superstition  which  he 
exhibited,  in  common  with  so  many  of  his  contem- 
poraries, in  regard  to  the  matter  of  “ the  monstrous 
births,”  will  find  ample  illustration  in  connection  with 
other  less  disgusting  topics.  We  must  not  omit,  how- 
ever, the  following  letter  of  the  Governor’s  to  three 
of  his  friends  who  had  been  more  or  less  concerned 
with  the  remonstrance,  and  with  whom  Winthrop 
seems  to  have  felt  called  on  to  expostulate  more 
particularly  in  regard  to  the  course  they  had  pur- 
sued : — 

John  Winthrop  to  William  Coddington  and  others . 

“ To  my  worthy  friends  and  beloved  brethren,  Mr.  Coddington, 
Mr.  Coxall,  and  Mr.  Colburne. 

" Beloved  Brethren,  — 1 met  lately  with  the  remon- 
strance subscribed  by  yourselves  with  others.  I must  confess 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


215 


[ saw  it  once  before,  but  bad  not  then  tyme  to  read  it 
advisedly,  as  now  I have.  I hope  soon  (by  God’s  assist- 
ance) to  make  it  appear,  what  wrong  hath  been  done  to 
the  Court,  yea,  and  to  the  truth  itself,  by  that  rash,  un- 
warranted and  seditious  enterprise.  In  the  mean  tyme,  I 
thought  fitt,  to  advertise  you  of  some  miscarriages  therein  ; 
and,  though  your  countenancing  of  others  in  the  like  prac- 
tice leaves  me  small  hope,  that  you  will  hearken  to  my 
council  in  this,  yet  in  discharge  of  my  duty  and  brotherly 
respect  towards  you,  I have  given  this  attempt,  and  shall 
leave  the  success  to  God. 

"1.  In  this  you  have  broke  the  bounds  of  your  calling, 
that  you  did  publish  such  a writing,  when  you  were  no 
members  of  the  Court. 

"2.  In  that  you  tax  the  Court  with  injustice. 

"3.  In  that  you  affirm  that  all  the  Acts  of  the  major 
part  of  that  Court  are  void,  whereby  you  go  about  to  over- 
throw the  foundation  of  our  Commonwealth  and  the  peace 
thereof,  by  turning  all  our  magistrates  out  of  office,  and 
by  nullifying  all  our  Laws. 

4.  In  that  you  invite  the  body  of  the  people  to  join 
with  you  in  your  seditious  attempt  against  the  Court,  and 
the  Authority  here  established,  against  the  ride  of  the 

Apostle,  who  requires  every  soul  to  be  subject  to  the  higher 
powers,  and  every  Christian  man  to  study  to  be  quiet,  and 
to  meddle  with  his  own  business. 

" I earnestly  desire  you  to  consider  seriously  of  these 
things,  and  if  it  please  the  Lord  to  open  your  eyes  to 
see  your  failings,  it  will  be  much  joy  to  me,  and  (I  doubt 

not  but)  the  Court  will  be  very  ready  to  pass  them  by, 

and  accept  of  your  submission ; and  it  may  be  a means 

of  a further  and  firmer  reconciliation ; which  the  Lord  grant, 
and  in  his  good  time  effect. 

" So  I rest  yr  loving  brother, 


XI.  15.  1637.” 


J.  w. 


21 6 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


We  turn  with  Telief  from  these  unhappy  strifes  to 
Winthrop’s  domestic  correspondence.  The  General 
Court,  which  had  been  the  scene  of  such  bitter  con- 
troversies, was  held  at  Newtown  ; and  the  session  lasted 
from  the  2d  to  the  20t,h  of  November.  Here  are  three 
brief  notes  to  his  wife,  the  first  of  which  bears  date, 
“the  6th  of  the  9th,  1637.”  The  two  last  are  without 
either  date  or  signature,  and  may  possibly  have  been 
written  at  some  other  time : but  they  look  very  much 
as  if  they  belonged  to  this  particular  period ; and  they 
may  as  well  be  introduced  here  as  anywhere,  to  illus- 
trate the  Governor’s  characteristic  unwillingness  to  omit 
any  opportunity  of  testifying  his  affection  for  his  devoted 
wife  during  these  prolonged  absences  : — 

John  Winthrop  to  his  Wife. 

“ffor  Mrs.  Winthrop  at  her  house  in  Boston. 

"Sweet  Heart,  — I was  unwillingly  hinderd  from  com- 
inge  to  thee,  nor  am  I like  to  see  thee  before  the  last 
daye  of  this  weeke : therefore  I shall  want  a band  or  2 : 
& cuffes.  I pray  thee  also  send  me  6 : or  7 : leaves  of 
Tobacco  dried  & powdred.  Have  care  of  thy  selfe  this 
colde  weather,  & speak  to  the  folkes  to  keepe  the  goates 
well  out  of  the  Garden  ; & if  my  brother  Peter  hath  not 
fetched  away  the  sheep  ramme,  let  them  looke  him  up  & 
give  him  meate,  the  green  pease  in  the  Garden  &c  are 
good  for  him : If  any  lettres  be  come  for  me  send  them 
by  this  bearer.  I will  trouble  thee  no  further,  the  Lorde 
blesse  & keepe  thee  my  sweet  wife  & all  of  familye : & 
send  us  a comfortable  meetinge,  so  I kisse  thee  & love 
thee  ever  & rest 

"Thy  faithfull  husband,  "Jo:  Winthrop 

“ This  6th  of  the  9th,  1637.” 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


217 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Wife . 

“ ffor  Mrs.  Winthrop  at  Boston. 

"My  sweet  Wife,  — I prayse  God  I am  in  good  health, 
peace  be  to  thee  & of  familye,  so  I kisse  thee,  & hope 
shortly  to  see  thee  : farewell. 

"Hasten  the  sendinge  awaye  Skarlett,  & gatheringe  the 
Turnips.” 

John  Winthrop  to  his  Wife. 

“ for  Mrs.  Winthrop  at  Boston. 

"My  saveet  Wife,  — So  fitt  an  occasid  must  not  passe 
wthout  a token  to  thee.  I prayse  God  I am  well : the 
Lo  : blesse  thee  & all  o” , so  I kisse  thee  the  second  tyme, 
farewell.” 

Meantime,  his  son  John  had  now  finished  his  term 
as  Governor  of  the  little  Colony  on  the  Connecticut 
River,  and  had  returned  to  his  residence  in  Ipswich, 
where  it  would  seem  that  his  wife  had  been  in  seri- 
ous danger  from  SAvallowing  a pin.  The  letter,  alluding 
somewhat  humorously  to  this  accident,  and  describing 
the  severity  of  the  winter,  shall  speak  for  itself,  and 
bring  us  to  the  beginning  of  a new  year  and  a neAV 
chapter : — ■ 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Son . 

“To  Ms  very  loving  Son,  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  at  Ipswich,  d’d. 

"My  Good  Son,  — I received  your  letter,  and  heartily 
rejoice  and  bless  the  Lord  for  his  merciful  providence 
towards  us  all,  in  delivering  your  wife  from  so  great  a 
danger.  The  Lord  make  us  truly  thankful.  And  I hope 
it  will  teach  my  daughter  and  other  women  to  take  heed 
of  putting  pins  in  the  mouth,  which  was  never  seasonable 

28 


VOL.  II. 


218 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


to  be  fed  with  such  morsels.  I can  write  you  no  news, 
only  we  had  letters  from  Conectacott,  where  they  were  shut 
up  with  snow  above  a month  since,  and  we  at  Boston 
were  almost  ready  to  break  up  for  want  of  wood,  but  that 
it  pleased  the  Lord  to  open  the  bay,  (which  was  so  frozen 
as  men  went  over  it  in  all  places,)  and  mitigate  the  rigor 
of  the  season ; blessed  be  his  name.  On  Friday  was  fort- 
night, a pinnace  was  cast  away  upon  Long  Island  by  Na- 
tascott,  and  Mr.  Babbe  and  others,  who  were  in  her,  came 
home  upon  the  ice.  We  have  had  one  man  frozen  to  death, 
and  some  others  have  lost  their  fingers  and  toes.  Seven 
men  were  carried  out  to  sea  in  a little,  rotten  skiff,  and 
kept  there  twenty-four  hours,  without  food  or  fire,  and  at 
last  gat  to  Pullen  Point. 

"We  have  appointed  the  general  court  the  12  of  the  1 
month.  We  shall  expect  you  here  before  the  court  of 
assistants.  So,  with  all  hearty  salutations  from  myself  and 
your  mother  to  yourself  and  wife,  and  little  Betty,  and  all 
our  good  friends  with  you,  I commend  you  to  the  blessing 
of  the  Lord,  and  rest 

" Your  loving  father,  Jo.  W. 

" I send  you  herein  the  warrant  for  Ipswich  and  New- 
bury. Commend  me  to  your  brother  and  sister  Dudley. 

“Xlth,  22, 1637.” 1 


l Another  letter  of  the  Governor’s,  of  more  serious  import,  -written  a week  later,  has 
come  to  light  since  our  volume  was  in  type ; and  we  have  been  obliged  to  throw  it  into 
the  Appendix  No.  IY. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


219 


CHAPTEE  XIV. 

fYINTHROP  CHOSEN  GOVERNOR  AGAIN.  VISITED  BY  THE  INDIANS. 

THE  COLONY  CHARTER  IN  DANGER,  AND  SAVED.  FIRST  PRINT- 
ING-PRESS. 

The  Journal  of  Governor  Winthrop,  for  the  political 
year  1638,  opens  with  the  following  brief  account  of 
his  re-election  to  the  Chief  Magistracy,  and  of  his 
serious  illness,  under  date  of  May  2 : — 

" (3.)  2.]  At  the  court  of  elections,  the  former  gover- 
nour,  John  Winthrop,  was  chosen  again.  The  same  day, 
at  night,  he  was  taken  with  a sharp  fever,  which  brought 
him  near  death ; but  many  prayers  were  put  up  to  the  Lord 
for  him,  and  he  was  restored  again  after  one  month.” 

On  the  fifth  day  of  the  succeeding  month,  we  have 
this  pleasant  anecdote  of  the  Governor’s  friendly  in- 
tercourse with  a famous  Indian  chief.  It  would  not  be 
easy  to  find  an  earlier  or  more  authentic  illustration 
of  the  natural  eloquence  of  the  red  man,  than  in  the 
brief  speech  of  Uncas  on  this  occasion,  as  recorded 
by  Winthrop,  to  whom  it  was  made:  — 

"5.]  Unkus,  alias  Okoco,  the  Monahegan  sachem  in  the 
twist  of  Pequod  River,  came  to  Boston  with  thirty-seven 
men.  He  came  from  Connecticut  with  Mr.  Haynes,  and 
tendered  the  governour  a present  of  twenty  fathom  of  wam- 
poin.  This  was  at  the  court,  and  it  was  thought  fit  by  the 
council  to  refuse  it,  till  he  had  given  satisfaction  about  the 


220 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


Pequods  he  kept,  etc.  Upon  this  he  was  much  dejected, 
and  made  account  we  would  have  killed  him ; but,  two  days 
after,  having  received  good  satisfaction  of  his  innocency,  etc., 
and  he  promising  to  submit  to  the  order  of  the  English 
touching  the  Pequods  he  had,  and  the  differences  between  the 
Naragan setts  and  him,  we  accepted  his  present.  And,  about 
half  an  hour  after,  he  came  to  the  governour,  and  enter- 
tained him  with  these  compliments  : This  heart  (laying  his 
hand  upon  his  breast)  is  not  mine,  but  yours ; I have  no 
men ; they  are  all  yours ; command  me  any  difficult  thing, 
I will  do  it ; I will  not  believe  any  Indians’  words  against 
the  English ; if  any  man  shall  kill  an  Englishman,  I will 
put  him  to  death,  were  he  never  so  dear  to  me.  So  the 
governour  gave  him  a fair,  red  coat,  and  defrayed  his  and 
his  men’s  diet,  and  gave  them  corn  to  relieve  them  home- 
ward, and  a letter  of  protection  to  all  men,  etc.,  and  he 
departed  very  joyful.” 

In  the  month  of  September  of  this  year,  a matter 
of  serious  moment  was  brought  to  the  attention  of  the 
Governor  and  Assistants,  in  the  shape  of  a renewed 
effort  of  the  Lords  Commissioners  in  England  to  obtain 
the  surrender  of  the  Massachusetts  Charter.  Similar 
attempts  had,  indeed,  been  made  more  than  once  before. 
As  early  as  1633,  some  of  the  enemies  of  the  Colony 
had  instituted  complaints  before  the  king  and  Council, 
with  a view  to  the  restriction  of  its  corporate  privi- 
leges. But  this  attempt  had  signally  failed ; so  favor- 
able a report  of  the  proceedings  and  progress  of  the 
Colony  having  been  made  by  Sir  Thomas  Jermin,  one 
of  the  Council,  that  his  majesty  declared  that  “ he 
would  have  them  severely  punished,  who  did  abuse 
his  governour  and  the  plantation.”  1 


1 Winthrop’s  History  of  New  England,  vol.  i.  p.  103. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


‘221 


In  July,  1634,  again,  we  find  it  recorded  by  Win- 
tlirop,  that  “ Mr.  Cradock  (who  had  been  governour 
in  England  before  the  government  was  sent  over)  had 
strict  charge  to  deliver  in  the  patent:  whereupon  he 
wrote  to  us  to  send  it  home.”  “ But,”  proceeds  the 
Journal  of  that  date,  “ upon  receipt  of  his  letter, 
the  governour  and  council  consulted  about  it,  and  re- 
solved to  answer  Mr.  Cradock’s  letter,  but  not  to  return 
any  answer  of  excuse  to  the  Council  at  that  time.” 1 

Soon  after,  we  find  the  same  thing  stated  in  a differ- 
ent form,  as  follows  : — 

" Mr.  Cradock  wrote  to  the  governour  and  assistants,  and 
sent  a copy  of  the  council’s  order,  whereby  we  were  required 
to  send  over  our  patent.  Upon  long  consultation  whether 
we  should  return  answer  or  not,  we  agreed,  and  returned 
answer  to  Mr.  Cradock,  excusing  that  it  could  not  be  done 
but  by  a general  court,  which  was  to  be  holden  in  Septem- 
ber next.”9 

In  September  of  the  same  year,  an  alarm  was  ex- 
cited of  an  immediate  invasion  by  the  mother  country 
of  the  civil  and  religious  rights  of  the  colony ; and  a 
spirit  of  resistance  was  roused  up,  both  among  minis- 
ters and  magistrates,  which  clearly  foreshadowed  the 
events  of  a still  remote  future.  We  might  almost 

imagine  that  the  Governor’s  Journal  had  relation  to 
1775,  instead  of  1634,  as  we  read  the  following 
passage  : — 

"18.]  At  this  court  were  many  laws  made  against  tobacco, 
and  immodest  fashions,  and  costly  apparel,  etc.,  as  appears 
by  the  Records ; and  £600  raised  towards  fortifications  and 
other  charges,  which  were  the  more  hastened,  because  the 


1 Ibid.,  yoI.  i.  p.  135. 


2 Ibid.,  yol.  i.  p.  137. 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


222 

Griffin  and  another  ship  now  arriving  with  about  two  hun- 
dred passengers  and  one  hundred  cattle,  (Mr.  Lothrop  and 
Mr.  Simraes,  two  godly  ministers,  coming  in  the  same  ship), 
there  came  over  a copy  of  the  commission  granted  to  the 
two  archbishops  and  ten  others  of  the  council,  to  regulate 
all  plantations,  and  power  given  them,  or  any  five  of  them, 
to  call  in  all  patents,  to  make  laws,  to  raise  tythes  and 
portions  for  ministers,  to  remove  and  punish  governours, 
and  to  hear  and  determine  all  causes,  and  inflict  all  punish- 
ments, even  death  itself,  etc.  This  being  advised  from  our 
friends  to  be  intended  specially  for  us,  and  that  there  were 
ships  and  soldiers  provided,  given  out  as  for  the  carrying  the 
new  governour,  Capt.  Woodhouse,  to  Virginia,  but  suspected 
to  be  against  us,  to  compel  us,  by  force,  to  receive  a new 
governour,  and  the  discipline  of  the  church  of  England,  and 
the  laws  of  the  commissioners,  — occasioned  the  magistrates 
and  deputies  to  hasten  our  fortifications,  and  to  discover  our 
minds  each  to  other  ; which  grew  to  this  conclusion,  viz.  — ” 

The  Governor  here  broke  off  his  narrative  abruptly, 
and  thus  failed  to  tell  us,  in  this  part  of  his  Journal, 
what  was  the  precise  nature  of  “ this  conclusion ; ” but 
a few  pages  onward,  under  date  of  Jan.  19,  we  find  the 
folloAving  ample  elucidation  of  the  matter : — 

"All  the  ministers,  except  Mr.  Ward  of  Ipswich,  met  at 
Boston,  being  requested  by  the  governour  and  assistants,  to 
consider  of  these  two  cases  : 1.  What  we  ought  to  do,  if  a 
general  governour  should  be  sent  out  of  England?  2.  Whether 
it  be  lawful  for  us  to  carry  the  cross  in  our  banners?  — In 
the  first  case,  they  all  agreed,  that,  if  a general  governour 
were  sent,  we  ought  not  to  accept  him,  but  defend  our  law- 
ful possessions,  (if  we  were  able ;)  otherwise  to  avoid  or 
protract.  For  the  matter  of  the  cross,  they  were  divided, 
and  so  deferred  it  to  another  meeting.” 

When  the  magistrates  and  deputies  began  thus  to 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


223 


‘hasten  their  fortifications,”  and  the  ministers  all 
agreed,  that,  “if  a general  governonr  were  sent,  we 
ought  not  to  accept  him,  but  to  defend  our  lawful 
possessions,  if  we  were  able,”  it  is  abundantly  evident 
that  the  spirit  of  independence  had  already  found  its 
way  to  New  England.  Fortunately,  there  was  to  be 
no  present  occasion  for  its  further  manifestation ; and 
the  policy  so  significantly  described  by  the  Governor’s 
phrase,  “ to  avoid  or  protract ,”  was  to  be  successful 
for  more  than  a century  still  to  come,  and  until  the 
ability  of  New  England  to  resist  oppression  should  be 
more  commensurate  with  her  resolution  to  do  so. 

In  1638,  however,  a peremptory  demand  for  the  sur- 
render of  the  Charter  was  again  made,  and  was  the 
subject  of  more  formal  notice  than  any  of  the  pre- 
vious movements  of  the  sort.  The  Governor’s  Journal, 
under  date  of  Sept.  7,  gives  the  following  account  of 
the  matter : — 

" The  general  court  was  assembled,  in  which  it  was  agreed, 
that,  whereas  a very  strict  order  was  sent  from  the  lords 
commissioners  for  plantations  for  the  sending  home  our  patent, 
upon  pretence  that  judgment  had  passed  against  it  upon  a 
quo  warranto , a letter  should  be  written  by  the  governour, 
in  the  name  of  the  court,  to  excuse  our  not  sending  of  it ; 
for  it  was  resolved  to  be  best  not  to  send  it,  because  then 
such  of  our  friends  and  others  in  England  would  conceive 
it  to  be  surrendered,  and  that  thereupon  we  should  be  bound 
to  receive  such  a governour  and  such  orders  as  should  be 
sent  to  us,  and  many  bad  minds,  yea,  and  some  weak  ones, 
among  ourselves,  would  think  it  lawful,  if  not  necessary,  to 
accept  a general  governour.” 

The  same  subject  is  noticed  soon  afterwards  in  the 
Journal  of  Sept.  21,  as  follows:  — 


224 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


"This  year  there  came  a letter  from  Mr.  Thomas  Mewtis, 
clerk  of  the  council  in  England,  directed  to  Mr.  Winthrop, 
(the  present  governour,)  and  therein  an  order  from  the  lords 
commissioners  for  foreign  plantations,  (being  all  of  the  coun- 
cil,) wherein  they  straightly  required  the  patent  to  be  sent 
home  by  the  first  ship,  etc.  This  letter  and  order  were  pro- 
duced at  the  general  court  last  passed,  and  there  agreed  not 
to  send  home  the  patent,  but  to  return  answer  to  the  lords  by 
way  of  humble  petition,  which  was  drawn  up  and  sent  accord- 
ingly. These  instruments  are  all  among  the  governour’s  papers, 
and  the  effect  of  them  would  be  here  inserted.” 


The  Governor  undoubtedly  intended  to  insert  an 
abstract  of  these  documents  in  the  pages  of  his  Diary, 
but  failed  to  do  so.  Fortunately,  the  documents  them- 
selves are  at  hand,  preserved  by  Hubbard,  who  prob- 
ably borrowed  them,  as  he  did  so  much  of  the  rest 
of  his  History,  from  the  papers  of  Winthrop  himself 
The  letter  of  the  Governor,  on  so  important  and  deli- 
cate a subject,  is  certainly  deserving  of  a place  in  any 
memoir  of  his  life  and  services  ; and  the  reader  will 
be  curious  to  see  how  he  excused  a course  of  conduct 
which  bordered  so  closely  on  rebellion  and  independ- 
ence. We  give  it,  accordingly,  with  the  order  of  the 
Lords  Commissioners  prefixed,  which  concludes,  it  will 
be  perceived,  by  a threat  that  his  majesty  would  “ re- 
assume into  his  hands  the  whole  plantation : ” — 


"Lord  Archbishop 
Lord  Keeper. 
Lord  Treasurer. 
Lord  Privy  Seal. 
Earl  Marshal. 
Earl  of  Dorset. 


(( 

“ PRESENT 

of  Canterbury. 


At  Whitehall,  April  4th,  1638 

"Earl  of  Holland. 

Lord  Cottington. 

Mr.  Treasurer. 

Mr.  Comptroller. 

Mr.  Secretary  Cooke 
Mr.  Sec.  Windebank 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


225 


" This  day  the  Lords  Commissioners  for  foreign  planta- 
tions, taking  into  consideration  that  the  petitions  and  com- 
plaints of  his  Majesty’s  subjects,  planters  and  traders  in  New 
England,  grow  more  frequent  than  heretofore,  for  want  of  a 
settled  and  orderly  government  in  those  parts ; and  calling 
to  mind  that  they  had  formerly  given  order,  about  two  ox- 
three  yeai’s  since,  to  Mr.  Cradock,  a member  of  the  planta- 
tion, to  cause  the  grant,  or  letters  patent  for  that  plantation, 
(alleged  by  him  to  be  there  remaining,  in  the  hands  of  Mr. 
Winthrop,)  to  be  sent  over  hither;  and  that  notwithstand- 
ing the  same,  the  said  letters  patent  were  not,  as  yet,  broixght 
over  : and  their  lordships  being  now  informed  by  Mr.  Attoniey 
General,  that  a quo  warranto  had  been  by  him  brought  ac- 
cording  to  former  order,  against  the  said  patent,  and  the 
same  was  proceeded  to  judgment  against  so  many  as  had 
appeared,  and  that  they  which  had  not  appeared  were  out- 
lawed : 

" Their  loi-dships,  well  approving  of  Mr.  Attoi-ney’s  care 
and  proceeding  therein,  did  now  i-esolve  and  order,  that  Mr. 
Meawtes,  clerk  of  the  council,  attendant  upon  the  said  com- 
missioners for  foreign  plantations,  should,  in  a letter  from 
himself  to  Mr.  Winthrop,  inclose  and  convey  this  order  unto 
him.  And  their  loi-dships  hereby,  in  his  Majesty’s  name,  and 
according  to  his  express  will  and  pleasui-e,  sti-ictly  require 
and  enjoin  the  said  Winthrop,  or  any  other  in  whose  power 
or  custody  the  said  letters  patent  are,  that  they  fail  not  to 
transmit  the  said  patent  hither  by  the  return  of  the  ship,  in 
which  the  order  is  conveyed  to  them ; it  being  resolved  that 
in  case  of  any  further  neglect  or  contempt  by  them  shewed 
therein,  their  lordships  will  cause  a strict  coui-se  to  be  taken 
against  them,  and  will  move  his  Majesty  to  reassume  into 
his  hands  the  whole  plantation.” 

And  now  comes  Winthrop’s  letter : — 


VOL.  II. 


29 


226 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


” To  the  Right  Honourable,  the  Lords  Commissioners  for 
Foreign  Plantations. 

“ The  humble  petition  of  the  Massachusetts,  in  New  England,  in 

the  general  court  there  assembled,  the  6th  day  of  September,  in  the 

fourteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  our  Sovereign  Lord,  King  Charles. 

"Whereas,  it  hath  pleased  your  Lordships,  by  order  of  the 
4th  of  April  last,  to  require  our  patent  to  be  sent  unto  you ; 
we  do  here  humbly  and  sincerely  profess,  that  we  are  ready 
to  yield  all  due  obedience  to  our  Sovereign  Lord  the  King’s 
Majesty,  and  to  your  Lordships  under  him,  and  in  this  mind 
we  left  our  native  country,  and  according  thereunto  hath  been 
our  practice  ever  since ; so  as  we  are  much  grieved  that 
your  Lordships  should  call  in  our  patent,  there  being  no 
cause  known  to  us  for  that  purpose,  our  government  being 
settled  according  to  his  Majesty’s  grant,  and  we  not  answer- 
able  for  any  defect  in  other  plantations.  This  is  that  which 
his  Majesty’s  subjects  do  believe  and  profess,  and  therefore 
we  are  all  humble  suitors  to  your  Lordships,  that  you  would 
be  pleased  to  take  into  further  consideration  our  condition, 
and  to  afford  unto  us  the  liberties  of  subjects,  that  we  may 
know  what  is  laid  to  our  charge,  and  have  leave  and  time 
to  answer  for  ourselves  before  we  be  condemned  as  a people 
unworthy  of  his  Majesty’s  favour  or  protection.  As  for  the 
quo  warranto  mentioned  in  the  said  order,  we  do  assure 
your  Lordships,  that  we  were  never  called  to  make  answer 
to  it,  and  if  we  had,  we  doubt  not  but  we  have  a sufficient 
plea  to  put  in. 

"It  is  not  unknown  to  your  Lordships  that  we  came  into 
these  remote  parts  with  his  Majesty’s  license  and  encourage- 
ment, under  his  great  seal  of  England,  and,  in  the  confidence 
we  had  of  the  great  assurance  of  his  favour,  we  have  trans- 
ported our  families  and  estates,  and  here  have  we  built  and 
planted,  to  the  great  enlargement  and  securing  of  his  Majesty’s 
dominions  in  these  parts,  so  as  if  our  patent  should  be  now 
taken  from  us,  we  should  be  looked  at  as  runagates  and  out 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


227 


laws,  and  shall  be  enforced  either  to  remove  to  some  other 
place,  or  to  return  to  our  native  country  again,  either  of 
which  will  put  us  to  insuperable  extremities  ; and  these  evils, 
(among  others,)  will  necessarily  follow: 

"1.  Many  thousand  souls  will  be  exposed  to  ruin,  being 
laid  open  to  the  injuries  of  all  men. 

"2.  If  we  be  forced  to  desert  the  place,  the  rest  of  the 
plantations  about  us,  (being  too  weak  to  subsist  alone,)  will 
for  the  most  part  dissolve  and  go  along  with  us,  and  then 
will  this  whole  country  fall  into  the  hands  of  French  or 
Dutch,  who  would  speedily  embrace  such  an  opportunity. 

"3.  If  we  should  lose  all  our  labour  and  cost,  and  be 
deprived  of  those  liberties  which  his  Majesty  hath  granted 
us,  and  nothing  laid  to  our  charge,  nor  any  failing  to  be  found 
in  us  in  point  of  allegiance,  (which  all  our  countrymen  do 
take  notice  of,  and  we  justify  our  faithfulness  in  this  behalf,) 
it  will  discourage  all  men  hereafter  from  the  like  undertakings 
upon  confidence  of  his  Majesty’s  royal  grant. 

"4.  Lastly,  if  our  patent  be  taken  from  us,  (whereby  we 
suppose  we  may  claim  interest  in  his  Majesty’s  favour  and 
protection,)  the  common  people  here  will  conceive  that  his 
Majesty  hath  cast  them  off,  and  that  hereby  they  are  freed 
from  their  allegiance  and  subjection,  and  thereupon  will  be 
ready  to  confederate  themselves  under  a new  government, 
for  their  necessary  safety  and  subsistence,  which  will  be  of 
dangerous  example  unto  other  plantations,  and  perilous  to 
ourselves,  of  incurring  his  Majesty’s  displeasure,  which  we 
would  by  all  means  avoid.  Upon  these  considerations  we  are 
bold  to  renew  our  humble  supplication  to  your  Lordships,  that 
we  may  be  suffered  to  live  here  in  this  wilderness,  and  that  this 
poor  plantation,  which  hath  found  more  favour  with  God  than 
many  other,  may  not  find  less  favour  from  your  Lordships, 
that  our  libei’ties  should  be  restrained,  when  others  are  en- 
larged ; that  the  door  should  be  kept  shut  upon  us,  while  it 
stands  open  to  all  other  plantations ; that  men  of  ability 
should  be  debarred  from  us,  while  they  have  encouragement 


228 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


to  other  colonies.  We  do  not  question  your  Lordships’  pro- 
ceedings, we  only  desire  to  open  our  griefs  where  the  remedy 
is  to  be  expected.  If  in  any  thing  we  have  offended  his 
Majesty  and  your  Lordships,  we  humbly  prostrate  ourselves 
at  the  footstool  of  supreme  authority. 

” Let  us  be  made  the  objects  of  his  Majesty’s  clemency, 
and  not  cut  off  in  our  first  appeal  from  all  hope  of  favour. 
Thus  with  our  earnest  prayers  unto  the  King  of  kings  for 
long  life  and  prosperity  to  his  sacred  Majesty,  and  his  royal 
family,  and  for  all  honor  and  welfare  to  your  Lordships,  we 
humbly  take  leave.” 

This  humble  petition  seems  to  have  settled  the  ques- 
tion in  favor  of  the  Colony.  “ The  Lords  Commis- 
sioners,” says  Hubbard,  “ to  whom  the  letter  above 
written  from  Mr.  Winthrop  was  directed,  either  rested 
satisfied  in  what  was  therein  alleged,  and  so  made  no 
further  demand  of  returning  the  patent ; or  otherwise, 
which  some  think  more  probable,  concernments  of  an 
higher  nature,  intervening  in  that  juncture  of  time, 
gave  a supersedeas  to  that  design  and  intendment.” 1 
Undoubtedly,  the  time  was  fast  approaching  when 
Charles  and  his  Council  were  to  have  enough  to  do 
at  home,  without  being  extreme  to  mark  what  was 
done  amiss  in  the  Colonies.  Yet  the  attempt  upon 
the  Charter  was  not  wholly  given  up  ; and  we  hear 
of  it  once  more,  and  learn  how  it  was  disposed  of, 
in  the  following  extract  from  the  Journal  of  June, 
1639:  — 

" The  governour  received  letters  from  Mr.  Cradock,  and 
in  them  another  order  from  the  lords  commissioners,  to  this 


1 Hubbard’s  History  of  New  England,  p.  271. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


229 


effect : That,  whereas  they  had  received  our  petition  upon 
their  former  order,  etc.,  by  which  they  perceived,  that  we 
were  taken  with  some  jealousies  and  fears  of  their  intentions, 
etc.,  they  did  accept  of  our  answer,  and  did  now  declare 
their  intentions  to  be  only  to  regulate  all  plantations  to  be 
subordinate  to  the  said  commission ; and  that  they  meant  to 
continue  our  liberties,  etc.,  and  therefore  did  now  again  per- 
emptorily require  the  governour  to  send  them  our  patent  by 
the  first  ship  ; and  that,  in  the  mean  time,  they  did  give  us, 
by  that  order,  full  power  to  go  on  in  the  government  of  the 
people  until  we  had  a new  patent  sent  us  ; and,  withal,  they 
added  threats  of  further  course  to  be  taken  with  us,  if  we 
failed. 

" This  order  being  imparted  to  the  next  general  court,  some 
advised  to  return  answer  to  it.  Others  thought  fitter  to  make 
no  answer  at  all,  because,  being  sent  in  a private  letter,  and 
not  delivered  by  a certain  messenger,  as  the  former  order 
was,  they  could  not  proceed  upon  it,  because  they  could  not 
have  any  proof  that  it  was  delivered  to  the  governour ; and 
order  was  taken,  that  Mr.  Cradock’s  agent,  who  delivered 
the  letter  to  the  governour,  etc.,  should,  in  his  letters  to 
his  master,  make  no  mention  of  the  letters  he  delivered  to 
the  governour,  seeing  his  master  had  not  laid  any  charge 
upon  him  to  that  end.” 

And  thus  the  “ avoid-or-pro tract  ” policy  was  per- 
severed in  and  prevailed.  The  original  patent  of  Mas- 
sachusetts could  not  fail  to  be  peculiarly  precious  to 
Governor  Winthrop  ; and  it  was  owing  to  his  prudence 
and  firmness,  not  merely  that  it  remains  to  this  day  in 
our  archives  at  the  State  House  as  a venerable  memorial 
of  our  earliest  existence,  but  that  its  substantial  and 
cherished  privileges  were  so  long  enjoyed  by  the 
people  of  the  Colony.  He  had  brought  it  over  with 
him  in  the  Arbella,  in  evidence  of  that  “ transfer 


230 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


of  the  whole  government”  which  had  been  so  solemnly 
agreed  upon  by  the  founders  of  Massachusetts  before 
they  would  consent  to  leave  their  native  land.  The 
very  condition  of  the  Agreement  at  Cambridge  was,  as 
we  have  seen  in  our  previous  volume,  that  “ the  whole 
Government,  together  with  the  Patent  for  the  said 
Plantation,  be  first,  by  an  Order  of  Court,  legally  trans- 
ferred and  established  to  remain  with  us  and  others 
which  shall  inhabit  upon  the  said  Plantation.”  1 This 
condition  was  accepted  and  ratified  by  the  General 
Court  of  the  Company  in  London,  on  the  28th  of 
August,  1629;  and  Winthrop  was  elected  Governor 
a few  weeks  afterwards  to  carry  out  the  Agreement. 
Under  such  circumstances,  he  could  not  but  feel  that 
the  sacred  instrument  was  specially  committed  to  his 
own  care,  and  that  he  was  bound  to  preserve,  pro- 
tect, and  defend  it  by  every  means  in  his  power.  He 
did  so,  and  did  so  successfully,  as  long  as  he  lived ; 
and  it  was  not  until  five  and  thirty  years  after  his 
death  that  a judgment  was  finally  issued  by  the  king 
in  chancery,  by  which  it  was  vacated  and  annulled.2 
It  was  a happy  thought  of  the  artist  who  designed  the 
statue  of  Winthrop  for  the  Chapel  at  Mount  Auburn 
to  represent  him  with  the  old  Charter  of  Massachusetts 
in  his  hand : 3 for,  after  his  Bible,  there  was  nothing 
he  coidd  have  prized  more  highly ; and  he  must  ever 
be  associated  in  history  with  a resolute  vindication  and 


1 Life  and  Letters  of  John  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  pp.  344-5. 

2 The  exemplification  of  the  judgment  for  vacating  the  Charter  in  1684  was  first 
printed  by  Mr.  Charles  Deane,  in  the  second  volume  of  Massachusetts  Historical 
Collections,  fourth  series. 

8 See  the  frontispiece  of  this  volume. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


231 


a successful  defence  of  it,  in  which  that  same  spirit  of 
independence,  which  pervaded  the  continent  more  than 
a century  afterwards,  was  distinctly  and  nobly  pre- 
figured. 

Early  in  the  month  of  November  of  this  year  (1638), 
“ the  Governour,”  as  he  tells  us  in  his  Journal,  “ went 
by  water  to  Salem,  where  he  was  entertained  with  all 
the  respect  that  they  conld  show  him.  The  12  he  re- 
turned by  land,  and  they  sent  six  of  then-  chief  military 
officers  with  carbines  to  guard  him  to  Boston.”  1 

And  here  is  a brief  letter  to  his  wife,  written  during 
this  absence : — 

John  Winthrop  to  his  Wife. 

“ To  my  Deare  Wife,  Mrs.  Winthrop  at  Boston. 

" Mr  Deare  , — I prayse  God  we  came  safe  to  Salem , 
thoughe  we  had  very  stormy  windes.  We  found  all  well.  I 
doubt  I shall  not  returne  before  the  2 : daye  next  weeke,  & 
then  my  broth  : P : will  come  wth  me.  The  Lo  : blesse  thee 
& all  or  familye,  & send  us  a happy  meetinge.  I kisse 

fnpp  A—  T*pof 

"thy  faithfull  husband,  "J:  W: 

“ Salem  : 9»er : 82  1638.” 

The  remainder  of  the  Journal  during  this  year  deals 
mainly  with  topics  of  a general  nature ; throwing  no 
particular  light  upon  the  character  of  Winthrop,  except 
by  the  manner  in  which  they  are  introduced  or  de- 
scribed. Now  and  then,  there  is  an  amusing  passage ; 
now  and  then,  a striking  incident ; now  and  then,  a 

1 Winthrop’s  History  of  New  England,  vol.  i.  p.  277. 

2 The  date  of  this  letter  settles  the  question  discussed  in  Mr.  Savage’s  note  to  the 
Governor’s  entry  of  the  Salem  visit.  It  is  plain  that  the  date  (13)  in  the  Journal  i3 
that  of  the  day  on  which  he  made  the  record  after  his  return.  He  must  have  gone 
as  early  as  the  7th. 


232 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


grave  reflection ; now  and  then,  a characteristic  qnaint- 
ness  of  expression,  not  unworthy,  perhaps,  of  being 
sifted  out  from  the  daily  record,  and  set  forth  by 
itself. 

Here,  for  instance,  is  an  edifying  entry,  under  date 
of  September : — 

" The  court,  taking  into  consideration  the  great  disorder 
general  through  the  country  in  costliness  of  apparel,  and 
following  new  fashions,  sent  for  the  elders  of  the  churches, 
and  conferred  with  them  about  it,  and  laid  it  upon  them, 
as  belonging  to  them,  to  redress  it,  by  urging  it  upon  the 
consciences  of  their  people,  which  they  promised  to  do.  But 
little  was  done  about  it;  for  divers  of  the  elders’  wives,  etc., 
were  in  some  measure  partners  in  this  general  disorder.” 

Here  is  another,  dated  Dec.  13,  with  a rider  dated 
eight  years  later  : — 

"The  devil  would  never  cease  to  disturb  our  peace,  and 
to  raise  up  instruments  one  after  another.  Amongst  the  rest, 
there  was  a woman  in  Salem,  one  Oliver  his  wife,  who  had 
suffered  somewhat  in  England  for  refusing-  to  bow  at  the 
name  of  Jesus,  though  otherwise  she  was  conformable  to  all 
their  orders.  She  was  (for  ability  of  speech,  and  appear- 
ance of  zeal  and  devotion)  far  before  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  and 
so  the  fitter  instrument  to  have  done  hurt,  but  that  she  was 
poor  and  had  little  acquaintance.  She  took  offence  at  this, 
that  she  might  not  be  admitted  to  the  Lord’s  supper  without 
giving  public  satisfaction  to  the  church  of  her  faith,  etc.,  and 
covenanting  or  professing  to  walk  with  them  according  to 
the  rule  of  the  gospel ; so  as,  upon  the  sacrament  day,  she 
openly  called  for  it,  and  stood  to  plead  her  right,  though 
she  were  denied ; and  would  not  forbear,  before  the  magistrate, 
Mr.  Endecott,  did  threaten  to  send  the  constable  to  put  her 
forth.  This  woman  was  brought  to  the  court  for  disturbing 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


233 


the  peace  in  the  church,  etc.,  and  there  she  gave  such  per- 
emptory answers,  as  she  was  committed  till  she  should  find 
sureties  for  her  good  behaviour.  After  she  had  been  in  prison 
three  or  four  days,  she  made  means  to  the  governour,  and 
submitted  herself,  and  acknowledged  her  fault  in  disturbing 
the  church  ; whereupon  he  took  her  husband’s  bond  for  her 
good  behaviour,  and  discharged  her  out  of  prison.  But  he 
found,  after,  that  she  still  held  her  former  opinions,  which 
were  very  dangerous,  as,  1.  That  the  church  is  the  heads 
of  the  people,  both  magistrates  and  ministers,  met  together, 
and  that  these  have  power  to  ordain  ministers,  etc.  2.  That 
all  that  dwell  in  the  same  town,  and  will  profess  their  faith 
in  Christ  Jesus,  ought  to  be  received  to  the  sacraments  there ; 
and  that  she  was  persuaded,  that,  if  Paul  were  at  Salem, 
he  would  call  all  the  inhabitants  there  saints.  3.  That  excom- 
munication is  no  other  but  when  Christians  withdraw  private 
communion  from  one  that  hath  offended. 

"About  five  years  after,  this  woman  was  adjudged  to  be 
whipped  for  reproaching  the  magistrates.  She  stood  without 
tying,  and  bare  her  punishment  with  a masculine  spirit,  glory- 
ing in  her  suffering.  But  after  (when  she  came  to  consider 
the  reproach,  which  would  stick  by  her,  etc.)  she  was  much 
dejected  about  it.  She  had  a cleft  stick  put  on  her  tongue 
half  an  hour,  for  reproaching  the  elders,  (6,)  1646.” 

Here  is  a third  passage,  in  immediate  sequence  : — 

"At  Providence,  also,  the  devil  was  not  idle.  For  whereas, 
at  their  first  coming  thither,  Mr.  Williams  and  the  rest  did 
make  an  order,  that  no  man  should  be  molested  for  his  con- 
science, now  men’s  wives,  and  children,  and  servants,  claimed 
liberty  hereby  to  go  to  all  religious  meetings,  though  never  so 
often,  or  though  private,  upon  the  week  days ; and  because 
one  Yerin  refused  to  let  his  wife  go  to  Mr.  Williams  so  oft 
as  she  was  called  for,  they  required  to  have  him  censured. 
But  there  stood  up  one  Arnold,  a witty  man  of  their  own 
company,  and  withstood  it,  telling  them  that,  when  he  con- 

30 


VOL.  II. 


234 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


sented  to  that  order,  he  never  intended  it  should  extend  to 
the  breach  of  any  ordinance  of  God,  such  as  the  subjection 
of  wives  to  their  husbands,  etc.,  and  gave  divers  solid  reasons 
against  it.  Then  one  Greene  (who  hath  married  the  wife  of 
one  Beggerly,  whose  husband  is  living,  and  no  divorce,  etc., 
but  only  it  was  said,  that  he  had  lived  in  adultery,  and  had 
confessed  it)  he  replied,  that,  if  they  should  restrain  their 
wives,  etc.,  all  the  women  in  the  country  would  cry  out  of 
them,  etc.  Arnold  answered  him  thus  : Did  you  pretend  to 
leave  the  Massachusetts,  because  you  would  not  offend  God 
to  please  men,  and  would  you  now  break  an  ordinance  and 
commandment  of  God  to  please  women  ? Some  were  of  opin- 
ion, that  if  Verin  would  not  suffer  his  wife  to  have  her 
liberty,  the  church  should  dispose  her  to  some  other  man, 
who  would  use  her  better.  Arnold  told  them,  that  it  was 
not  the  woman’s  desire  to  go  so  oft  from  home,  but  only  Mr. 
Williams’s  and  others.  In  conclusion,  when  they  would  have 
censured  Verin,  Arnold  told  them,  that  it  was  against  their 
own  order,  for  Verin  did  that  he  did  out  of  conscience;  and 
their  order  was,  that  no  man  should  be  censured  for  his 
conscience.” 

And  still  again  the  Governor  proceeds  in  the  same 
connection,  but  in  too  much  detail  for  our  present 
purpose,  to  describe  “ another  plot  the  old  Serpent 
had  against  us,  by  sowing  jealousies  and  differences 
between  us  and  and  our  friends  at  Connecticut,  and 
also  Plimouth.” 

The  differences  with  Connecticut  were  upon  a sub- 
ject of  the  highest  interest  to  the  welfare  of  all  the 
New  England  Colonies,  and  will  require  a brief  explana- 
tion. It  was  during  this  year  that  the  plan  of  a union 
among  the  Colonies,  which  was  destined  to  be  so 
happily  consummated  five  or  six  years  later,  became 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


235 


first  the  subject  of  serious  consideration  and  discussion. 
It  had  been  broached,  indeed,  about  a year  before. 
Winthrop  tells  us,  in  his  Journal  of  Aug.  31,  1637, 
that  “ some  of  the  magistrates  and  ministers  of  Con- 
necticut being  here,  there  was  a day  of  meeting  ap- 
pointed to  agree  upon  some  articles  of  Confederation, 
and  notice  was  given  to  Plimoutb,  that  they  might 
join  in  it,  (but  their  warning  was  so  short  as  they 
could  not  come.)  ” The  plan  was  not  abandoned,  how- 
ever; and  now,  in  August,  1638,  we  find  Winthrop 
setting  forth  that  “ those  of  Connecticut  were  very 
jealous,  and  therefore,  in  the  articles  of  Confederation 
which  are  propounded  to  them,  and  whereby  order 
was  taken,  that  all  differences  which  might  fall  out, 
should  be  ended  by  a way  of  peace,  and  never  to 
come  to  a necessity  of  danger  of  force,  they  did  so 
alter  the  chief  article,  as  all  would  have  come  to 
nothing.”  It  thus  appears  that  Articles  of  Confed- 
eration had  been  propounded  by  Massachusetts  under 
Winthrop’s  lead,  and  that  they  had  been  defeated  by 
the  opposition  of  Connecticut.  We  do  not  propose 
to  usurp  the  province  of  history  by  entering  into  the 
merits  of  this  controversy ; but  we  refer  to  it  as  one 
of  the  subjects  which  occupied  Governor  Winthrop’s 
attention  most  seriously  at  this  period,  involving  him 
in  much  controversial  correspondence  with  some  of  the 
magistrates  and  some  of  the  ministers  of  Connecticut, 
and  especially  with  the  excellent  Thomas  Hooker. 

It  would  be  unfair  to  both  parties,  or  certainly  to 
Winthrop,  to  give  this  correspondence  in  the  form  in 
which  it  has  come  down  to  us.  Of  Winthrop’s  origi- 


236 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


nal  letter  to  Hooker  we  have  only  a brief  abstract, 
which  is  found  in  the  appendix  to  his  Journal,  and 
which  furnishes  but  a faint  impression  of  the  fulness 
and  force  with  which  he  was  accustomed  to  write  on 
such  subjects.  The  long  and  able  reply  of  Hooker 
has  recently  been  brought  to  light  in  its  original  form, 
with  only  the  loss  of  a page  or  two  at  the  close,  — 
probably  abstracted  for  the  sake  of  the  autograph.1 
Meantime,  among  the  newly  discovered  family  papers, 
we  have  found  the  rough  draft  of  Winthrop’s  re- 
joinder, written  on  the  back  of  an  old  letter  of  Eman- 
uel Downing’s,  but  too  imperfect  to  do  any  justice  to 
its  author.2 

Wintlirop,  in  his  Journal,  most  characteristically  sums 
up  the  whole  subject  of  these  differences  and  controver- 
sies with  Connecticut  as  follows  : — 

" These  and  the  like  miscarriages  in  point  of  correspondency 
were  conceived  to  arise  from  these  two  errors  in  their  govern- 
ment : 1.  They  chose  divers  scores  (?)  men,  who  had  no  learn- 
ing nor  judgment  which  might  fit  them  for  those  affairs,  though 
otherwise  men  holy  and  religious.  2.  By  occasion  hereof,  the 
main  burden  for  managing  of  state  business  fell  upon  some 
one  or  other  of  their  ministers,  (as  the  phrase  and  style  of 
these  letters  will  clearly  discover,)  who,  though  they  were 
men  of  singular  wisdom  and  godliness,  yet  stepping  out  of 
their  course,  their  actions  wanted  that  blessing  which  other- 
wise might  have  been  expected.” 


1 This  letter  of  Hooker’s  was  discovered  in  our  Massachusetts  archives  by 
J.  H.  Trumbull,  Esq.,  of  Hartford;  and  will  be  found,  with  some  interesting  notes,  in 
the  first  volume  of  the  Collections  of  the  Connecticut  Historical  Society.  Another 
letter  of  Hooker’s  to  Governor  Winthrop  on  the  same  subject,  but  in  a somewhat  differ- 
ent spirit,  will  be  found  in  this  volume  hereafter. 

2 This  rough  draft  of  Winthrop’s  letter  on  so  important  a subject  ought  hardly  to  be 
»nst.  and  we  give  it  in  the  Appendix  (No.  VII.)  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


237 


Ancl  there  is  a passage  also,  in  Winthrop’s  abstract 
of  his  first  letter  to  Hooker,  which  is  not  less  charac- 
teristic, ancl  which  has  frequently  been  cited  as  fur- 
nishing evidence  as  to  his  political  principles.  “ I 
expostulated,”  says  he,  “ about  the  unwarrantableness 
and  unsafeness  of  referring  matter  of  counsel  or  judi- 
cature to  the  body  of  the  people,  quia  the  best  part 
is  always  the  least,  and  of  that  best  part  the  wiser 
part  is  always  the  lesser.  The  old  law  was,  Choose 
ye  out  judges,  etc.,  and  thou  shalt  bring  the  matter 
to  the  judge,  etc.”  A portion  of  this  passage  has 
often  been  torn  from  its  context,  and  held  up  as  if 
it  were  conclusive  evidence  that  Governor  Winthrop 
was  in  favor  of  an  aristocracy,  and  an  opponent  of 
every  thing  that  looked  towards  the  power  of  the  people 
to  govern  themselves.  Yet  nothing  is  clearer  than  that 
his  language  refers  only  to  matters  of  “ counsel  or  judi- 
cature,” which  not  even  the  democracy  of  our  own  days 
would  willingly  submit  to  “ the  body  of  the  people.” 

A fair  construction  of  the  two  passages  which  we 
have  thus  cited  would  represent  Governor  Winthrop 
as  of  opinion  that  men  “of  learning  and  judgment” 
were  required  for  matters  of  “counsel  and  judicature;” 
and  that  no  good  results  were  to  he  anticipated  from 
ministers,  even  of  “ singular  wisdom  and  godliness, 
stepping  out  of  their  course  to  manage  State  busi- 
ness : ” and  in  these  two  points  we  are  inclined  to 
think  that  not  a few  persons,  at  the  present  day.  will 
be  likely  to  agree  with  him.1 


1 It  is  somewhat  striking  to  find  how  exactly  Alexander  Hamilton  expressed  the 
same  views,  in  advocating  a permanent  tenure  for  judicial  offices  under  the  Constitution 


238 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


So  much  for  what  Winthrop  entitles  the  influences 
of  the  old  Serpent : but  other  influences  beside  those  of 
the  old  Serpent  were  evidently  in  operation  in  the  Col- 
ony at  this  period ; and,  in  concluding  this  chapter, 
we  gladly  turn  from  the  works  of  darkness  to  those 
of  day,  in  more  senses  of  the  word  than  one,  as  mani- 
fested in  the  following  entry  by  the  Governor,  under 
date  of  March,  1638-39  — 

"Mo.  1.]  A printing  house  was  begun  at  Cambridge  by 
one  Daye,* 1  at  the  charge  of  Mr.  Glover,2  who  died  on  sea 
hitherward.  The  first  thing  which  was  printed  was  the  free- 
men’s oath ; the  next  was  an  almanac  made  for  New  Eng- 
land by  Mr.  William  Pierce,  mariner ; the  next  was  the 
Psalms  newly  turned  into  metre.” 


of  the  United  States,  a century  and  a half  afterwards.  In  the  seventy-eighth  number  of 
the  “ Federalist,”  after  speaking  of  the  varied  acquirements  necessary  for  the  bench,  he 
says:  “ Hence  it  is,  that  there  can  be  but  few  men  in  the  society  who  will  have  suffi- 
cient skill  in  the  laws  to  qualify  them  for  the  stations  of  judges;  and,  making  the  proper 
deductions  for  the  ordinary  depravity  of  human  nature,  the  number  must  be  still  smaller 
of  those  who  unite  the  requisite  integrity  with  the  requisite  knowledge.” 

1 We  know  not  whether  this  Daye  was  of  the  same  family  with  John  Day,  of  old 
England,  one  of  the  printers  of  the  Bible  in  the  time  of  Edward  VI.,  who,  in  allusion 
to  his  own  name,  adopted  the  device  of  the  sun  rising  and  the  sleeper  awakened.  See 
a woodcut  of  the  device.  — Knight's  Popular  History  of  England,  vol.  iii.  p.  13. 

2 We  have  already  found  occasion  to  state,  that  the  widow  of  Mr.  Glover  married 
President  Dunster  of  Harvard  College,  and  that  two  of  Mr.  Glover’s  daughters  became 
the  wives  of  two  of  Governor  Winthrop’s  sons. 

* The  reader  will  find  in  the  Appendix  (No.  V.)  a brief  but  characteristic  letter  of 
Governor  Winthrop’s  to  Thomas  Prince,  Governor  of  Plymouth,  of  about  this  date, 
which  was  found  among  the  Winslow  MSS.,  in  the  archives  of  the  Massachusetts  His- 
torical Society,  too  late  to  be  inserted  here. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


239 


CHAPTER  XV. 

WINTHROP  EXERCISES  HIS  REGIMENT.  CHOSEN  GOVERNOR  AGAIN. 

JEALOUSY  OF  THE  MAGISTRATES.  ANECDOTES.  TEMPERANCE 

LEGISLATION. 

We  have  already  observed,  that  Winthrop,  in  addition 
to  all  the  other  duties  which  he  was  called  on  to 
discharge,  had  been  appointed  Colonel  of  the  First 
Massachusetts  Regiment  of  Militia.1  The  office  seems 
to  have  been  no  sinecure.  The  Governor’s  Journal 
gives  the  following  account  of  a general  muster  of 
the  Massachusetts  militia  on  the  6th  of  May,  1639, 
which  proves  at  once  the  thorough  character  of  the 
military  organization  of  the  Colony  at  that  early 
period,  and  also  the  personal  interest  and  concern 
which  Winthrop  himself  displayed  in  relation  to  it : — 

"The  two  regiments  in  the  bay  were  mustered  at  Boston, 
to  the  number  of  one  thousand  soldiers,  able  men,  and  well 
armed  and  exercised.  They  were  led,  the  one  by  the  gover- 
nour,  who  was  general  of  all,  and  the  other  by  the  deputy, 
who  was  colonel,  etc.  The  captains,  etc.,  showed  themselves 
very  skilful  and  ready  in  divers  sorts  of  skirmishes  and  other 
military  actions,  wherein  they  spent  the  whole  day.” 

The  general  election  was  held  a fortnight  after- 
wards, when  Winthrop  was  again  elected  Governor 


1 Ante,  p.  134. 


240 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


of  Massachusetts.  The  election,  however,  seems  not 
to  have  gone  off  altogether  harmoniously,  for  reasons 
Avhich  the  Governor  has  set  forth  with  great  clear- 
ness and  in  great  detail  in  his  account  of  the  proceed- 
ings. This  account  is  too  interesting  and  too  important 
to  be  abridged.  It  throws  a flood  of  light  on  the 
gradual  formation  of  the  representative  system,  and 
of  free  institutions  generally,  in  the  infant  Common- 
wealth. Its  commencement  is  not  a little  quaint,  and 
many  of  its  passages  are  highly  characteristic.  The 
parenthesis  will  not  fail  to  be  observed,  in  which 
the  Governor  naively  avers  that  even  those  who  op- 
posed his  election  “ all  loved  and  esteemed  him.”  If 
he  did  not  doubt  it  himself,  there  certainly  can  be 
no  reason  why  anybody  else,  at  this  late  day.  should 
raise  a question  on  the  subject. 

"22.]  The  court  of  elections  was  ; at  which  time  there  was 
a small  eclipse  of  the  sun.  Mr.  Winthrop  was  chosen  gover- 
nour  again,  though  some  laboring  had  been,  by  some  of  the 
elders  and  others,  to  have  changed,  not  out  of  any  dislike 
of  him,  (for  they  all  loved  and  esteemed  him,)  but  out  of 
their  fear  lest  it  might  make  way  for  having  a governour  for 
life,  which  some  had  propounded  as  most  agreeable  to  God’s 
institution  and  the  practice  of  all  well  ordered  states.  But 
neither  the  governour  nor  any  other  attempted  the  thing ; 
though  some  jealousies  arose  which  were  increased  by  two 
occasions.  The  first  was,  there  being  want  of  assistants,  the 
governour  and  other  magistrates  thought  fit  (in  the  warrant 
for  the  court)  to  propound  three,  amongst  which  Mr.  Down- 
ing,1 the  governour’s  brother-in-law,  was  one,  which  they  con- 

1 Emanuel  Downing,  Esq.,  who  married  Lucy  Winthrop,  the  Governor’s  sister.  He 
was  a lawyer  of  the  Inner  Temple  in  London,  and  was,  with  Winthrop,  one  of  the 
attorneys  of  the  Court  of  Wards.  He  had  come  over  to  New  England  in  1638. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROF. 


241 


ceived  to  be  done  to  strengthen  his  party,  and  therefore, 
though  he  were  known  to  be  a very  able  man,  etc.,  and  one 
who  had  done  many  good  offices  for  the  country  for  these 
ten  years,  yet  the  people  would  not  choose  him.  Another 
occasion  of  their  jealousy  was,  the  court,  finding  the  number 
of  deputies  to  be  much  increased  by  the  addition  of  new 
plantations,  thought  fit,  for  the  ease  both  of  the  country  and 
the  court,  to  reduce  all  towns  to  two  deputies.  This  occa- 
sioned some  to  fear,  that  the  magistrates  intended  to  make 
themselves  stronger,  and  the  deputies  weaker,  and  so,  in  time, 
to  bring  all  power  into  the  hands  of  the  magistrates  ; so  as 
the  people  in  some  towns  were  much  displeased  with  their 
deputies  for  yielding  to  such  an  order.  Whereupon,  at  the 
next  session,  it  was  propounded  to  have  the  number  of  depu- 
ties restored  ; and  allegations  were  made,  that  it  was  an  in- 
fringement of  their  liberty ; so  as,  after  much  debate,  and 
such  reasons  given  for  diminishing  the  number  of  deputies, 
and  clearly  proved  that  their  liberty  consisted  not  in  the 
number,  but  in  the  thing,  divers  of  the  deputies,  who  came 
with  intent  to  reverse  the  last  order,  were,  by  force  of  reason, 
brought  to  uphold  it ; so  that,  when  it  was  put  to  the  vote, 
the  last  order  for  two  deputies  only  was  confirmed.  Yet,  the 
next  day,  a petition  was  brought  to  the  court  from  the  free- 
men of  lioxbury,  to  have  the  third  deputy  restored.  Where- 
upon the  reasons  of  the  court’s  proceedings  were  set  down  in 
writing,  and  all  objections  answered,  and  sent  to  such  towns 
as  were  unsatisfied  with  this  advice,  that,  if  any  could  take 
away  those  reasons,  or  bring  us  better  for  what  they  did 
desire,  we  should  be  ready,  at  the  next  court,  to  repeal  the 
said  order. 

"The  hands  of  some  of  the  elders  (learned  and  godly  men) 
were  to  this  petition,  though  suddenly  drawn  in,  and  without 
due  consideration,  for  the  lawfulness  of  it  may  well  be  ques- 
tioned : for  when  the  people  have  chosen  men  to  be  their 
rulers,  and  to  make  their  laws,  and  bound  themselves  by  oath 
to  submit  thereto,  now  to  combine  together  (a  lesser  part  of 

31 


VOL.  II. 


242 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


them)  in  a public  petition  to  have  any  order  repealed,  which 
is  not  repugnant  to  the  law  of  God,  savors  of  resisting  an 
ordinance  of  God ; for  the  people,  having  deputed  others, 
have  no  power  to  make  or  alter  laws,  but  are  to  be  subject ; 
and  if  any  such  order  seem  unlawful  or  inconvenient,  they 
were  better  prefer  some  reasons,  etc.,  to  the  court,  with  mani- 
festation of  their  desire  to  move  them  to  a review,  than  per- 
emptorily to  petition  to  have  it  repealed,  which  amounts  to  a 
plain  reproof  of  those  whom  God  hath  set  over  them,  and 
putting  dishonor  upon  them,  against  the  tenor  of  the  fifth 
comm  an d ment . 

" There  fell  out  at  this  court  another  occasion  of  increasing 
the  people’s  jealousy  of  their  magistrates,  viz.  : One  of  the 
elders,  being  present  with  those  of  his  church,  when  they 
were  to  prepare  their  votes  for  the  election,  declared  his 
judgment,  that  a governour  ought  to  be  for  his  life,  alleging 
for  his  authority  the  practice  of  all  the  best  commonwealths 
in  Europe,  and  especially  that  of  Israel  by  God’s  own  ordi- 
nance. But  this  was  opposed  by  some  other  of  the  elders 
with  much  zeal,  and  so  notice  was  taken  of  it  by  the  people, 
not  as  a matter  of  dispute,  but  as  if  there  had  been  some 
plot  to  put  it  in  pi’actice,  which  did  occasion  the  deputies, 
at  the  next  session  of  this  court,  to  deliver  in  an  order  drawn 
to  this  effect : That,  whereas  our  sovereign  lord,  King  Charles, 
etc.,  had,  by  his  patent,  established  a governour,  deputy  and 
assistants,  that  therefore  no  person,  chosen  a counsellor  for 
life,  should  have  any  authority  as  a magistrate,  except  he 
were  chosen  in  the  annual  elections  to  one  of  the  said  places 
of  magistracy  established  by  the  patent.  This  being  thus 
bluntly  tendered,  (no  mention  being  made  thereof  before,) 
the  governour  took  time  to  consider  of  it,  before  he  would 
put  it  to  vote.  So,  when  the  court  was  risen,  the  magistrates 
advised  of  it,  and  drew  up  another  order  to  this  effect : That 
whereas,  at  the  court  in  [blank, ] it  was  ordered,  that  a certain 
number  of  magistrates  should  be  chosen  to  be  a standing 
council  for  life,  etc.,  whereupon  some  had  gathered  that  we 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


243 


had  erected  a new  order  of  magistrates  not  warranted  by 
our  patent,  this  court  doth  therefore  declare,  that  the  intent 
of  the  order  was,  that  the  standing  council  should  always 
be  chosen  out  of  the  magistrates,  etc.  ; and  therefore  it  is 
now  ordered,  that  no  such  counsellor  shall  have  any  power 
as  a magistrate,  nor  shall  do  any  act  as  a magistrate,  etc., 
except  he  be  annually  chosen,  etc.,  according  to  the  patent; 
and  this  order  was  after  passed  by  vote.  That  which  led 
those  of  the  council  to  yield  to  this  desire  of  the  deputies 
was,  because  it  concerned  themselves,  and  they  did  more 
study  to  remove  these  jealousies  out  of  the  people’s  heads, 
than  to  preserve  any  power  or  dignity  to  themselves  above 
others;  for  till  this  court  those  of  the  council,  viz.,  Mr. 
Endecott,  had  stood  and  executed  as  a magistrate,  without 
any  annual  election,  and  so  they  had  been  reputed  by  the 
elders  and  all  the  people  till  this  present.  „ But  the  order 
was  drawn  up  in  this  form,  that  it  might  be  of  less  obser- 
vation and  freer  from  any  note  of  injury  to  make  this  altera- 
tion rather  by  way  of  explanation  of  the  fundamental  order, 
than  without  any  cause  shown  to  repeal  that  which  had  been 
established  by  serious  advice  of  the  elders,  and  had  been  in 
practice  two  or  three  years  without  any  inconvenience.  And 
here  may  be  observed,  how  strictly  the  people  would  seem 
to  stick  to  their  patent,  where  they  think  it  makes  for  their 
advantage,  but  are  content  to  decline  it,  where  it  will  not 
warrant  such  liberties  as  they  have  taken  up  without  warrant 
from  thence,  as  appears  in  their  strife  for  three  deputies,  etc., 
when  as  the  patent  allows  them  none  at  all,  but  only  by  in- 
ference, etc.,  voting  by  proxies,  etc.” 

]STo  one  in  these  days  will  be  surprised  at  some  of 
the  jealousies  which  were  entertained  by  the  people  on 
this  occasion.  A jealousy  of  family  influence,  a jeal- 
ousy of  the  encroachment  of  the  executive  upon  the 
legislative  authority,  a jealousy  of  any  infringement  of 
the  right  of  petition,  a jealousy  of  governors  and  conn- 


244 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


sellors  for  life,  — all  these  were  just  and  wholesome. 
And  even  that  propensity  of  the  people  “ to  stick  to 
their  patent,  where  they  think  it  makes  for  their  advan- 
tage,” and  “ to  decline  it  where  it  will  not  warrant  such 
liberties  as  they  have  taken  up  without  warrant  from 
thence,”  is  a propensity  not  altogether  unworthy  of  re 
spect,  as  having  led  to  whatever  freedom  has  since  been 
anywhere  secured.  But  all  this  is  matter  for  history. 
The  following  passage  from  the  Journal  of  the  same 
date  belongs  more  appropriately  to  biography : — 

"The  governour  acquainted  the  general  court,  that,  in  these 
two  last  years  of  his  government,  he  had  received  from  the  In- 
dians, in  presents,  to  the  value  of  about  £40,  and  that  he  had 
spent  about  £20  in  entertainments  of  them  and  in  presents  to 
their  sachems,  etc.  The  court  declared,  that  the  presents  were 
the  govcrnour’s  due,  but  the  tribute  was  to  be  paid  to  the  treas- 
urer.” 

Here,  too,  is  an  entry,  dated  the  26th  of  the  same 
month,  which  gives  a glimpse  of  the  Governor’s  habits 
on  the  Lord’s  day,  as  well  as  of  the  inordinate  length 
of  Mr.  Hooker's  sermons  : — 

"26.]  Mr.  Hooker  being  to  preach  at  Cambridge,  the 
governour  and  many  others  went  to  hear  him,  (though  the  gov- 
ernour did  very  seldom  go  from  his  own  congregation  upon  the 
Lord’s  day).  He  preached  in  the  afternoon,  and  having  gone 
on,  with  much  strength  of  voice  and  intention  of  spirit,  about  a 
quarter  of  an  hour,  he  was  at  a stand,  and  told  the  people,  that 
God  had  deprived  him  both  of  his  strength  and  matter,  etc., 
and  so  went  forth,  and  about  half  an  hour  after  returned 
again,  and  went  on  to  very  good  purpose  about  two  hours.” 

Here,  again,  under  date  of  November,  1639,  is  an  ac- 
count of  a “ contestation  ” in  which  the  Governor  was 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


245 


engaged ; in  regard  to  the  merits  of  which  the  reader 

o o 7 o 

must  pronounce  for  himself : — 

" At  this  court  there  fell  out  some  contestation  between  the 
governour  and  the  treasurer.  Nicholas  Trerice  being  defendant 
in  a cause,  wherein  Mr.  Hibbins,  brother-in-law  to  the  treas- 
urer, was  plaintiff,  for  £500,  which  the  searchers  took  from 
him  in  the  ship,  whereof  Trerice  was  master,  and  the  defendant 
having  answered  upon  oath  to  certain  interrogatories  ministered 
unto  him,  (and  which  were  read  to  him  before  he  took  his 
oath,)  and  the  treasurer  pressing  him  again  with  the  same  in- 
terrogatory, the  governour  said,  he  had  answered  the  same 
directly  before.  The  treasurer  thereupon  said,  (angerly,)  Sir, 
I speak  not  to  you.  The  governour  replied,  that  time  was  very 
precious,  and,  seeing  the  thing  was  already  answered,  it  was  fit 
to  proceed.  Thereupon  the  treasurer  stood  up,  and  said,  if  lie 
might  not  have  liberty  to  speak,  he  would  no  longer  sit  there. 
The  governour  replied,  that  it  was  his  place  to  manage  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  court,  etc.  The  treasurer  then  said,  You  have 
no  more  to  do  in  managing  the  business' here  than  I.  At  which 
the  governour  took  offence,  as  at  an  injury  done  to  his  place, 
and  appealed  to  the  court  to  declare,  whether  he  might  not 
enjoin  any  of  the  magistrates  silence,  if  he  saw  cause.  The 
deputy  governour,  at  first  apprehension,  gainsaid  it ; but,  pres- 
ently, both  himself  and  the  rest  of  the  magistrates  (for  the  dep- 
uties were  without,  staying  till  this  cause  should  be  ended) 
did  agree,  that  he  might  so  do  for  a particular  time  ; and  if  the 
party,  so  enjoined  silence,  were  unsatisfied,  he  might  appeal 
to  the  whole  court,  who  might  give  him  liberty  to  speak, 
though  the  governour  had  restrained  him.  So  the  governour 
pressed  it  no  further,  yet  expected  that  the  court  would  not 
have  suffered  such  a public  affront  to  the  governour  to  have 
passed  without  due  reproof,  etc.  But  nothing  was  done,  save 
only  the  secretary  and  some  one  other  spake  somewhat  of  their 
dislike  of  it ; neither  did  it  occasion  any  falling  out  between  the 
governour  and  treasurer,  fin  the  governour  held  himself  suffi- 


246 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


ciently  discharged,  after  he  had  referred  it  to  the  consideration 
of  the  court,  so  as,  if  they  did  not  look  at  it  as  a public  injury, 
he  was  willing  to  account  of  it  accordingly.” 

Here,  still  again,  is  a record  for  December  of  this 
year  ; which  proves  that  Governor  Win  thro  p’s  early 
movement  in  the  cause  of  temperance,  which  we  have 
already  described,1  was  successfully  followed  up,  until 
the  custom  of  pledging  healths  on  festive  or  social  occa- 
sions was  solemnly  prohibited  by  law : — 

" (10.)]  At  the  general  court,  an  order  was  made  to  abol- 
ish that  vain  custom  of  drinking  one  to  another,  and  that  upon 
these  and  other  grounds  : 

"1.  It  was  a thing  of  no  good  use. 

" 2.  It  was  an  inducement  to  drunkenness,  and  occasion  of 
quarrelling  and  bloodshed. 

"3.  It  occasioned  much  waste  of  wine  and  beer. 

" 4.  It  was  very  troublesome  to  many,  especially  the  masters 
and  mistresses  of  the  feast,  who  were  forced  thereby  to  drink 
more  oft  than  they  would,  etc.  Yet  divers  (even  godly  per- 
sons) were  very  loath  to  part  with  this  idle  ceremony,  though 
(when  disputation  was  tendered)  they  had  no  list,  nor,  indeed, 
could  find  any  arguments,  to  maintain  it.  Such  power  hath 
custom,  etc.” 

Undoubtedly,  Winthrop  had  a principal  hand  in  the 
passage  of  this  order ; and  a loose  memorandum  found 
among  his  papers  contains  a sort  of  syllogistic  brief 
of  an  argument  which  he  probably  made  upon  the 
occasion.  It  is  in  the  following  words  : — 

" ( 1 . ) Such  a law  as  tends  to  the  suppressing  of  a vain  cus- 
tom ( quciUnus  it  so  doth)  is  a wholesome  law.  This  law  doth 
so,  — ergc . The  minor  is  proved  thus:  1.  Every  empty  and 


1 Ante,  pp.  52-3 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


247 


ineffectual  representation  of  serious  things  is  a way  of  vanity. 
But  this  custom  is  such  : for  it  is  intended  to  hold  forth  love 
and  wishes  of  health,  which  are  serious  things,  by  drinking, 
which,  neither  in  the  nature  nor  use,  it  is  able  to  effect ; for  it 
is  looked  at  as  a mere  compliment,  and  is  not  taken  as  an  argu- 
ment of  love,  which  ought  to  be  unfeigned,  — ergo.  2.  To 
employ  the  creature  out  of  its  natural  use,  without  warrant  of 
authority,  necessity  or  conveniency,  is  a way  of  vanity.  But 
this  custom  doth  so,  — ergo. 

" (2.)  Such  a law  as  frees  a man  from  frequent  and  needless 
temptations  to  dissemble  love,  etc.  (gquatenus  it  so  doth)  is  a 
wholesome  law.  But  this  doth  so,  — ergo.'" 

The  order  was  passed  by  the  General  Court,  on  the 
9tli  of  September,  1639,  in  the  following  words:  — 

"Forasmuch  as  it  is  evident  unto  this  Court,  that  the  comon 
custom  of  drinking;  one  to  another  is  a meere  useless  cere- 
mony,  and  draweth  [on]  that  abominable  practice  of  drinking 
healths,  and  is  also  an  occasion  of  much  wast  of  the  good  crea- 
tures, and  of  many  other  sins,  as  drunkennes,  quarelling, 
bloodshed,  uncleannes,  mispense  of  precious  time,  &c.,  woh  as 
they  ought  in  all  places  and  times  to  bee  prevented,  carefully 
pi'evented ; so  especially  in  plantations  of  churches  and  comon 
weales,  wherin  the  least  knowne  evills  are  not  to  bee  tollera- 
ted,  by  such  as  are  bound  by  soleme  covenant  to  walke  by  the 
rule  of  Gods  word  in  all  their  conversation,  — 

"It  is  therefore  ordered,  that  (after  the  publication  of  this 
order)  no  person  of  this  jurisdiction,  nor  any  other  person  who 
shall  hereafter  come  into  this  jurisdiction,  (after  one  weekes 
residence  heare,)  shall,  directly  or  indirectly,  by  any  color  or 
circumstance,  drinke  to  any  other,  contrary  to  the  intent  of  this 
order,  upon  paine  of  xijd,  to  bee  forfaited  for  every  offence,  to 
bee  levyed  by  the  cunstable,  by  order  from  any  magistrate,  or 
such  as  are  appointed  in  townes  to  determine  small  causes, 
upon  conviction  by  confession  of  the  party,  or  other  sufficient 
testimony  upon  oath,  to  bee  to  the  use  of  the  towne,  where  the 


248 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


offence  shall  bee  comitted,  and  of  the  party  complaining,  by 
equall  proportions.”1 

And  here,  finally,  as  a conclusion  of  the  present  chap- 
ter, as  it  is  of  the  first  volume  of  Mr.  Savage’s  edition 
of  the  “ History  of  Efew  England,”  is  Winthrop’s  ac- 
count of  an  interesting  correspondence  which  he  had 
with  Lord  Say  and  Sele  on  the  subject  of  an  attempt 
to  break  up  the  Massachusetts  Colony,  and  remove  it  to 
the  West  Indies,  — a scheme  which  was  afterwards  re- 
newed and  urged  by  no  less  distinguished  a person  than 
Oliver  Cromwell : — 

"It  came  over  by  divers  letters  and  reports,  that  the  Lord 
Say  did  labor,  by  disparaging  this  country,  to  divert  men  from 
coming  to  us,  and  so  to  draw  them  to  the  West  Indies;  and, 
finding  that  godly  men  were  unwilling  to  come  under  other 
governours  than  such  as  they  should  make  choice  of  them- 
selves, etc.,  they  condescended  to  articles  somewhat  suitable  to 
our  form  of  government,  although  they  had  formerly  declared 
themselves  much  against  it,  and  for  a meer  aristocratie,  and  an 
hereditary  magistracy  to  be  settled  upon  some  great  persons, 
etc. 

" The  governour  also  wrote  to  the  Lord  Say  about  the  report 
aforesaid,  and  therein  showed  his  lordship,  how  evident  it  was, 
that  God  had  chosen  this  country  to  plant  his  people  in,  and 
therefore  how  displeasing  it  would  be  to  the  Lord,  and  danger- 
ous to  himself,  to  hinder  this  work,  or  to  discourage  men  from 
supplying  us,  by  abasing  the  goodness  of  the  country,  which  he 
never  saw,  and  persuading  men,  that  here  was  no  possibility  of 
subsistence ; whereas  there  was  a sure  ground  for  his  children’s 
faith,  that,  being  sent  hither  by  him,  either  he  saw  that  the 
land  was  a good  land,  and  sufficient  to  maintain  them,  or  else 
he  intended  to  make  it  such,  etc.  To  this  letter  his  lordship 


1 Records  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  vol.  i.  p.  272 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


249 


returned  answer,  (not  denying  that  which  was  reported  of  him, 
nor  the  evidence  of  the  Lord’s  owning  the  work,  but)  alleging, 
that  this  was  a place  appointed  only  for  a present  refuge,  etc., 
and  that,  a better  place  being  now  found  out,  we  were  all  called 
to  remove  thither.” 

Most  gladly  would  we  have  given  here  Governor 
Winthrop's  letter  to  his  Lordship,  vindicating  New  Eng- 
land as  the  place  “ God  had  chosen  to  plant  his  people 
in,”  and  resenting  the  idea  of  abandoning  Massachusetts 
for  Jamaica.  It  must  have  been  one  of  his  most  earnest 
and  vigorous  efforts,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  tone  of 
the  reply.  This  reply  is  happily  still  extant  in  his  Lord- 
ship’s own  handwriting,  dated  July  9,  1640;  and  we 
give  it  in  the  Appendix.1  Winthrop  must  have  pleaded 
the  cause  of  Massachusetts  with  more  than  common 
warmth,  and  plied  his  scriptural  arguments  with  even 
an  unwonted  persistency,  to  call  out  so  long  and  spir- 
ited an  answer.  And  well  may  he  have  done  so ; for  he 
could  not  have  failed  to  feel  that  not  merely  all  the 
interests  that  were  dearest  to  himself  personally,  but  all 
the  best  hopes  of  civil  and  religious  freedom  for  pos- 
terity, were,  at  that  moment,  involved  in  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  Massachusetts  Colony  on  the  soil  on  which 
he  had  planted  it. 

1 Appendix  No.  ViLL 


VOL.  II. 


82 


250 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

ANOTHER  WILL.  LOSS  OF  PROPERTY.  SYMPATHY  AND  SUCCOR  OF 
FRIENDS.  DUDLEY  CHOSEN  GOVERNOR.  ANECDOTES. 

We  turn  once  more  to  a brief  notice  of  Governor 
Winthrop’s  pecuniary  circumstances,  which  were  now 
involved  in  sad  embarrassment  by  the  unfaithfulness  of 
his  steward.  We  have  already  seen  that  he  made  a will 
in  England,  ten  years  before  his  departure  for  America; 
and  it  has  been  given  at  length  in  our  previous  volume,1 
as  furnishing  the  best  evidence  of  his  domestic  condition 
at  that  period  of  his  life.  About  the  close  of  the  year 
1639,  he  appears  to  have  made  a second  will,  which  is 
not  less  valuable  as  an  illustration  of  the  state  of  his 
property  and  of  his  family  after  an  interval  of  twenty 
years.  The  testimony  it  bears  to  his  devoted  wife  and 
his  dutiful  son  would  alone  render  it  interesting  as  a 
part  of  the  family  history.  But  the  circumstances  under 
which  its  execution  was  postponed,  and  its  provisions 
finally  defeated,  give  it  a peculiar  importance  to  the 
right  understanding  of  his  career  and  character.  It 
was  as  follows  : — 

"I,  John  Winthrop  of  Boston  in  New  England  being 
(through  the  blessing  of  the  Lord)  in  good  health,  yet  consid- 
ering my  change  approaching  and  the  uncertainty  thereof,  and 


1 Life  and  Letters  of  John  Winthrop,  vol.  i.  pp.  151 .3 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


251 


desiring  (according  to  the  good  pleasure  of  the  Lord)  so  to  set- 
tle the  affairs  of  my  family,  as  when  the  Lord  shall  call  me  to 
himself,  I may  neither  be  troubled  with  the  care  of  these  out- 
ward things,  nor  for  want  thereof  may  leave  any  occasion  of 
strife  or  evil  report  behind  me,  do  in  the  name  and  fear  of  the 
Lord  ordain  this  my  last  will  and  testament,  though  I cahot 
make  it  so  full  and  exact  as  I would  in  many  particulars,  in 
regard  of  these  engagements  which  now  lie  upon  me,  and  the 
incertainty  of  my  estate  in  England,  yet  my  intent  is  that  this 
shall  stand  for  the  present  to  be  some  direction  to  my  execu- 
tors, etc.,  till  God  may  please  to  give  opportunity  of  altering 
the  same  in  a more  clear  way. 

"First  my  care  is  that  all  my  debts  and  duties  be  paid,  and 
for  that  end  I give  power  to  my  executors  to  sell  the  house  I 
dwell  in  at  Boston,  and  the  land  beyond  Powder-horn  hill,  and 
any  of  my  stock  and  moveables,  corn  on  the  ground,  my  part 
of  the  windmill,  and  interest  in  the  wear  at  Mistick.  And  for 
my  dear  wife,  who  hath  been  a faithful  help  to  me,  though  I left 
an  estate  for  her  in  England,  yet  being  doubtful  what  may 
become  of  that,  and  having  had  X.400  of  it  already,  my  will 
is,  she  should  be  maintained  in  a comfortable  and  honorable 
condition,  according  to  her  place,  and  as  my  estate  will  bear, 
therefore  I give  unto  her  half  my  farm  Tenhills  during  her  life, 
with  the  use  of  such  stock  as  shall  be  left  upon  it  (my  debts, 
etc.,  paid). 

"And  for  my  good  son  John,  who  hath  always  been  most 
loving  and  dutiful  to  me,  and  to  my  wife,  as  if  she  had  been  his 
natural  mother,  and  hath  cheerfully  departed  with  all  his  inter- 
est both  in  his  mother's  inheritance  and  mine,  to  a great  value, 
and  that  without  any  recompense,  I do  commend  him  to  the 
Lord  in  all  that  the  blessing  of  a father  may  obtain  for  an 
abundant  recompense  upon  him  and  his ; and  I do  give  unto 
him  the  other  moiety  of  my  farm  Tenhills,  with  the  stock  there- 
upon, and  after  the  decease  of  my  wife  the  whole,  to  remain  to 
him  and  his  heirs  forever. 

" I give  to  my  son  Adam  my  island  called  the  Governour’s 


252 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


Garden , to  have  to  him  and  his  heirs  forever ; not  doubting  but 
he  will  be  dutiful  and  loving  to  his  mother,  and  kind  to  his 
brethren  in  letting  them  partake  in  such  fruits  as  grow  there. 
I give  him  also  my  Indians1  there  and  my  boat  and  such  house- 
hold as  is  there. 

"I  give  to  my  son  Stephen  my  moiety  of  the  Isle  Prudence 
in  Narragansett  Bay,  which  with  his  part  of  the  reversion  of  his 
mother’s  estate  in  England  will  be  a good  portion,  for  it  will  be 
fit  she  should  dispose  some  part  of  it  to  her  other  sons,  accord- 
ing to  our  first  intention,  and  I hope  they  will  all  rest  satisfied 
at  their  mother’s  disposal  thereof. 

" I give  to  my  son  Deane  and  his  heirs  my  land  at  Pullen 
Point  with  the  40  acres  of  marsh  on  the  other  side  the  hill 
there  ; and  I must  leave  him  to  his  mother’s  care  to  furnish  him 
with  some  stock ; and  if  my  land  beyond  Powder-horn  hill  shall 
not  be  sold,  etc.,  then  I give  it  to  him  and  his  heirs. 

"I  give  to  my  son  Samuel  my  lot  at  Concord,  which  I intend 
to  build  upon,  if  God  give  life  and  means,  and  the  half  of  my 
farm  of  1200  acres  upon  Concord  river,  and  my  3 oxen  in 
Ephr.  Child’s  keeping. 

" All  the  rest  of  my  land  undisposed  of  (there  being  above 
2000  acres  still  due  to  me  from  the  country)  I give  to  my  son 
John  and  his  heirs,  whom  together  with  my  wife  I make  execu- 
tors of  this  my  last  will  and  testament,  and  my  will  is  that  all 
my  plate  and  other  household  and  books  shall  be  equally 
divided  between  them  ; and  my  wife  to  dispose  of  her  part  (be- 
sides her  own  jewels  and  other  peculiar  things  fit  for  her  own 
use)  as  herself  shall  think  fit. 

"I  will  that  John  Gager  shall  have  a cow,  one  of  the  best  I 
shall  have,  in  recompence  of  a heifer  his  father  bought  of  me, 
and  2 ewe  goats  and  10  bushels  of  Indian  corn.” 

Here,  somewhat  abruptly,  this  paper  seems  to  have 
been  brought  to  a close  on  the  29th  day  of  October, 

1 The  holding  of  Indian  captives  as  servants  and  the  disposing  of  them  as  prop- 
erty, was  not  uncommon  in  the  New-England  Colonies  at  this  time. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


253 


1639.  It  was  finished  and  signed  about  eighteen 
months  afterwards,  the  following  paragraph  of  revoca- 
tion having  been  added  : — 

"My  estate  becoming  since  much  decayed  through  the  un- 
faithfulness of  my  servant  Luxford,  so  as  I have  been  forced  to 
sell  some  of  my  land  already,  and  must  sell  more  for  satisfac- 
tion of  X.2600  debts,  whereof  I did  not  know  of  more  than 
L.300,  when  I intended  this  for  my  testament,  I am  now  forced 
to  revoke  it,  and  must  leave  all  to  the  most  wise  and  gracious 
providence  of  the  Lord,  who  hath  promised  not  to  fail  nor  for- 
sake me,  but  will  be  an  husband  to  my  wife  and  a father  to  our 
children,  as  he  hath  heretofore]  been  in  all  our  struggles. 
Blessed  be  his  holy  name. 

"Jo.  WlNTHROP. 

“(4)  25,  1641.” 

The  news  of  the  misconduct  of  his  bailiff  in  England, 
by  which  he  was  involved  in  so  serious  a loss,  reached 
Governor  Winthrop  towards  the  end  of  the  year  1639, 
and  was  the  occasion  of  much  sympathy  in  the  Colony.1 
Not  merely  the  friends  immediately  around  him,  but 
many  at  a distance,  seemed  eager  to  manifest  their 
emotions  on  the  occasion.  Gyles  Fyrmin,  afterwards  a 
celebrated  Nonconformist  minister  in  England,  writing 
to  him  from  Ipswich  about  this  time,  begins  his  letter 
thus : — 

" Much  honoured  and  deare  Sir, 

"But  that  I think  it  needlesse  (God  having  more  than  ordi- 
narye  fitted  you  for  such  trials)  my  letter  might  tell  you  with 
what  griefe  of  spii'it  I received  the  news  of  that  sad  affliction 


1 Some  .account  of  the  manner  in  which  Luxford  defrauded  Governor  Winthrop 
may  be  found  in  the  letters  of  John  Tinker,  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  4th  series,  vol.  vii.  pp. 
224,  225,  228. 


254 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


which  is  lately  happened  to  your  worship,  by  means  of  that 
unfaithful  wretch  ; I hope  God  will  find  a shoulder  to  help 
you  beare  so  great  a burthen.” 1 

It  was  about  this  time,  too,  that  the  Rev.  Ezekiel 
Rogers,  the  first  minister  of  Rowley,  wrote  to  him  as 
follows : “You  haue,  by  your  long  labours,  travailes  & 
adventures,  deserved  much  of  this  lande,  & my  pray- 
ers liaue  bene  of  late  more  than  ordinary,  & my  spirit 
raised  to  begge  that  the  Lorde  woulde  cause  all  of  us  to 
be  convinced  by  the  po wring  out  of  his  graces  on  you, 
that  you  are  even  that  man,  whose  person  & posterity 
he  meanes  to  make  an  example  to  after  ages  for  worth 
& blessings.” 2 

In  the  same  strain,  about  the  same  time,  wrote 
Emanuel  Downing : “ I am  confident,  you  hauing  spent 
yourselfe  & estate  in  this  honorable  service,  that  it  will 
redounde  to  your  greater  creditt  & honour  with  God 
& man,  than  if  you  had  gayned  riches  as  other  Gover- 
nours  doe,  both  in  Virginea  & elswhere.  & it  will  rise 
up  in  judgment  against  extorting  Governours,  that  shall 
be  set  over  the  people  in  succeeding  generations,  when 
yourselfe  shall  be  at  rest  reaping  the  fruits  of  your 
present  labours.”3 

And  here  are  two  charming  letters  of  consolation  and 
sympathy,  — one  of  them  from  his  worthy  friend,  J ohn 
Endicott,  at  Salem ; and  the  other  from  the  excellent 
Edward  Winslow,  of  Plymouth,  — of  which  not  a word 
can  be  spared  : — 


1 Hutchinson's  Papers,  p.  108. 

2 Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  vii.  pp.  209,  210,  4th  series.  We  give  in  the  Appendix 

(No.  VI.)  a rough  draft  of  the  reply  of  Winthrop,  which  may  serve  to  explain  some  of 
his  troubles  at  this  period.  8 Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  vi.  pp.  53,  64,  4th  series 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


255 


John  Endecott  to  John  Winthrop. 

“ To  the  right  Worshipfull  & my  truelie  honored  ffriend  Jo : 
Winthrop,  Esqr.  Governour,  dd. 

"Dearest  Sir,  — What  construction  you  may  put  vpon  my 
silence  I dare  not  conclude,  but  1 hope  the  best.  The  wise  man 
saith  that  a ffriend  loueth  at  all  tymes,  and  a brother  is  borne 
for  aduersitie.  And  here  is  my  griefe,  that  I cannot  shew  my 
selfe  either,  as  I desire  or  as  my  dutie  binds  [m]e.  I cannot 
excuse  my  not  writinge  (though  not  out  of  neglect).  But  the 
present  want  of  a more  reall  comfort  & effectuall  expression  of 
my  loue  & sendee  hath  hithervnto  hindred  mee.  If  I should 
say  I doe  not  truelie  & heartilie  reverence  & loue  you  & yours, 
I should  speak  against  my  conscience.  Yet  I cannot  satisfie 
my  selfe  with  sole  verball  expressions.  But  I desire  to  waite 
vppon  God  who  will  in  his  tyme  bring  all  our  matters  to  passe, 
& work  all  our  works  for  vs.  I haue  had  many  sad  thoughts 
about  your  afflicciou  yet  I neuer  doubted  to  this  howre  of  your 
comfortable  deliuerance.  I ame  thinking  sometimes  that  the 
Lord  is  trying  of  the  whole  Countrie,  not  but  that  hee  knowes 
their  hearts  &c.  well  enough,  but  hee  will  haue  you  to  see  their 
loues  & affeccons  towards  you  also.  Sometimes  I ame  thinking 
hee  is  vppon  the  tryall  of  your  selfe  in  the  exercise  of  your  faith 
& patience  & other  graces  : that  as  you  haue  bene  beneficiall  & 
helpfull  all  your  tyme  since  you  came  over,  in  the  course  hee 
had  sett  you,  now  hee  will  make  you  beneficiall  another  way  to 
vs  all  in  an  exemplarie  cheerefull  vndergoinge  of  Gods  afflicting 
hand  in  wisdom  & patience.  Sir  let  mee  say  thus  much  to  you, 
that  your  last  sickness  did  you  not  good  alone,  but  many  others 
also,  obseruinge  the  Lords  guidinge  of  your  spiritt  vnder  it : I 
blesse  the  Lord  I can  truely  say  I gayned  by  it ; & I know 
some  others  that  expi’est  the  same.  This  I am  confident  in. 
The  Lord  is  now  louinge  of  you  deerely,  and  his  corrections  are 
the  corrections  of  a louinge  ffather.  If  hee  will  haue  you  to 
be  poore  for  a little  while  it  is  to  make  you  richer  hereafter,  not 
onelie  heere  as  hee  did  Job,  but  for  euer  heereafter  to  all  eter= 


256 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


nitie.  I ame  glad  to  heere  you  are  chierfull,  yet  I know  (in 
respect  of  others)  your  cares  cannot  be  a few  & I feare  griefs 
also.  The  Lord  our  good  God  in  mercie  cary  you  through 
them  to  his  praise  & your  true  comfort.  I should  haue  bene 
with  you  at  Court,  but  I ame  aduised  by  all  my  friends  to  stay 
at  borne  this  tyme.  And  I was  the  more  easilie  drawen  vnto 
it,  because  I finde  my  selfe  worse  & worse  within  this  sennight 
then  I haue  bene  this  moneth  : my  cold  which  I haue  had  this 
moneth  or  5 weekes  increasing  vpon  mee,  & head  out  of  order 
vpon  euery  little  wett  in  my  feete.  I therefore  shall  desire  you 
good  Sir  to  excuse  mee  to  the  Deputie  & the  rest  of  the  Court, 
beseeching  the  Lord  in  mercie  to  sitt  amongest  you  & to  guide 
you  all  in  his  feare  to  doe  his  will.  To  whose  blessed  protec- 
tion I committ  you  and  rest 

"Your  Worshipps  truelie  & vnfeigned,  whiles  I ame 

" Jo : Endecott. 

“ Salem  the  2d  of  the  12  moneth  1639. 

"Myne  & my  wiefs  service  remembered  to  Mrs.  Wintrop 
your  deare  yoakefellow  & to  Mr.  Jo  : Wintrop  & his  wiefe  & 
our  true  loves  to  all  yours  with  you.  Your  sister’s  sonne  is 
named  after  your  name  — John.”1 

Edward  Winslow  to  John  Winthrop. 

"Worthy  Sir,  — Had  not  the  Almighty  (who  is  righteous 
in  the  middest  of  man’s  unrighteousness)  stirred  up  certain 
malicious  and  slanderous  persons  to  defame  me  with  impudent, 
false  and  shameless  reports,  to  my  no  small  grief  and  trouble, 
I had  been  with  you  before  this  day,  knowing  right  well  how 
comfortable  the  face  of  a friend  is  in  such  sad  conditions  as 
yours  at  present.  How  I have  been  and  am  affected  with  those 
losses  and  crosses  as  are  befallen  you  by  your  unfaithful  Ser- 
vant, he  that  made  the  heart  best  knoweth.  But  when  I 
consider  how  unhappy  a man  may  be,  in  the  fullest  and  most 
plentiful  enjoyment  of  worldly  treasures,  then  I judge  you 


1 Downing. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


257 


neerer  happiness  in  the  loss  of  them  ; not  doubting  but  our 
gracious  God  will  sanctify  his  hand  unto  you,  assuring  myself 
it  will  be  good  for  you  in  the  end.  How  prone  would  God’s 
people  be  to  have  their  hearts  ensnared  and  taken  up  with  the 
world,  and  the  riches  and  honors  thereof,  if  he  should  not 
sometimes  shew  us  their  vanity.  He  that  brought  Job  so  low 
(after  he  was  humbled  before  him)  blessed  his  latter  daies 
more  than  his  former.  We  have  to  doe  with  the  same  God  : 
He  can  do  what  he  will,  and  let  this  be  our  comfort,  he  will 
doe  what  is  best  for  us  : Therefore  let  us  shew  forth  his  praise 
by  patient  submitting  to  his  hand,  joining  there  with  a diligent 
enquiry  after  the  cause  twixt  him  and  ourselves.  I have  too 
often  used  a foolish  proverb,  I had  rather  be  envyed  than  pit- 
tyed  : But  I finde  by  lamentable  experience  God’s  word  true, 
that  none  can  stand  before  envy ; and  therefore  prefer  your 
condition  farre  before  mine  owne,  whom  I conceive  to  be  com- 
passed about  with  friends.  But  alas,  however  a friend  loves  at 
all  times,  now  is  the  time  of  tryall ; and  herein  (as  many  other 
waies)  I doubt  not  but  you  will  game  by  your  present  condi- 
tion ; which  the  Lord  in  mercy  grant.  What  you  wrote  to  our 
Governor  he  imparted  to  me.  Few  or  none  of  note  have  come 
from  your  parts  this  way  of  late,  by  reason  of  the  season  : So 
that  we  heare  not  what  order  you  have  taken  in  your  business. 
If  my  presence  may  in  any  way  stand  you  in  steed,  you  may 
command  it,  and  my  best  service  therewith.  I pray  you,  Sir, 
take  it  not  ill  that  I am  thus  plaine.  If  I fade  ’tis  occasioned 
by  my  love,  knowing  right  well  how  such  an  unexpected 
streight  may  pinch  a good  estate,  which  I should  be  very  sorry 
to  heare.  Be  you  and  yours  saluted  in  the  Lord,  to  whom  my 
prayers  are  that  his  comforts  may  exceed  your  crosses  : And  so 
desiring  your  prayers  take  leave,  remaining 
"Your  assured  friend, 

" sympathizing  with  you, 

"Edw.  Winslow.1 


“ Careswell,  this  17th  Mo.  ult.  1639.” 


VOL.  II. 


1 Hutchinson  Papers,  p.  111. 
33 


258 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


Here,  too,  is  a letter  from  Deane  Tyndal,  tlie  brothei 
of  Winthrop’s  wife,  which  shows  the  sympathy  which 
was  felt  for  him  by  his  relations  and  friends  in  Eng- 
land, as  soon  as  his  pecuniary  distress  was  understood 
by  them  : 1 — 

Deane  Tyndale  to  John  Winthrop . 

“ To  my  assured  loving  Brother  Mr.  John  Winthrop  att  Boston  in  New 
England  present  this. 

"Loving  & good  brother,  — I hope  you  understand  by 
my  letter,.  & by  Ml  Tinker  what  mony  I have  disburst  since 
the  sayle  of  your  land.  I have  payd  since  I received  your 
last  letter  XX/  to  Ml  Iverby,  & a 100/  to  Captaine  Rayns- 
borow,  & I was  wth  Mr.  Harris  att  the  signe  of  Ratheon 
Wheale  in  Gratious  Streete  to  have  payd  him  a 100/  accoi’ding 
to  your  direction,  but  he  heard  nothing  of  it,  nor  had  no  authori- 
tie  to  receive  it,  Soe  I keepe  it  in  my  handes,  & since  that  time  I 
have  binn  sent  to  by  one  M.r  Cootman  for  a 120/  but  haveing  no 
directions  from  you  to  pay  it  him,  I did  denie  him,  but  I tould 
him  that  there  was  a 100/  in  my  handes,  wch  I would  keepe  till 
I heard  whether  you  would  have  me  pay  it  him  or  Ml  Harris.  I 
have  set  downe  this  100/  in  my  account  to  you  as  if  I had  payd 
it  to  Ml  Harris,  but  I doe  acknowledge  I have  it  in  my  handes 
& will  neither  pay  it  to  Harris  nor  Cootman,  till  I heare  from 
you  wch  of  them  you  would  have  to  have  it.  My  Cosin  Deane 
Winthrop  not  lyldng  a tedious  sea  voyage  was  set  a shore  att 
Mali vo  & is  com  safe  to  me  in  England.  I know  not  whether 

O o 

he  can  provide  to  com  in  this  ship  but  he  sayth  he  will  make 
speede  to  you.  I will  send  you  a boy  or  two  when  he  corns  if 
I can  get  them,  but  I know  not  what  wages  you  use  to  give 
there,  nor  how  long  you  would  have  me  indent  wth  them  to 


1 A letter  from  Brampton  Gurdon,  Esq  , the  High  Sheriff  of  Suffolk  County,  Eng- 
land, offering  aid  from  himself  and  from  Sir  Nathaniel  Bamardiston  on  this  occasion, 
will  be  found  among  the  Winthrop  Papers,  printed  in  the  Collections  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Historical  Society,  vol.  vi.  4th  series,  p.  565. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


259 


serve,  you.  I will  doe  my  best  & if  I faile  in  anie  tiling  you 
must  pardon  my  ignorance.  I send  you  my  accounts  by  wch 
you  may  see  what  is  layd  out  of  the  2300/  & what  is  remayn- 
ing.  The  mony  that  is  remayning  in  my  handes  I desier  to 
keep  for  my  sister,  & the  younger  childrens  portions,  if  you 
please,  but  not  soe  strictly  but  that  if  you  have  occasion  to  use 
30/  or  40/  you  may  have  it  w1!1  all  my  hart,  for  I protest 
brother  I love  you  from  my  hart  & tender  your  reputation  as 
my  owne.  I thank  God  myselfe  & all  my  familie  are  in  good 
health.  My  wife  desiers  your  prosper! tie  & remembers  her 
faithfull  love  to  you.  The  Parlament  is  yet  siting  & there  is  an 
act  past  for  to  have  a parlament  every  third  yeare.  4 subsidies 
are  granted  & the  Lieutenant  of  Ireland  is  now  uppon  his  tryall 
but  nothing  yet  concluded  on.  It  is  reported  that  the  Bishops 
shall  have  no  more  voices  in  parlament.  The  Scots  are  still  att 
Newcastle.  What  I heare  more  you  shall  know  by  my  Cosin 
Deane.  And  now  desiering  the  almightie  to  power  his  blessings 
plentifully  uppon  you  I rest 

" Your  assured  loving  brother 


“ffi-om  Maplested  this  7 of  Aprill  1641.” 


"Deane  Tyndaee. 


The  earliest  allusion  to  this  severe  private  calamity, 
which  is  found  in  the  Governor’s  Journal,  is  in  the  way 
of  grateful  acknowledgment  to  the  Church  of  Boston,  at 
the  close  of  the  following  interesting  record  towards  the 
end  of  the  year  1639  : — 


" By  this  time  there  appeared  a great  change  in  the  Church 
of  Boston  ; for  whereas,  the  year  before,  they  were  all  (save 
five  or  six)  so  affected  to  Mr.  Wheelwright  & Mrs.  Hutchin- 
son, & those  new  opinions,  as  they  slighted  the  present  gov- 
ernor & the  pastor,  looking  at  them  as  men  under  a covenant 
of  works,  & as  their  greatest  enemies ; but  they  bearing  all 
patiently,  & not  withdrawing  themselves  (as  they  were  strongly 
solicited  to  have  done,)  but  carrying  themselves  lovingly  & 


260 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


helpfully  upon  all  occasions,  the  Lord  brought  about  the  hearts 
of  all  the  people  to  love  & esteem  them  more  than  ever  before, 
& all  breaches  were  made  up,  & the  Church  was  saved  from 
ruin  beyond  all  expectation;  which  could  hardly  have  been, 
(in  human  reason,)  if  those  two  had  not  been  guided  by  the 
Lord  to  that  moderation,  etc.  And  the  Church  (to  manifest 
their  hearty  affection  to  the  governour,  upon  occasion  of  some 
strait  he  was  brought  into  through  his  bailiff’s  unfaithfulness) 
sent  him  £200.” 

Governor  Winthrop  was  quite  ready,  we  may  be 
sure,  to  retire  from  public  service  under  the  imme- 
diate pressure  of  these  pecuniary  troubles,  and  thus  to 
secure  more  freedom  for  attention  to  his  private  affairs. 
Accordingly,  at  the  next  election,  he  seems  to  have 
gladly  concurred  in  the  proposition  to  choose  another 
Governor.  His  Journal  gives  the  following  account  of 
this  election,  and  of  the  generous  conduct  of  the  people 
and  of  the  court  towards  himself  on  the  occasion.  It 
bears  date  May  13,  1640:  — 

"The  court  of  elections  was  at  Boston,  and  Thomas  Dudley, 
Ksq.,  was  chosen  governour.  Some  trouble  there  had  been  in 
making  way  for  his  election,  and  it  was  obtained  with  some  dif- 
ficulty ; for  many  of  the  elders  labored  much  in  it,  fearing  lest 
the  long  continuance  of  one  man  in  the  place  should  bring  it  to 
be  for  life,  and,  in  time,  hereditary.  Beside,  this  gentleman 
was  a man  of  approved  wisdom  and  godliness,  and  of  much 
good  service  to  the  country,  and  therefore  it  was  his  due  to 
share  in  such  honor  and  benefit  as  the  country  had  to  bestow. 
The  elders,  being  met  at  Boston  about  this  matter,  sent  some 
of  their  company  to  acquaint  the  old  governour  [Winthrop] 
with  their  desire,  and  the  reasons  moving  them,  clearing  them- 
selves of  all  dislike  of  his  government,  and  seriously  professing 
their  sincere  affections  and  respect  towards  him,  which  he 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


261 


kindly  and  thankfully  accepted,  concurring  with  them  in  their 
motion,  and  expressing  his  unfeigned  desire  of  more  freedom, 
that  he  might  a little  intend  his  private  occasions,  wherein 
(they  well  knew)  how  much  he  had  lately  suffered  (for  his  bai- 
liff, whom  he  trusted  with  managing  his  farm,  had  engaged  him 
£2500  without  his  privity)  in  his  outward  estate.  This  they 
had  heard  of,  and  were  much  affected  therewith,  and  all  the 
country  in  general,  and  took  course,  (the  elders  agreeing  upon 
it  at  that  meeting,)  that  supply  should  be  sent  in  from  the  sev- 
eral towns  by  a voluntary  contribution,  for  freeing  of  those 
engagements ; and  the  court  (having  no  money  to  bestow,  and 
being  yet  much  indebted)  gave  his  wife  three  thousand  acres  of 
land,  and  some  of  the  towns  sent  in  liberally,  and  some  others 
promised,  but  could  perform  but  little,  and  the  most  nothing  at 
all.  The  whole  came  not  to  £500  whereof  near  half  came 
from  Boston,  and  one  gentleman  of  Newbury,  Mr.  Richard 
Dummer,  propounded  for  a supply  by  a more  private  way,  and 
for  example,  himself  disbursed  £100.” 

It  is  well  remarked  by  Mr.  Savage,  in  a note  upon 
this  passage,  that  u this  unexampled  liberality  to  Win- 
throp,  in  his  distress,  is  a more  satisfactory  proof  of  the 
high  estimation  in  which  he  stood  than  could  be  afford- 
ed by  the  most  elaborate  eloquence  of  eulogy.  ” 

Yet  Winthrop  did  not  wholly  escape  from  the  change 
of  favor  which  so  often  results  from  a change  of  for- 
tune. In  the  spring  of  1641,  we  find  the  following 
passage  in  his  Journal,  which  undoubtedly  relates  to 
himself.  We  know  not  who  was  associated  with  him 
in  the  proposed  indignity ; but  the  noble  tribute  of  John 
Cotton  must  have  been  an  abundant  antidote  for  any 
sting  which  such  a motion  could  have  inflicted  • — 

"At  this  session,  Mr.  Hathorn,  one  of  the  deputies,  and 
usually  one  of  their  speakers,  made  a motion  to  some  other  of 


262 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


the  deputies  of  leaving  out  two  of  their  ancientest  magistrates, 
because  they  were  grown  poor,  and  spake  reproachfully  of  them 
under  that  motion.  This  coming  to  Mr.  Cotton  his  knowl- 
edge, he  took  occasion  from  his  text,  the  next  lecture-day,  to 
confute,  and  sharply  (in  his  mild  manner)  to  reprove  such  mis- 
carriage, which  he  termed  a slighting  or  dishonoring  of  parents, 
and  told  the  country,  that  such  as  were  decayed  in  their  estates 
by  attending  the  service  of  the  country  ought  to  be  maintained  by 
the  country,  and  not  set  aside  for  their  poverty,  being  other- 
wise so  well  gifted,  and  approved  by  long  experience  to  be 
faithful.  This  public  reproof  gave  such  a check  to  the  former 
motion  as  it  was  never  revived  after.” 

For  the  present,  Winthrop  was  elected  again  at  the 
head  of  the  Board  of  Assistants  ; and  his  Journal  exhib- 
its no  abatement  of  interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  Colony. 
There  are  but  few  passages,  however,  during  this 
period,  which  throw  any  light  upon  his  personal  history. 
Here  is  one  which  gives  an  amusing  illustration  of  the 
superstitious  credulity  which  was  common  to  the  times  ; 
if,  indeed,  the  quaere  which  immediately  follows  it  was 
not  intended  to  intimate  that  the  Governor  was  himself 
sufficiently  sensible  that  the  event  which  he  so  gravely 
described  was  more  owing  to  the  absence  of  the  cat 
than  to  any  providential  discrimination  of  the  mice  : — 

"December  15.]  About  this  time  there  fell  out  a thing 
worthy  of  observation.  Mr.  Winthrop  the  younger,  one  of 
the  magistrates,  having  many  books  in  a chamber  where  there 
was  corn  of  divers  sorts,  had  among  them  one  wherein  the 
Greek  testament,  the  psalms  and  the  common  prayer  were  bound 
together.  He  found  the  common  prayer  eaten  with  mice,  every 
leaf  of  it,  and  not  any  of  the  two  other  touched,  nor  any  other 
of  his  books,  though  there  were  above  a thousand.1 


1 This  volume  is  still  extant,  and  is  now  in  my  own  possession.  The  mice  have 
stopped  gnawing  at  the  close  of  the  Marriage  Service,  and  just  before  the  Order  for  the 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


263 


"Quere,  of  the  child  at  Cambridge  killed  by  a cat.” 

Here  is  another  passage,  which  indicates  the  presence 
and  the  condition  of  the  African  race  in  the  Massachu- 
setts Colony  at  this  early  period : — 

"Mo.  2.  13.]  A negro  maid,  servant  to  Mr.  Stoughton  of 
Dorchester,  being  well  approved  by  divers  years’  experience,  for 
sound  knowledge  and  true  godliness,  was  received  into  the 
church  and  baptized.” 

And  here  is  a third  passage,  of  about  the  same  date, 
which  alludes  to  one  of  the  same  race,  and  gives  an  in- 
teresting picture  of  the  times : — 

"A  godly  woman  of  the  church  of  Boston,  dwelling  some- 
times in  London,  brought  with  her  a parcel  of  very  fine  linen 
of  great  value,  which  she  set  her  heart  too  much  upon,  and 
had  been  at  charge  to  have  it  all  newly  washed,  and  curiously 
folded  and  pressed,  and  so  left  it  in  press  in  her  parlor  over 
night.  She  had  a negro  maid  went  into  the  room  very  late, 
and  let  fall  some  snuff  of  the  candle  upon  the  linen,  so  as  by 
morning  all  the  linen  was  burned  to  tinder,  and  the  boards 
underneath,  and  some  stools  and  a part  of  the  wainscot  burned, 
and  never  perceived  by  any  in  the  house,  though  some  lodged  in 
the  chamber  over  head,  and  no  ceiling  between.  But  it  pleased 
God  that  the  loss  of  this  linen  did  her  much  good,  both  in  tak- 
ing off  her  heart  from  worldly  comforts,  and  in  preparing  her 
for  a far  greater  affliction  by  the  untimely  death  of  her  hus- 
band, who  was  slain  not  long  after  at  Isle  of  Providence.” 

We  close  our  chapter  with  a few  letters  which  belong 
to  this  period,  upon  the  last  of  which  the  reverend  pas- 

Visitation  of  the  Sick.  Winthrop  may  not  have  remembered,  that  Cicero,  in  one  of  his 
books  on  divination,  bestows  special  ridicule  on  precisely  such  a superstition  as  this. 
“ Nam  si  ista  sequimur,  quod  Platonis  Politiam  nuper  apud  me  mures  corroserunt,  de 
republica  debui  pertimescere : aut,  si  Epicuri  de  Voluptate  liber  rosus  esset,  putarem  an- 
nonam  in  maeello  cariorem  fore.”  — ii.  27. 


2(54 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


tor  of  the  Boston  Church  seems  to  have  endorsed  a 
Latin  postscript.  The  younger  Winthrop  was  at  Ips- 
wich when  these  letters  (without  date)  were  written : — 

John  Winthrop , Jr. , to  his  Father 

“ To  the  right  worll.  my  much  honored  father  John  Winthrop  Esqr. 

Gov.  dd  In  Boston. 

" Sir,  — My  humble  duty  to  your  selfe,  & my  deare  & hon- 
ored mother.  I thank  you  for  your  love  & kindnesse  to  my 
wife  & her  little  ones.  I expected  them  heere  by  the  last 
pinnace,  but  I find  it,  as  she  hath  told  me,  she  knows  not  how 
to  leave  you,  nor  how  to  part  with  my  mother,  when  she  is  with 
you  ; I desire  you  would  please  to  lett  her  returne  now.  I 
doubt  there  will  not  goe  any  pinnace  from  hence  this  weeke, 
therefore  I pray  be  pleased  to  speake  to  John  Gallop  to  bring 
them.  Joseph  Grafton  came  from  Pascataquache  the  last  Sab- 
ath  day,  there  was  noe  other  ship  come,  but  one  expected  by 
John  Trenorthy  dayly ; one  is  at  Richmond  Hand.  Mr.  Mar- 
shall & his  wife  being  in  a canoe  there  & one  other  man 
with  them,  the  canoe  was  overturned,  but  the  2 men  holding 
fast  upon  the  canoe  were  saved ; his  wife  was  drowned,  he  hav- 
ing hold  of  her  let  her  goe  to  save  him  selfe  : the  last  day  of  the 
weeke  there  was  a man  almost  drowned  here  in  the  narrow 
river  in  a canoe,  having  laden  his  canoe  so  deepe  with  dung 
that  she  sunke  under  him,  scarce  any  waves  stirring.  An  house 
was  burnt  heere  last  weeke  in  towne.  So  craving  your  prayers 
& blessing  I commend  you  to  the  Almighty  & rest 
" Your  obedient  son, 

"John  Winthrop.” 

John  Winthrop , Jr. , to  his  Father. 

"Sir,  — These  calling  in  this  night  intending  to  goe  towards 
Boston  to  morrow,  I am  bold  to  present  my  humble  duty  & my 
wives  to  your  selfe  & my  mother,  desiring  to  lett  you  under- 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


265 


stand  y*  we  are  in  good  health  (blessed  be  God)  wth  the  rest  of 
our  friends  here,  & at  my  uncle  Downings.  Heer  is  noe  news 
to  write  you  of.  Joseph  Grafton  was  on  friday  sevennight  at 
Pascataway,  having  made  his  voyage  hence  thither  and  back 
againe  in  3 daies,  but  there  was  noe  ship  come  then  to  the  Isle 
of  Sholes.  Just  now  one  came  to  me  y‘  came  from  Quinipiack 
certifying  yi  Mr.  Goose  was  arrived  there  : Before  he  came 
thence  he  saw  my  brother  Steven  there  well ; the  merchants 
there  were  about  to  hire  Mr.  Goose  his  ship  for  England,  but 
this  party  coming  out  of  the  bay,  I suppose  it  is  not  news  to 
you.  Last  weeke  one  having  laded  his  canoe  wth  wood  coming 
where  the  sea  was  a little  ruffe,  she  filled  presently  wth  water, 
but  not  sinking  right  downe  he  was  succoured  by  another  boate 
& so  saved.  Goodman  Giles  of  this  towne  came  to  me  this 
day  & told  me  he  had  order  for  Sergeant  Watson  by  your 
order  to  pay  me  10  bushells  of  corne,  but  having  no  notice 
thereof  from  you,  I doubted  it  might  be  some  mistake.  Thus 
craving  your  praiers  & blessing  I comend  you  to  the  Almighty 
& rest 

"Your  obedient  son 

"John  Winthrop. 

" Myselfe  & wife  salute  our  brothers  & friends  wth  you.” 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

“ To  my  loving  Son  Mr.  John  Winthrop  at  Ipswich. 

" Son,  — I received  your  letter  & do  bless  the  Lord  for  youi 
recovery  & the  welfare  of  your  family.  You  must  be  very 
careful  of  taking  cold  about  the  loins  ; & when  the  ground  is 
open,  I will  send  you  some  pepper-wort  roots.  For  the  flux, 
there  is  no  better  medecine  than  the  cup  used  two  or  three 
times,  &,  in  case  of  sudder,  torments,  a clyster  of  a quart  of 
water  boiled  to  a pint,  which,  with  the  quantity  of  two  or  three 
nutmegs  of  saltpetre  boiled  in  it,  will  give  present  ease. 

"For  the  pills,  they  are  made  of  grated  pepper,  made  up 
with  turpentine,  very  stiff,  & some  flour  withal ; and  four  or 

34 


VOL.  II. 


2 66 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


five  taken  fasting,  & fast  two  hours  after.  But  if  there  be  any 
fever  with  the  flux,  this  must  not  be  used  till  the  fever  is  re- 
moved by  the  cup.1  This  beai’er  is  in  great  haste,  & so  am  I. 
So  with  our  blessing  to  you  & yours,  & salutations  to  all,  etc., 
I rest 

"Your  loving  father, 

"Jo:  WlNTLIROP. 

"This  bearer  can  tell  you  all  the  news,  which  is  come  from 
England  by  the  fishing  ships,  &c. 

" iSalutem  tibi  tuceque  'plurimam  in  Christo  Jesu 

“ John  Wilson.  ” 


1 The  Governor,  and  his  son  John,  and  his  grandson  Wait-Still,  seem  to  have  been 
alike  noted,  in  successive  generations,  for  their  medical  recipes  of  divers  sorts.  The 
Governor  had  been  fortified  for  this  service  by  a collection  of  prescriptions  prepared  for 
him  by  Dr.  Edward  Stafford,  a London  physician  of  that  period,  of  which  an  admirable 
account  may  be  found  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Society  for  1862  (pp.  379- 
899),  by  my  accomplished  friend,  Dr.  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes. 


OF  JOHN  WIN  THRO  P. 


267 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

1641.  BELLINGHAM  CHOSEN  GOVERNOR.  BODY  OF  LIBERTIES. 

WARD’S  ELECTION  SERMON.  1642.  WINTHROP  RE-ELECTED  GOV- 
ERNOR. RICHARD  SALTONSTALL’S  BOOK.  WINTHROP’S  LETTERS. 

On  the  second  day  of  June,  1641,  Richard  Bellingham 
succeeded  Dudley  as  Governor,  and  John  Endicott 
was  chosen  Deputy  Governor.  Winthrop,  of  course,  was 
elected  one  of  the  Assistants,  and  was  not  wanting  to 
the  service  of  the  Colony.  It  was  a memorable  year 
in  Massachusetts  history,  as  the  following  account  of 
the  action  of  the  General  Court  from  his  Journal  will 
abundantly  show:  — 

" This  session  continued  three  weeks,  and  established  100 
laws,  which  were  called  the  Body  of  Liberties.  They  had 
been  composed  by  Mr.  Nathaniel  Ward,  (sometime  pastor  of 
the  church  of  Ipswich  : he  had  been  a minister  in  England,  and 
formerly  a student  and  practiser  in  the  course  of  the  common 
law,)  and  had  been  revised  and  altered  by  the  court,  and  sent 
forth  into  every  town  to  be  further  considered  of,  and  now  again 
in  this  court,  they  were  revised,  amended,  and  presented,  and 
so  established  for  three  years,  by  that  experience  to  have  them 
fully  amended  and  established  to  be  perpetual.”  * 


1 The  “ Body  of  Liberties  ” will  be  found,  “ now  first  printed,”  in  the  eighth  volume, 
third  series,  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society’s  Collections,  with  a most  interest- 
ing and  valuable  account  of  “ The  Early  Laws  of  Massachusetts,”  by  the  late  Hon. 
Francis  C.  Gray. 


268 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


This  same  ITathaniel  Ward,  who  will  be  longer  re- 
membered as  the  author  of  “ The  Simple  Cobler  of 
Agawam  ” than  even  as  the  author  of  “ The  Body 
of  Liberties,”  had  preached  the  election  sermon  at  the 
beginning  of  the  session,  advancing  some  doctrines  from 
which  Winthrop  dissented,  and  which  he  discusses  at 
length  in  his  Journal.  “ In  his  sermon,”  he  says,  “ he 
delivered  many  useful  things,  hut  in  a moral  and  politi- 
cal discourse,  grounding  his  propositions  much  upon  the 
old  Roman  and  Grecian  governments,  which  sure  is  an 
error,  for  if  religion  and  the  word  of  God  makes  men 
wiser  than  their  neighbors,  and  these  times  have  the 
advantage  of  all  that  have  gone  before  us  in  experience 
and  observation,  it  is  probable  that  by  all  these  helps, 
we  may  better  frame  rules  of  government  for  ourselves, 
than  to  receive  others  upon  the  bare  authority  of  the 
wisdom,  justice,  etc.,  of  those  heathen  commonwealths.” 

Other  questions  arose  during  the  session  of  this  Gen- 
eral Court  which  occasioned  much  discussion  in  which 
Winthrop  evidently  took  a leading  part;  and  his  Jour- 
nal contains  many  elaborate  arguments  in  regard  to 
them.  But  we  find  nothing  which  furnishes  any  new 
illustration  of  his  career  or  character ; and  so  we  pass 
on  without  delay  to  the  incidents  of  another  and  still 
more  memorable  year. 

The  year  1642  saw  Winthrop  restored  to  the  Chief 
Magistracy  of  the  Colony ; not  however,  it  would  seem, 
without  some  heart-burning  on  the  part  of  his  old  rival, 
Thomas  Dudley.  Perhaps  there  may  have  been  two 
versions  to  the  story  in  that  day,  as  there  are  to  almost 
every  story  in  our  own  day.  But,  if  there  ever  were 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


269 


two,  only  one  has  come  down  to  us ; and  that  is  con- 
tained in  the  following  passage  from  the  Governor’s 
Journal,  dated  May  18  : — • 

" The  court  of  elections  was.  Mr.  Winthrop  was  again 
chosen  governour,  and  Mr.  Endecott  deputy  governour.  This 
being  done,  Mr.  Dudley  went  away,  and  though  he  were  chosen 
an  assistant,  yet  he  would  not  accept  it.  Some  of  the  elders 
went  to  his  house  to  deal  with  him.  His  answer  was,  that  he 
had  sufficient  reasons  to  excuse  and  warrant  his  refusal,  which 
he  did  not  think  fit  to  publish,  but  he  would  impart  to  any  one 
or  two  of  them  whom  they  should  appoint,  which  he  did  accord- 
ingly. The  elders  acquainted  the  court  with  what  they  had 
done,  but  not  with  the  reasons  of  his  refusal,  only  that  they 
thought  them  not  sufficient.  The  court  sent  a magistrate 
and  two  deputies  to  desire  him  to  come  to  the  court,  for  as 
a counsellor  he  was  to  assist  in  the  general  court.  The  next 
day  he  came,  and  after  some  excuse  he  consented  to  accept  the 
place,  so  that  the  court  would  declare  that  if  at  any  time  he 
should  depart  out  of  the  jurisdiction,  (which  he  protested  he  did 
not  intend,)  no  oath,  either  of  officer,  counsellor,  or  assistant 
should  hold  him  in  any  bond  where  he  stood.  This  he  desired, 
not  for  his  own  satisfaction,  but  that  it  might  be  a satisfaction 
to  others  who  might  scruple  his  liberty  herein.  After  much 
debate,  the  court  made  a general  order  which  gave  him  satis- 
faction.” 

And  now  we  have  an  account  of  fresh  controversies 
growing  out  of  the  institution  of  the  Standing  Council, 
or  Council  for  Life.  Only  three  persons  had  ever  been 
elected  as  members  of  this  body,  — Winthrop,  Dudley, 
and  Endicott ; and  it  had  been  virtually  abolished, 
within  three  years  after  its  establishment,  by  a formal 
declaration,  that  “ no  person  chosen  a councillor  for  life 
should  have  any  authority7  as  a magistrate,  except  he 


270 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


were  chosen  in  the  annual  elections  to  one  of  the  places 
of  magistracy  established  by  the  patent.”  But  the 
nominal  life-tenure  still  remained ; and  the  fewer  there 
were  who  enjoyed  it,  the  more  it  savored  of  aristocracy, 
and  the  more  jealousy  it  excited.  The  Governor  shall 
now  tell  us  by  whom  and  in  what  form  that  jealousy 
was  manifested : — 

" A book  was  brought  into  the  court,  wherein  the  institution 
of  the  standing  council  was  pretended  to  be  a sinful  innovation. 
The  governour  moved  to  have  the  contents  of  the  book  exam- 
ined, and  then,  if  there  appeared  cause,  to  inquire  after  the 
author.  But  the  greatest  part  of  the  court,  having  some  inti- 
mation of  the  author,  of  whose  honest  intentions  they  were 
well  persuaded,  would  not  consent,  only  they  permitted  it  to  be 
read,  but  not  to  be  spoken  unto,  but  would  have  inquiry 
first  made  how  it  came  into  the  court.  Whereupon  it  was 
found  to  have  been  made  by  Mr.  Saltonstall,  one  of  the  assist- 
ants-i  and  by  him  sent  to  Mr.  Hathorn  (then  a deputy  of  the 
court)  to  be  tendered  to  the  court,  if  he  should  approve  of  it. 
Mr.  Hathorn  did  not  acquaint  the  court  with  it,  but  delivered 
it  to  one  of  the  freemen  to  consider  of,  with  whom  it  remained 
about  half  a year,  till  he  delivered  it  to  Mr.  Dudley.  This  dis- 
covery being  made,  the  governour  moved  again  that  the  matter 
of  the  book  might  be  considered,  but  the  court  could  not  agree  to 
it  except  Mr.  Saltonstall  were  first  acquit  from  any  censure  con- 
cerning the  said  book.  This  was  thought  to  be  a course  out 
of  all  order,  and  upon  that  some  passages  very  offensive  and 
unwarrantable  were  mentioned,  about  which  also  the  court 
beino-  divided,  the  sfovernour  moved  to  take  the  advice  of  the 
elders  concerning  the  soundness  of  the  propositions  and  argu- 
ments. This  the  court  would  not  allow  neither,  except  the  whole 
cause  were  referred  also,  which  he  thought  sure  they  would  have 
accepted,  for  the  cause  being  of  a civil  nature,  it  belonged  to  the 
court,  and  not  to  the  elders,  to  judge  of  the  merit  thereof.  In 


OF  JOHN  WINTHKOP. 


271 


the  end,  a day  or  two  after,  when  no  further  proceeding  was 
otherwise  like  to  be  had,  it  was  agreed,  that  in  regard  the  court 
was  not  jealous  of  any  evil  intention  in  Mr.  Saltonstall,  etc., 
and  that  when  he  did  write  and  deliver  it,  (as  was  supposed) 
there  was  an  order  in  force,  which  gave  liberty  to  every  freeman 
to  consider  and  deliver  their  judgments  to  the  next  court  about 
such  fundamental  laws  as  were  then  to  be  established,  (whereof 
one  did  concern  the  institution  and  poAver  of  the  council,) 
therefore  he  should  be  discharged  from  any  censure  or  further 
inquiry  about  the  same,  which  was  voted  accordingly,  although 
there  were  some  expressions  in  the  book  which  would  not  be 
warranted  by  that  order,  as  that  the  council  was  instituted  un- 
warily to  satisfy  Mr.  Vane's  desire,  etc.,  whereas  it  was  well 
known  to  many  in  the  court,  as  themselves  affirmed,  that  it  was 
upon  the  advice  and  solicitation  of  the  elders,  and  after  much 
deliberation  from  court  to  court.  Other  passages  there  were 
also,  Avhich  were  very  unsound,  reproachful  and  dangerous,  and 
was  manifested  by  an  answer  made  thereunto  by  Mr.  Dudley, 
and  received  at  the  next  session  of  the  court,  and  by  some  ob- 
servations made  by  Mr.  Norris,  a grave  and  judicious  elder, 
teacher  of  the  church  in  Salem,  (and  with  some  difficulty  read 
also  in  court,)  Avho,  not  suspecting  the  author,  handled  him 
somewhat  sharply  according  to  the  merit  of  the  matter.” 

The  passage  from  the  Governor’s  history  just  given 
would  seem  to  leave  it  in  doubt,  after  all,  whether  the 
subject  of  the  book  was  or  was  not  referred  to  the  con- 
sideration of  the  elders.  But,  a few  months  afterwards, 
we  find  the  elders  in  full  conclave  at  Ipswich,  and  pro- 
nouncing solemn  judgment  upon  the  tvliole  matter. 
The  Governor  tells  the  story,  under  date  of  Oct  18,  as 
follows : — 

"8.  18.]  All  the  elders  met  at  Ipswich  ; they  took  into  con- 
sideration the  book  Avhich  was  committed  to  them  by  the  general 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


272 

court,  and  were  much  different  in  their  judgments  about  it,  but 
at  length  they  agreed  upon  this  answer  in  effect. 

" Whereas  in  the  book,  there  were  three  propositions  laid 
down,  and  then  the  application  of  them  to  the  standing  council, 
and  then  the  arguments  enforcing  the  same : the  propositions 
were  these  : — 

"1.  In  a commonwealth,  rightly  and  religiously  constituted, 
there  is  no  power,  office,  administration,  or  authority,  but  such 
as  are  commanded  and  ordained  of  God. 

"2.  The  powers,  offices,  and  administrations  that  are  or- 
dained of  God,  as  aforesaid,  being  given,  dispensed,  and  erected 
in  a Christian  commonwealth  by  his  good  providence,  propor- 
tioned by  his  rule  to  their  state  and  condition,  established  by  his 
power  against  all  opposition,  carried  on  and  accompanied  with 
his  presence  and  blessing,  ought  not  to  be  by  them  either 
changed  or  altered,  but  upon  such  grounds,  for  such  ends,  in 
that  manner,  and  only  so  far  as  the  mind  of  God  may  be 
manifested  therein. 

"3.  The  mind  of  God  is  never  manifested  concerning  the 
change  or  alteration  of  any  civil  ordinance,  erected  or  estab- 
lished by  him  as  aforesaid  in  a Christian  commonwealth,  so  long 
as  all  the  cases,  counsels,  services,  and  occasions  thereof  may 
be  duly  and  fully  ended,  ordered,  executed,  and  performed 
without  any  change  or  alteration  of  government. 

"In  their  answer  they  allowed  the  said  propositions  to  be 
sound,  with  this  distinction  in  the  1st.  viz.  That  all  lawful 
powers  are  ordained,  etc.,  either  expressly  or  by  consequence, 
by  particular  example  or  by  general  rules. 

" In  the  applications  they  distinguished  between  a standing 
council  invested  with  a kind  of  transcendent  authority  beyond 
other  magistrates,  or  else  any  kind  of  standing  council  distinct 
from  magistrates  ; the  former  they  seem  implicitly  to  disallow ; 
the  latter  they  approve  as  necessary  for  us,  not  disproportionable 
to  our  estate,  nor  of  any  dangerous  consequence  for  disunion 
among  the  magistrates,  or  factions  among  the  people,  which 
were  the  arguments  used  by  the  author  against  our  council. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


273 


Some  passages  they  wish  had  been  spared,  and  other  things 
omitted,  which,  if  supplied,  might  have  cleared  some  passages, 
which  may  seem  to  reflect  upon  the  present  councils,  which 
they  do  think  not  to  be  of  that  moment,  but  that  the  upright- 
ness of  his  intentions  considered,  and  the  liberty  given  for  ad- 
vice, according  to  the  rules  of  religion,  peace,  and  prudence, 
they  would  be  passed  by. 

" Lastly,  they  delare  their  present  thoughts  about  the  mould- 
ing and  perfecting  of  a council,  in  four  rules. 

" 1.  That  all  the  magistrates,  by  their  calling  and  office, 
together  with  the  care  of  judicature,  are  to  consult  for  the  pro- 
vision, protection,  and  universal  welfare  of  the  commonwealth. 

" 2.  Some  select  men  taken  out  from  the  assistants,  or  other 
freemen,  being  called  thereunto,  be  in  especial,  to  attend  by  way 
of  council,  for  the  provision,  protection,  and  welfare  of  the 
commonwealth. 

" 3.  This  council,  as  counsellors,  have  no  power  of  judica- 
ture. 

"4.  In  cases  of  instant  danger  to  the  commonwealth,  in  the 
interim,  before  a general  court  can  be  called,  (which  were  meet 
to  be  done  with  all  speed,)  what  shall  be  consented  unto  and 
concluded  by  this  council,  or  the  major  part  of  them,  together 
with  the  consent  of  the  magistrates,  or  the  major  part  of  them, 
may  stand  good  and  firm  till  the  general  court.” 

And  now  we  come  to  a newly  discovered  letter  of  the 
Governor’s,  which  supplies  fresh  illustration  of  his  own 
views  both  of  the  book  and  of  its  author,  as  well  as  of 
the  Standing  Council  which  had  given  occasion  to  the 
strife.  We  can  only  give  it  from  the  rough  draught, 
written  in  Winthrop’s  least  legible  hand,  and  without 
either  address,  date,  or  signature.  But  it  has  been 
kindly  and  carefully  deciphered  by  the  Champollion  of 
the  Governor’s  hieroglyphics  (Mr.  Savage),  who  thinks 
it  was  addressed  either  to  the  Rev.  Nathaniel  Rogers,  or 

35 


VOL.  II. 


274 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


to  the  Rev.  Nathaniel  Ward,  the  Simple  Oobler  of  Aga- 
wam. Winthrop  was  as  much  ‘‘without  guile”  himself, 
when  he  wrote  it,  as  either  of  these  Nathaniels  could 
have  been ; and  it  is  pleasant  to  find  him  testifying  so 
cordial  a regard  to  the  son  of  his  old  friend  and  as- 
sociate, Sir  Richard  Saltonstall.  Nor  can  we  doubt  the 
sincerity  of  his  racy  remark,  that,  “ for  the  office  of 
Councillor,  he  was  no  more  in  love  with  the  honor  or 
power  of  it,  than  with  an  old  frieze  coat  in  a summer’s 
day.” 

John  Winthrop  to . 

" Rev.  and  dear  Sir,  — I heartily  thank  you  for  your  lov- 
ing pains  in  resolving  my  objections,  which  were,  some  of  them, 
I see,  over  curious  and  needless.  I am  clearly  satisfied  in  that 
which  was  the  main  occasion  of  my  trouble ; and  your  laying 
open  the  grounds  and  reasons  of  the  particular  parts  of  your 
answer  makes  it  clear  to  me,  that  your  intentions  were  sincere, 
without  partiality,  and  your  main  aim  truth  and  peace,  for 
which  I bless  the  Lord,  and  crave  pardon  for  my  unsufficient 
jealousies  ; and  though  I cant  concur  with  you  in  everything, 
yet,  being  satisfied  in  the  main,  I can  well  be  silent  in  the  rest : 
the  Lord  will  clear  his  own  truth  in  his  own  time. 

"For  matter  of  temptation,  it  maybe  as  you  suspect,  but 
truly  I cant  find  wherein  the  strength  of  it  should  lie,  for,  as  for 
the  gentleman  himself,  he  hath  ever  been,  and  still  is,  dear  to 
me,  and  many  friendly  offices  have  passed  between  us,  both  for- 
mer and  later,  and  so  we  are  like  to  continue  (for  aught  I 
know.)  For  the  office  of  C.  I am  no  more  in  love  with  the 
honor  or  power  of  it,  than  with  an  old  frieze  coat  in  a summer’s 
day  ; therefore,  when  it  was  propounded  to  have  the  power  taken 
away,  I never  opposed,  but  presently  drew  up  the  order  for  it, 
and  shall  be  as  ready  to  do  the  like  for  the  abrogation  of  it,  if 
it  be  so  dissolved.  Neither  will  those  speeches  I used  in  the 
court  about  the  book  or  the  author,  (if  I might  be  justly  dealt 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


275 


with,  to  be  heard  before  I were  censured)  argue  any  indul- 
gent affection  in  me  towards  the  office  or  disaffection  to  the 
author,  for  I professed  my  agreement  with  those  that  cleared 
him  ; only  I differed  in  this,  that  I would  have  had  it  done  in 
an  orderly  way.  I would  have  had  the  book  first  read,  and  the 
Court  to  have  determined  of  the  matter  of  it,  before  they  had 
meddled  with  the  author ; but  finding  the  Court  to  be  bent  the 
contrary  way,  I drew  up  an  order  for  his  clearing,  as  full  and 
safe  for  him  as  any  himself  could  have  drawn.  As  for  any 
conspiracy  against  his  life1  or  &c.  I never  heard  it  (to  my  best 
remembrance)  so  much  as  propounded  by  any  of  the  magis- 
trates for  that  or  any  other  censure,  but  only  that  he  might  be 
questioned  for  it.  The  Lord  knows,  that  that  which  I write  is 
the  truth,  'whatsoever  you  have  heard  to  the  contrary.  If  you 
discern  any  temptation  to  lie  elsewhere,  I shall  take  it  as  one 
fruit  of  your  love  to  discover  it,  and  help  to  heal  me.  So,  de- 
siring still  to  enjoy  your  faithful  counsel  and  prayers,  I heartily 
salute  you,  and  rest” 

On  the  back  of  this  letter  the  Governor  has  written 
a series  of  propositions,  evidently  relating  to  the  same 
subject,  and  having  special  reference,  it  would  seem,  to 
the  consultations  and  decisions  of  the  elders.  They  are 
as  follows : — 

"1.  I conceived,  that  verum  & sanum  were  not  convertible. 

" 2 . That  lawful  ordinary  power  could  not  be  said  to  be 
transcendent,  only  in  respect  of  the  officer  to  whom  the  dispen- 
sation of  it  is  committed. 

" 3 . That  though  the  matter  of  the  scripture  be  always  a 
rule  to  us,  yet  not  the  phrase,  for  I should  not  say,  that  a man 
who  should  sleep  40  hours  did  sleep  3 days  and  3 nights ; or 
that  he  who  breaks  one  of  the  king’s  laws  breaks  all  &c. 


1 It  seems  almost  impossible  that  so  serious  a suggestion  could  have  been  anywhere 
made,  yet  the  word  is  unquestionably  life  in  the  original. 


276 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


"4.  I suppose,  that  an  example,  or  similitude,  if  it  agreed  in 
the  thing  intended,  was  proper,  though  it  agreed  not  in  all  parts. 

"5.  That  infirmity  maintained  with  obstinacy  may  prove 
wickedness,  therefore  principiis  obstare  might  be  according 
lo  prudence  in  such  a case. 

" 6.  That  such  a dispensation  of  power  as  in  the  Advice  is 
presented  could  not  be  adequate  to  all  the  ordinary  occasions  of 
the  commonwealth. 

" 7 . I could  find  nothing  omitted  that  might  save  the  author’s 
reputation  (being  but  one  of  the  youngest  in  authority  amongst 
us)  and  nothing  inserted  (more  than  one  word  of  ordinary  com- 
pliment) that  might  vindicate  the  credit  of  that  Standing  Coun- 
cil, though  they  be  3 to  one,  and  ancientest  in  practice  of 
government. 

"8.  I did  not  conceive,  that  liberty  for  advice  would  have 
been  taken  so  largely  as  to  be  a shelter  to  all  that  was  in  that 
book,  so  far  as  it  is  applied. 


" That  whatsoever  is  transcendent  is  above  all  Rules  ; and  so 
also  transcendent  power  must  be  above  all  Laws  ; and  that  can 
be  no  other  but  Tyranny. 

" That  such  an  observation  of  all  the  Elders,  in  so  solemn  a 
way,  would  make  us  more  obnoxious  to  the  people’s  censure, 
than  all  that  the  book  can  fix  upon  us. 

" That  though  the  Answer  should  prove  so  exact,  as  it  might 
be  written  upon  (as  now  it  is  reformed)  in  nullo  erratum , yet 
it  might  have  been  of  use  to  have  added  some  such  Apology  as 
might  have  prevented  the  misapprehensions  of  weak  judgments.” 

But  this  convocation  of  the  elders  would  appear  to 
have  called  forth  another  and  more  elaborate  letter  from 
the  Governor,  and  one  of  more  general  interest.  Only 
a fragment  of  it  remains  ; but  that  fragment  is  not  with- 
out some  of  the  best  characteristics  of  its  author’s  com- 
position. Dated  just  four  days  before  their  session,  it 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


277 


could  have  been  addressed  to  none  other  than  the 
ciders  at  Ipswich ; and  it  forms  a fit  introduction  to 
an  account  of  that  great  controversy  about  “ the  Neg- 
ative V oice  ” which  agitated  the  Colony  at  this  time  far 
more  than  any  question  about  Mr.  Saltonstall’s  book  or 
the  Council  for  Life.  We  give  the  fragment  as  we 
find  it,  reserving  the  account  of  that  memorable  con- 
troversy for  our  next  chapter  : — - 

John  Winthrop  to . 

(a  fkagmestt.) 

. . . "general  Councell  of  the  State  only:  & therefore,  in 
their  first  institution,  they  were  appointed  as  the  representative 
bodye  of  the  freemen ; & therefore,  where  the  people  cannot 
exercise  Judicature  in  their  owne  persons,  though  they  have 
power  to  substitute  others,  there  their  deputies  are  not  Judges 
in  waye  of  such  an  ordinance  : & I feare  least  this  hath  been  a 
great  cause  of  Gods  withholdinge  so  much  of  his  presence  from 
us,  since  that  Court  hath  dealt  so  frequently  in  judging  pri- 
vate Causes,  to  which  they  have  no  ordinary  callinge,  that  I 
knowe  : for  our  Saviour  teaches  us,  that  everye  man  that  shall 
exercise  power  of  Judgml  over  others,  must  be  able  to  prove  his 
callinge  thereto.  Not  that  I deny  that  Court  all  power  of  Judi- 
cature, (for  the  body  of  the  freemen  may  exercise  it,  in  some 
transcendent  cases,  where  other  remedye  fayles)  but  in  small  & 
ordinary  Causes,  which  properly  belonge  to  other  inferiour 
courts,  I see  no  Rule  to  warrant  our  practice  (but  of  this  onely 
obiter.).  Now  you  may  judge,  how  much  it  concerned  the 
honor  of  the  Court  that  (when  so  much  blame  was  layd  upon  it 
through  the  whole  countrye)  it  might  be  knowne,  how  the  opin- 
ion & advice  of  /he  magistrates,  or  the  greater  part  of  them, 
stood  in  the  case. 

" One  thinge  more  I shall  make  bould  to  commende  to  your 
wise  consideration,  as  g matter  of  great  concernment : I under- 


278 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


stande,  there  is  a purpose  in  some  to  possess  the  people  with 
this  opinion,  that  it  is  the  power  of  the  negative  vote  in  the 
magistrates,  that  hath  occasioned  all  the  late  troubles,  & there- 
fore they  should  take  it  awaye  at  the  next  Court  of  Elections, 
& because  it  is  knowne  that  diverse  of  the  magistrates  are  not 
like  to  consent  to  it,  they  must  therefore  be  lefte  oute  (which 
wilbe  very  acceptable  to  some  of  them)  & others  putt  in  then- 
places,  &c. 

” If  it  should  so  fall  out,  I may  bouldly  saye,  I knovve  not 
any  thing  could  be  more  dishonourable  & dangerous  to  our 
State  ; dishonourable  it  would  be,  to  take  the  power  from  those 
whom  the  Country  picks  out,  as  the  most  able  for  publick  ser- 
vice, & putt  it  into  the  hands  of  others,  whom  they  passe  by, 
as  the  more  weak ; dangerous  also  it  wilbe,  for  it  will  raze  the 
foundation  of  our  Government,  so  as  I can  make  it  appeare,  that 
whatsoever  the  deputies  shall  determine  without  the  consent  of 
the  greater  part  of  the  magistrates,  wilbe  of  no  validitye  : for 
if’  our  power  be  derived  from,  or  have  any  relation  to,  our  Pa- 
tent, it  is  so  fixed  in  the  Governour  & assistants,  as  (how  many 
soever  shalbe  joyned  to  them,  as  coadjutors  or  counsellors  &c. 
yet)  the  maine  strengthe  of  Authoritye  (in  point  of  dispensa- 
tion) will  rest  in  them,  & can  by  no  lawe  be  avoided,  unlesse 
we  will  erecte  a new  frame  of  Government  upon  a new  founda- 
tion, which  (I  suppose)  is  far  from  our  intentions.  As  for  the 
inconveniences,  which  are  objected,  they  are  but  ungrounded 
suppositions,  as  first  This  : what  if  the  magistrates  should 
growe  corrupt  &c?  this  is  no  more  to  be  feared,  than  of  the 
deputies,  & if  of  both,  then  of  all  the  rest  of  the  people,  & if 
so,  then  it  is  past  remedye. 

" Againe,  if  the  Court  of  Assistance  doe  injustice,  or  mistake 
in  any  cause,  what  help  is  there,  if  the  magistrates  have  a nega- 
tive vote  in  the  Generali  Court?  To  this  it  may  allso  be  an- 
swered : what  remedye  will  there  be,  if  the  Generali  Court 
should  erre,  or  doe  injustice?  there  must  be  a stoppe  some- 
where : yet  this  remedye  there  is,  if  the  magistrates  have  erred 
it  is  not  unlike  but  they  will  hearken  to  better  advice  in  the 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


279 


General  Court ; but  if  they  will  not,  they  may  be  turned  out 
& better  put  in  their  places,  & then  they  may  be  called  to 
account  for  any  miscarriage. 

" The  last  thing  that  I will  trouble  your  patience  with  at  the 
present  is  about  a position  maintained  in  the  Countrye  (&  those 
none  of  the  worst)  that  it  should  be  dangerous  for  the  Com- 
monwealth to  have  the  magistrates  united  in  Love  & affection, 
therefore  cai-e  to  be  had,  that  there  be  no  kindred,  affinitve,  or 
close  amitye  betweene  them  : but  that  they  should  rather  be 
divided  in  factions  &c.  : If  this  passe  for  good  doctrine,  then 
let  us  no  longer  professe  the  Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ,  but  take 
up  the  rules  of  Matchiavell,  & the  Jesuits,  for  Christ  sayth, 
Love  is  the  Bond  of  perfection,  & a kingdome  or  house  divided 
cannot  stand : but  the  others  teache  (or  rather  the  Devill  teach- 
eth  them)  divide  et  impera  &c.  I need  write  no  more  of  this, 
your  owne  observation  of  what  advantage  hath  come  to  the 
countrye  by  the  late  divisions  & oppositions  amongst  us,  will 
call  upon  your  care  and  faithfullnesse  to  putt  your  hande  for 
tymely  preventing  the  like. 

"The  ende  of  my  writing  to  you  about  these  matters,  is  both 
to  discover  to  you  the  dangers  I have  discerned,  & allso  to 
crave  your  advice  & helpe,  so  far  as  the  power  & dutye  of  your 
place  in  the  Churches,  doth  call  for  it  from  you  : If  in  any  thing 
I be  mistaken,  I shall  thankfully  accept  your  loving  corrections, 
but  for  the  sinceritye  of  my  heart,  & serious  intentions  for  the 
publick  good  of  all  estates,  my  witnesse  is  heaven,  to  whose 
Judgment  I must  stande  : So  earnestly  craving  the  continuance 
of  your  prayers,  with  a thankfull  acknowledgment  of  the  many 
testimonyes  of  your  love  towards  me,  beseeching  the  Lord  in 
my  dayly  petitions  still  to  owne  & blesse  yourselves  and  your 
labours,  for  the  further  advancement  of  the  kingdome  of  his 
Sonne  in  this  part  of  the  world,  I take  leave  & rest 
"Your  brother  & fellow  helper  in  the  Lord’s  worke 

" Jo  : Wfnthrop. 


Boston  (8)  14. 1642 


280 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE  STRAY  SOW  AND  THE  NEGATIVE  VOICE. 

We  read  in  the  great  Roman  epic,  that,  after  vEneas 
had  been  driven  about  from  island  to  island,  and  was 
almost  in  despair  of  finding  a place  for  building  a city 
which  should  furnish  a home  for  those  who  had  tied 
with  him  from  burning  Troy,  he  was  at  length  assured 
that  the  site  of  the  future  Rome  should  be  designated 
by  a white  sow,  which  he  should  find  lying  on  the 
ground,  surrounded  by  a litter  of  thirty  young  ones,  to 
which  she  had  just  given  birth. 

“Is  locus  urbis  erit;  requies  ea  certa  laborum.”  1 

The  white  sow,  which  has  thus  become  classical  in 
connection  with  the  foundation  of  the  greatest  city  of 
the  ancient  world,  seems  to  have  been  destined  to  play  a 
hardly  less  conspicuous  part  in  the  early  history  of  our 
modern  Massachusetts.  The  Governor  tells  the  whole 
story  so  well,  that  it  would  be  unfair  both  to  him  and 
to  the  reader  to  attempt  any  abridgment  of  his  descrip- 
tion. It  bears  date  June  22,  1642,  and  furnishes  an 
excellent  specimen  of  his  style  of  narration. 

"At  the  same  general  court  there  fell  out  a great  business 
upon  a very  small  occasion.  Anno  1636,  there  was  a stray  sow 


1 iEn.  lib.  iii.  v.  393. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


281 


in  Boston , which  was  brought  to  Captain  Keayne  : he  had  it 
cried  divers  times,  and  divers  came  to  see  it,  but  none  made 
claim  to  it  for  near  a year.  He  kept  it  in  his  yard  with  a sow 
of  his  own.  Afterwards  one  Sherman’s  wife,  having  lost  such  a 
sow,  laid  claim  to  it,  but  came  not  to  see  it,  till  Captain  Keayne 
had  killed  his  own  sow.  After  being  showed  the  stray  sow,  and 
finding  it  to  have  other  marks  than  she  had  claimed  her  sow  bv, 
she  o-ave  out  that  he  had  killed  her  sow.  The  noise  hereof 

O 

being  spread  about  the  town,  the  matter  was  brought  before  the 
elders  of  the  church  as  a case  of  offence ; many  witnesses  were 
examined,  and  Captain  Keayne  was  cleared.  She  not  being 
satisfied  with  this,  by  the  instigation  of  one  George  Story,  a 
young  merchant  of  London,  and  kept  in  her  house,  (her  hus- 
band being  then  in  England,)  who  had  been  brought  before  the 
governour  upon  complaint  of  Captain  Keayne  as  living  under 
suspicion,  she  brought  the  cause  to  the  inferior  court  at  Boston, 
where,  upon  a full  hearing,  Captain  Keayne  was  again  cleared, 
and  the  jury  gave  him  £3  for  his  cost,  and  he  bringing  his 
action  against  Story  and  her  for  reporting  about  that  he  had 
stolen  her  sow,  recovered  £20  damages  of  either  of  them. 
Story  upon  this  searcheth  town  and  country  to  find  matter 
against  Captain  Keayne  about  this  stray  sow,  and  got  one  of 
his  witnesses  .to  come  into  Salem  court  and  to  confess  there  that 
he  had  forsworn  himself ; and  upon  this  he  petitions  in  Sher- 
man’s name,  to  this  general  court,  to  have  the  cause  heard 
again,  which  was  granted,  and  the  best  part  of  seven  days  were 
spent  in  examining  of  witnesses  and  debating  of  the  cause  ; and 
yet  it  was  not  determined,  for  there  being  nine  magistrates 
and  thirty  deputies,  no  sentence  could  by  law  pass  without  the 
greater  number  of  both,  which  neither  plaintiff  nor  defendant 
had,  for  there  were  for  the  plaintiff  two  magistrates  and  fifteen 
deputies,  and  for  the  defendant  seven  magistrates  and  eight  dep- 
uties, the  other  seven  deputies  stood  doubtful.  Much  conten- 
tion and  earnestness  there  was,  which  indeed  did  mostly  arise 
from  the  difficulty  of  the  case,  in  regard  of  cross  witnesses,  and 
some  prejudices  (as  one  professed)  against  the  person,  which 

36 


VOL.  II. 


282 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


bliuded  some  men’s  judgments  that  they  could  not  attend  the 
true  nature  and  course  of  the  evidence.  For  all  the  plaintiff’s 
witnesses  amounted  to  no  more  but  an  evidence  of  probability, 
so  as  they  might  all  swear  true,  and  yet  the  sow  in  question 
might  not  be  the  plaintiff’s.  But  the  defendant’s  witnesses  gave 
a certain  evidence,  upon  their  certain  knowledge,  and  that  upon 
certain  grounds,  (and  these  as  many  and  more  and  of  as  good 
credit  as  the  others,)  so  as  if  this  testimony  were  true,  it  was 
not  possible  the  sow  should  be  the  plaintiff’s.  Besides,  whereas 
the  plaintiff’s  wife  was  admitted  to  take  her  oath  for  the  marks 
of  her  sow,  the  defendant  and  his  wife  (being  a very  godly 
sober  woman)  was  denied  the  like,  although  propounded  in  the 
court  by  Mr.  Cotton,  upon  that  rule  in  the  law,  [Wa»7c]  he  shall 
swear  he  hath  not  put  his  hands  to  his  neighbor’s  goods.  Yet 
they  both  in  the  open  court  solemnly,  as  in  the  presence  of 
God,  declared  their  innocency,  etc.  Further,  if  the  case  had 
been  doubtful,  yet  the  defendant’s  lawful  possession  ought  to 
have  been  preferred  to  the  plaintiff’s  doubtful  title,  for  in 
equcili  jure  melior  est  conditio  possidentis.  But  the  defend- 
ant being  of  ill  report  in  the  country  for  a hard  dealer  in  his 
course  of  trading,  and  having  been  formerly  censured  in  the 
court  and  in  the  church  also,  by  admonition  for  such  offences, 
carried  many  weak  minds  strongly  against  him.  -And  the  truth 
is,  he  was  very  worthy  of  blame  in  that  kind,  as  divers  others 
in  the  countiy  were  also  in  those  times,  though  they  were  not 
detected  as  he  was  ; yet  to  give  every  man  his  due,  he  was  very 
useful  to  the  country  both  by  his  hospitality  and  otherwise. 
But  one  dead  fly  spoils  much  good  ointment. 

"There  was  great  expectation  in  the  country,  by  occasion  of 
Story’s  clamours  against  him,  that  the  cause  would  have  passed 
against  the  captain,  but  falling  out  otherwise,  gave  occasion 
to  many  to  speak  unreverently  of  the  court,  especially  of  the 
magistrates,  and  the  report  went,  that  their  negative  voice  had 
hindered  the  course  of  justice,  and  that  these  magistrates  must 
be  put  out,  that  the  power  of  the  negative  voice  might  be  taken 
away.  Thereup  m ,t  was  thought  fit  by  the  governour  and 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


283 


other  of  the  magistrates  to  publish  a declaration  of  the  true 
state  of  the  cause,  that  truth  might  not  be  condemned  un- 
known. This  was  framed  before  the  court  brake  up  ; for  pre- 
vention whereof,  the  governour  tendered  a declaration  in  nature 
of  a pacification,  whereby  it  might  have  appeared,  that,  howso- 
ever the  members  of  the  court  dissented  in  judgment,  yet  they 
were  the  same  in  affection,  and  had  a charitable  opinion  of  each 
other ; but  this  was  opposed  by  some  of  the  plaintiff’s  part,  so 
it  was  laid  by.  And  because  there  was  much  laboring  in  the 
country  upon  a false  supposition,  that  the  magistrate’s  negative 
voice  stopped  the  plaintiff  in  the  case  of  the  sow,  one  of  the 
magistrates  published  a declaration  of  the  necessity  of  uphold- 
ing the  same.  It  may  be  here  inserted,  being  but  brief.” 

The  declaration  here  referred  to,  and  which  was  un- 
doubtedly written  by  Governor  Winthrop  himself,  was 
not  inserted  in  the  Journal,  as  proposed,  and  is  not  to 
be  found  among  his  own  manuscripts.  But  a contempo- 
raneous copy  of  it  has  recently  been  discovered  in  the 
library  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society  at  Wor- 
cester ; and  we  have  been  kindly  permitted  to  print  it 
for  the  first  time  in  this  volume.  It  is  not  in  the  hand- 
writing of  Governor  Winthrop.  We  doubt  whether 
even  the  signature  is  his : and  certainly  the  spelling  and 
abbreviations  differ  widely  from  those  which  he  was 
accustomed  to  use.  But  it  was  unquestionably  one  of 
the  manuscript  copies  prepared  for  circulation  among 
the  magistrates  and  people,  — that  being  the  ordinary 
mode  of  publishing  papers  at  that  day.  It  is  as  fol- 
lows : - — 


284 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


" Att  the  generall  Courtt 
" (3)  18  — 1642. 

“ A breaviate  of  the  Case  betwene  Richard  Sheareman  pit.  by  petition  & Capt.  Robert 

Keaine  defend  aboute  the  title  to  A Straye  Sowe  supposed  to  be  broughtt  fro  Deare 

Hand  about  (9)ber  1636 

" The  poynts  in  the  Case  agreed. 

v'  1 The  pit  had  a Sowe  all  white,  Saue  a black  Spott  vnder 
the  eye  of  the  biggnesse  of  a Shilling  & a ragged  Eare, 

" 2 This  Sowe  was  Carryed  to  deare  Hand. 

" 3 Noe  pfe  thatt  it  was  brought  back,  onely  pbablie  itt 
might  be  though  neare  40  Swine  miscaryed  there  thatt  yeare. 

” 4 The  defend  had  a straye  Sowe  soposed  to  be  brought  fro 
Deare  Hand  that  yeare. 

" 5 This  Sowe  was  Cryed  divers  tymes,  & many  came  & 
sawe  her,  in  the  tyme  the  defend1  keept  her,  wch  was  betwene 
one  & .3.  yeares. 

" 6 The  defendt  had  before  this  tyme,  a faire  white  Sowe 
of  his  owne  wch  he  keept  in  his  yarde  wth  the  straye  Sowe  aboue 
a yeare. 

"7  The  defenat  killed  one  of  these  Sowes  about  (8ber)  1637. 

" 8 The  plts  wife  soone  after,  charged  the  defend  to  haue 
killed  her  Sowe. 

" 9 The  defendt  shewing  the  plts  wife  the  Sowe  wcl1  remained 
aliue,  she  disclaimed  itt. 

" 10.  Upon  Complaint  of  ye  plts  wife,  the  cause  was  brought 
to  ye  Elders  (as  matter  of  offence)  & vpon  hearing  all  Allega- 
tions & the  most  materiall  wittnesses  on  booth  parts,  the  defendt 
was  cleared. 

"The  cause  thus  rested  till  (2  — 1640  and  then  the  plts  wife 
brought  itt  to  the  Inferyer  Courte  att  Bosto  where  (vpon  a full 
hearinge)  the  Jurye  founde  for  ye  defendt  & awarded  him  about 
3U  costs. 

"12  Now  (about  2 yeares  after)  the  pl'.f  brings  the  cause 
(by  petition)  into  the  generall  Courte  declyning  the  Court  of 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


285 


A.ssistants  to  woh  itt  pplye  belonged,  & declares  againe  for  the 
So  we  wch  was  killed  (8ber  — 37.) 

"the  evidence. 

” p.  p>l‘  Two  or  three  wittnesses  that  the  Sowe  killed  ( 

37  had  sume  such  black  spott  vnder  the  Eye  & some  cutts  or 
rao'p'es  on  the  eare. 

" p cleft  1 This  contradickted  by  more  wittnesses  ( wch  yet 
may  be  reaconsiled  by  other  wittnesses  of  the  pi1.3  (viz)  that 
the  defents  owne  Sowe  had  sume  such  spott  there  aboute  in  the 
skinne  butt  not  in  the  haire  & soe  might  not  be  easy  to  discerne 
when  the  haire  was  thick,  but  apparent  when  the  heire  was  off. 

"2  pued  by  .6.  or  .7.  wittnesses  whoe  then  lived  in  the  de- 
fend famelye,  but  are  all  gone  since  (but  one  or  two)  y4  this 
Sowe  was  the  defend13  owne  & bought  of  one  Houghton. 

” p pit  ffor  the  other  Sowe,  wcb  was  aliue  a yeare  after, 
diuers  wittnesses  that  this  Sowe  had  such  marks  as  the  pH 

"11  more  wittnesses  (&  of  as  good  credytt)  that  this  Sowe 
(which  was  the  straye)  had  other  markes  & not  such  as  the  plk 
claimed  itt  by. 

" Itt  was  clearelye  pued  that  this  was  the  onlye  straye  Sowe 
the  defendt  had,  that  this  was  offered  to  be  shewed  to  the  plts 
wife  before  the  first  Sowe  was  killed  though  att  another  tyme 
denyed  her,  for  some  reasons  then  alledged  by  the  defend  & 
that  she  was  shewed  itt  after,  in  thee  defend  yeard  & confidently 
disclaimed  itt  as  none  of  hers.  And  now  againe,  vpon  her 
Oath  in  the  Courtt  did  claime  A sowe  by  other  markes,  & not 
such  as  this  Sowe  had. 

" ffor  A 3 Sowe  never  spoaken  off  before  this  Courte. 

" p pl‘  A wittnesse  or  2 that  they  sawe  a 31  Sowe  in  the 
defents  yarde. 

"y>  defe 1 This  can  be  of  noe  waight  against  soe  manye 
wittnesses  to  the  contrarye 

" 2 This  . 31  Sowe  is  not  pued  to  have  such  markes  as  the 
pH 

"3  This  might  be  one  of  the  breede  of  the  other  sowes,  or 


286 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


some  Neighrs  swine  taken  in  the  defentts  garden  and  keept  vp 
wth  his  owne,  till  the  owner  fetched  it  awaye. 

" 4 the  plts  claime  & the  scope  of  his  Euidence  being  for  the 
Sowe  killed  aboute  (8)ber  — 37  if  he  fade  of  that,  the  Courte  is 
not  to  seeke  out  a Sowe  for  him. 

" The  whole  Eauidence  is  thus  Ballanced  — 

" p pll.  The  testimon  consider3  apt  amount  to  a phable  eaui- 
dence, that  the  defend  had  & converted  to  his  owne  vse  the  plts 
Sowe. 

" Ball ? The  testimonyes  reaching  noe  further,  maye  albe 
true,  & yett  the  defentl  not  guiltye,  nor  anye  of  these  Sowes 
the  plb 

” p defa  The  testimonyes  (whither  considered  aptt  or  wth 
the  other)  afforde  Euidence  of  Certaintye,  raised  vpon  certaine 
grownds,  as  occasion,  opportunitye,  familiaritye,  freaquencye,  &c. 

" Ball f If  this  testimonye  be  true,  Itt  is  not  possible  the 
defend  should  be  guiltye,  or  anye  of  these  Sowes  the  plb 

" ffor  Instance, 

"Joseph  wanders  alone  in  the  wildernesse,  his  Coate  is 
founde  torne  & bloudie,  he  is  never  heard  off  for  manye  yeares  : 
vpon  this  pbable  euidence,  Jacob  concluds  that  Joseph  was  de- 
uowred  of  a wilde  beast : But  when  evidence  of  certaintye 

comes  out  of  Aegipt  that  he  was  ther  aliue,  & Lord  of  Egipt, 
the  former  teuidence  was  invailed  & the  spirit  of  Jacob  reviued, 
& now  he  concluds  he  was  liuing,  though  he  knewe  not  how  he 
should  come  thither,  or  how  he  should  be  soe  advansed  there. 
Now  lett  anye  impartiall  hande  hold  the  scales  while  Religion 
& sounde  reason  give  J udp-mf  in  the  case. 

"Yett  (if  neede  were)  this  might  be  added,  that  whereas  the 
plb  wife  was  allowed  to  take  her  Oath  for  the  markes  of  her 
Sowe,  the  defend  & his  wife  (being  denyed  the  like  libertye) 
came  voluntarelye  into  ye  Court  & solomelye  in  the  preasence  of 
God  declared  .1.  that  ye  Sowe  wch  was  first  killed  was  there 
owne.  .2.  that  ye  Sowe  wch  remained  & was  shewed  the  plb 
wife  & wch  she  disclaimed  was  the  Straye  Sowe.  .3.  that  they 
never  had  any  other  straye  Sowe. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


287 


"This  cause  (after  the  best  p*  of  .7.  dayes  spent  in  Examina- 
tio  & agitation)  is  by  the  breakeing  vp  of  the  Courte  dismissed, 
not  by  occasion  of  A negatiue  voate  in  ye  Magistrats  (as  is  mis- 
reported)  but  by  a fundamentall  & Just  lawe  agreable  to 
sounde  reason  as  shall  appeare  (the  Lord  willinge)  in  due 
season : The  lawe  was  made  vpon  searious  consideratio  & 
Aduise  wth  all  ye  Elders  (1)  1635  to  this  effect. 

"Noe  Lawe  Sentence,  &c.  shall  passe  as  an  act  of  the 
Courte,  wthout  the  consent  of  the  greater  p1  of  the  magistrats 
of  the  one  pte  & the  greater  number  of  the  deaputies  on  the 
other  parte. 

" There  were  prsent  in  the  courte,  when  the  voate  was  to 
be  taken  .9.  Magistrats  & 30  Deaputies  whoe  had  all  heard 
the  cause  examined  and  argued,  soe  as  noe  centance  could  be 
legally  passed  wthout  consent  of  5 magistrats  and  16  deaputies, 
wch  neither  pf  nor  defend  had,  for  there  were  but  2 magist”  & 
.15.  depute  for  the  plf  & .7.  magist?  & 8.  depute  for  the  defend! 
the  other  .7.  stood  doubtfull.  yett  was  there  noe  necessitye, 
that  the  cause  might  not  haue  bene  brought  to  an  issue,  for 
eyther  the  Court  might  haue  Argued  the  Case  againe  (by  wch 
meanes  some  who  were  doubtfull  might  haue  come  to  be  rea- 
solued  or  others  might  haue  changed  their  Judguff  & soe  haue 
pceeded  to  a new  voate,  or  else  Coihittyes  might  haue  bene 
Chosen,  to  order  the  Cause  according  to  Lawe. 

" That  this  is  the  true  state  of  ye  Case  for  the  substance  of 
itt,  as  it  hath  bene  considered  & allowed,  by  other  of  my 
breethren  & Assotiats  booth  Magistrats  & deaputies  ( wth  our 
pseedings  therein  & weh  we  shall  not  be  ashamed  (by  the  Lords 
helpe)  to  avouch  & maintaine,  before  all  ye  world,  I do  heare 
affirme  vnder  my  hand  : dated  att  Bosto.  this  .5.-15  — 1642. 

"John  Wintiirop  goer” 

This  declaration  would  seem  not  to  have  been  decisive 
of  the  question ; and,  in  the  following  year,  we  find  the 
strife  about  the  sow  and  the  negative  voice  revived. 
The  Journal  of  1643  contains  the  following  elaborate 


288 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


account  of  the  controversy,  concluding  with  a speech  of 
the  Governor’s  in  explanation  of  some  things  in  his 
written  treatise  which  seem  to  have  given  offence. 
Nothing,  certainly,  could  be  more  humble  than  his  con- 
fession, or  more  magnanimous  than  his  apology. 

" The  sow  business  not  being  yet  digested  in  the  country, 
many  of  the  elders  being  yet  unsatisfied,  and  the  more  by  rea- 
son of  a new  case  stated  by  some  of  the  plaintiff’s  side  and 
delivered  to  the  elders,  wherein  they  dealt  very  partially,  for 
they  drew  out  all  the  evidence  which  made  for  the  plaintiff,  and 
thereupon  framed  their  conclusion  without  mentioning  any  of  the 
defendant’s  evidence.  This  being  delivered  to  the  elders,  and 
by  them  imparted  to  some  of  the  other  side,  an  answer  was 
presently  drawn,  which  occasioned  the  elders  to  take  a view  of 
all  the  evidence  on  both  parties,  and  a meeting  being  procured 
both  of  magistrates  and  elders  (near  all  in  the  jurisdiction)  and 
some  of  the  deputies,  the  elders  there  declared,  that  notwith- 
standing their  former  opinions,  yet,  upon  examination  of  all  the 
testimonies,  they  found  such  contrariety  and  crossing  of  testi- 
monies, as  they  did  not  see  any  ground  for  the  court  to  proceed 
to  judgment  in  the  case,  and  therefore  earnestly  desired  that 
the  court  might  never  be  more  troubled  with  it.  To  this  all 
consented  except  Mr.  Bellingham  who  still  maintained  his 
former  opinion,  and  would  have  the  magistrates  lay  down  their 
negative  voice,  and  so  the  cause  to  be  heard  again.  This  stiff- 
ness  of  his  and  singularity  in  opinion  was  very  unpleasing  to  all 
the  company,  but  they  went  on  notwithstanding,  and  because  a 
a principal  end  of  the  meeting  was  to  reconcile  differences  and 
take  away  offences,  which  were  risen  between  some  of  the 
magistrates  by  occasion  of  this  sow  business  and  the  treatise  of 
Mr.  Saltonstall  against  the  council,  so  as  Mr.  Bellingham  and 
he  stood  divided  from  the  rest,  which  occasioned  much  opposi- 
tion even  in  open  court,  and  much  partaking  in  the  country, 
but  by  the  wisdom  and  faithfulness  of  the  elders  Mr.  Salton- 
stall was  brought  to  see  his  failings  in  that  treatise,  which  he 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


289 


did  ingenuously  acknowledge  and  bewail,  and  so  he  was  recon- 
ciled with  the  rest  of  the  magistrates.  They  labored  also  to 
make  a perfect  reconciliation  between  the  governour  and  Mr. 
Bellingham.  The  governour  offered  himself  ready  to  it,  but 
the  other  was  not  forward,  whereby  it  rested  in  a manner  as  it 
was.  Mr.  Dudley  also  had  let  fall  a speech  in  the  court  to  Mr. 
Rogers  of  Ipswich,  which  was  grievous  to  him  and  other  of  the 
elders.  The  things  was  this.  Mr.  Rogers  being'  earnest  in  a 
cause  between  the  town  and  Mr.  Bradstreet,  which  also  con- 
cerned his  own  interest,  Mr.  Dudley  used  this  speech  to  him, 
' Do  you  think  to  come  with  your  eldership  here  to  carry  mat- 
ters,’ etc.  Mr.  Dudley  was  somewhat  hard  at  first  to  be 
brought  to  see  any  evil  in  it,  but  at  last  he  was  convinced  and 
did  acknowledge  it,  and  they  were  reconciled. 

"The  deputies,  also,  who  were  present  at  this  meeting  and 
had  voted  for  the  plaintiff  in  the  case  of  the  sow,  seemed  now 
to  be  satisfied,  and  the  elders  agreed  to  deal  with  the  deputies 
of  their  several  towns,  to  the  end  that  that  cause  might  never 
trouble  the  court  more.  But  all  this  notwithstanding,  the 
plaintiff,  (or  rather  one  G.  Story  her  solicitor,)  being  of  an 
unsatisfied  spirit,  and  animated,  or  at  least  too  much  counte- 
nanced, by  some  of  the  court,  preferred  a petition  at  the  court 
of  elections  for  a new  hearing,  and  this  being  referred  to  the 
committee  for  petitions,  it  was  returned  that  the  greater  part  of 
them  did  conceive  the  cause  should  be  heard  again,  and  some 
others  in  the  court  declai'ed  themselves  of  the  same  judgment, 
which  caused  others  to  be  much  grieved  to  see  such  a spirit  in 
godly  men,  that  neither  the  judgment  of  near  all  the  magis- 
trates, nor  the  concurrence  of  the  elders  and  their  mediation, 
nor  the  loss  of  time  and  charge,  nor  the  settling  of  peace  in 
court  and  country  could  prevail  with  them  to  let  such  a cause 
fall,  (as  in  ordinary  course  of  justice  it  ought,)  as  nothing 
could  be  found  in,  by  any  one  testimony,  to  be  of  criminal  na- 
ture, nor  could  the  matter  of  the  suit,  with  all  damages,  have 
amounted  to  forty  shillings.  But  two  things  appeared  to  carry 
men  on  in  this  course  as  it  were  in  captivity.  One  was,  the 

37 


VOL.  II. 


290 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


deputies  stood  only  upon  this,  that  their  towns  were  not  satis- 
fied in  the  cause  (which  by  the  way  shows  plainly  the  demo- 
cratical  spirit  which  acts  our  deputies,  etc.).  The  other  was, 
the  desire  of  the  name  of  victory  ; whereas  on  the  other  side  the 
magistrates,  etc.,  were  content  for  peace  sake,  and  upon 
the  elders’  advice,  to  decline  that  advantage,  and  to  let  the 
cause  fall  for  want  of  advice  to  sway  it  either  way. 

"Now  that  which  made  the  people  so  unsatisfied,  and  unwill- 
ing the  cause  should  rest  as  it  stood,  was  the  20  pounds  which 
the  defendant  had  recovered  against  the  plaintiff  in  an  action 
of  slander  for  saying  he  had  stolen  the  sow,  etc.,  and  many  of 
them  could  not  distinguish  this  from  the  principal  cause,  as  if 
she  had  been  adjudged  to  pay  20  pounds  for  demanding  her 
sow,  and  yet  the  defendant  never  took  of  this  more  than  3 
pounds,  for  his  charges  of  witnesses,  etc.,  and  offered  to  remit 
the  whole,  if  she  would  have  acknowledged  the  wrong  she  had 
done  him.  But  lie  being  accounted  a rich  man,  and  she  a poor 
woman,  this  so  wrought  with  the  people,  as  being  blinded  with 
unreasonable  compassion,  they  could  not  see,  or  not  allow  jus- 
tice her  reasonable  course.  This  being  found  out  by  some 
of  the  court,  a motion  was  made,  that  some  who  had  interest  in 
the  defendant  would  undertake  to  persuade  him  to  restore  the 
plaintiff  the  3 pounds  (or  whatever  it  were)  he  took  upon  that 
judgment,  and  likewise  to  refer  other  matters  to  reference  which 
were  between  the  said  Story  and  him.  This  the  court  were 
satisfied  with,  and  proceeded  no  further. 

"There  was  yet  one  offence  which  the  elders  desired  might 
also  be  removed,  and  for  that  end  some  of  them  moved  the  gov- 
ernour  in  it,  and  he  easily  consented  to  them  so  far  as  they  had 
convinced  him  of  his  failing  therein.  The  matter  was  this. 
The  governour  had  published  a writing  about  the  case  of  the 
sow,  as  is  herein  before  declared,  wherein  some  passages  gave 
offence,  which  he  being  willing  to  remove,  so  soon  as  he  came 
into  the  general  court,  he  spake  as  followeth,  (his  speech  is  set 
down  verbatim  to  prevent  misrepresentation,  as  if  he  had  re- 
tracted what  he  had  wrote  in  the  point  of  the  case:) 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


291 


" ' I understand  divers  have  taken  offence  at  a writing  I set 
forth  about  the  sow  business  ; I desire  to  remove  it,  and  to 
begin  my  year  in  a reconciled  estate  with  all.  The  writing  is  of 
two  parts,  the  matter  and  the  manner.  In  the  former  I had  the 
concurrence  of  others  of  my  brethren,  both  magistrates  and 
deputies;  but  for  the  other,  viz.,  the  manner,  that  was  wholly 
mine  own,  so  as  whatsoever  was  blame-worthy  in  it  I must  take 
it  to  myself.  The  matter  is  point  of  judgment,  which  is  not  at 
my  own  disposing.  I have  examined  it  over  and  again  by  such 
light  as  God  hath  afforded  me  from  the  rules  of  religion,  rea- 
son,  and  common  practice,  and  truly  I can  find  no  ground  to 
retract  anything  in  that,  therefore  I desire  I may  enjoy  my 
liberty  herein,  as  every  of  yourselves  do,  and  justly  may.  But 
for  the  manner,  whatsoever  I might  allege  for  my  justification 
before  men,  I now  pass  it  over : I now  set  myself  before 

another  judgment  seat.  I will  first  speak  to  the  manner  in  gen- 
eral, and  then  to  two  particulars.  For  the  general.  Howsoever 
that  which  I wrote  was  upon  great  provocation  by  some  of  the 
adverse  party,  and  upon  invitation  from  others  to  vindicate  our- 
selves from  that  aspersion  which  was  cast  upon  us,  yet  that  was 
no  sufficient  warrant  for  me  to  break  out  into  any  distemper.  I 
confess  I was  too  prodigal  of  my  brethren’s  reputation  : I might 
have  obtained  the  cause  I had  in  hand  without  casting  such 
blemish  upon  others  as  I did.  For  the  particulars.  1.  For 
the  conclusion,  viz.,  'now  let  religion  and  sound  reason  give 
judgment  in  the  case  ; ’ whereby  I might  seem  to  conclude  the 
other  side  to  be  void  both  of  religion  and  reason.  It  is  true  a 
man  may  (as  the  case  may  be)  appeal  to  the  judgment  of  re- 
ligion and  reason,  but,  as  I there  carried  it,  I did  arrogate  too 
much  to  myself  and  ascribe  too  little  to  others.  The  other 
particular  was  the  profession  I made  of  maintaining  what  I 
wrote  before  all  the  world,  which,  though  it  may  modestly  be 
professed,  (as  the  case  may  require,)  yet  I confess  it  was  now 
not  so  beseeming  me,  but  was  indeed  a fruit  of  the  pride  of 
mine  own  spirit.  These  are  all  the  Lord  hath  brought  me  to 
consider  of,  wherein  I acknowledge  my  failings,  and  humbly 


292 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


intreat  you  will  pardon  and  pass  them  hy  ; if  you  please  to 
accept  my  request,  your  silence  shall  be  a sufficient  testimony 
thereof  unto  me,  and  I hope  I shall  be  more  wise  and  watchful 
hereafter.’  ” 

" The  sow  business  had  started  another  question  about  the 
magistrates’  negative  vote  in  the  general  court.  The  deputies 
generally  were  very  earnest  to  have  taken  it  away  ; whereupon 
one  of  the  magistrates  wrote  a small  treatise,1  wherein  he  laid 
down  the  original  of  it  from  the  patent,  and  the  establishing  of 
it  by  order  of  the  general  court  in  1634,  showing  thereby  how  it 
was  fundamental  to  our  government,  which,  if  it  were  taken 
away,  would  be  a mere  democracy.  He  showed  also  the  neces- 
sity and  usefulness  of  it  by  many  arguments  from  scripture, 
reason,  and  common  practice,  etc.  Yet  this  would  not  satisfy, 
but  the  deputies  and  common  people  would  have  it  taken  away  ; 
and  yet  it  was  apparent  (as  some  of  the  deputies  themselves 
confessed)  the  most  did  not  understand  it.  An  answer  also 
was  written  (by  one  of  the  magistrates  as  was  conceived)  to 
the  said  treatise,  undertaking  to  avoid  all  the  arguments  both 
from  the  patent  and  from  the  order,  etc.  This  the  deputies 
made  great  use  of  in  this  court,  supposing  they  had  now  enough 
to  carry  the  cause  clearly  with  them,  so  as  they  pressed  ear- 
nestly to  have  it  presently  determined.  But  the  magistrates 
told  them  the  matter  was  of  great  concernment,  even  to  the 
very  frame  of  our  government ; it  had  been  established  upon 
serious  consultation  and  consent  of  all  the  elders  ; it  had  been 
continued  without  any  inconvenience  or  apparent  mischief  these 
fourteen  years,  therefore  it  would  not  be  safe  nor  of  good  re- 
port to  alter  on  such  a sudden,  and  without  the  advice  of  the 
elders  : offering  withal,  that  if  upon  such  advice  and  considera- 
tion it  should  appear  to  be  inconvenient,  or  not  warranted  by 
the  patent  and  the  said  order,  etc.,  they  should  be  ready  to 
join  with  them  in  taking  it  away.  Upon  these  propositions 
they  were  stilled,  and  so  an  order  was  drawn  up  to  this  effect, 

1 No  copy  of  this  treatise  is  found.  Winthrop  was  undoubtedly  its  author,  as  we 
presently  find  him  replying  elaborately  to  the  answer  to  it  of  which  he  speaks. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


293 


that  it  was  desired  that  every  member  of  the  court  would  take 
advice,  etc.,  and  that  it  should  be  no  offence  for  any,  either 
publicly  or  privately,  to  declare  their  opinion  in  the  case,  so  it 
were  modestly,  etc.,  and  that  the  elders  should  be  desired  to 
give  their  advice  before  the  next  meeting  of  this  court.  It  was 
the  magistrates’  only  care  to  gain  time,  that  so  the  people’s  heat 
might  be  abated,  for  then  they  knew  they  would  hear  reason, 
and  that  the  advice  of  the  elders  might  be  interposed ; and 
that  there  might  be  liberty  to  reply  to  the  answer,  which  was 
very  long  and  tedious,  which  accordingly  was  done  soon  after 
the  court,  and  published  to  good  satisfaction.  One  of  the 
elders  also  wrote  a small  treatise,  wherein  scholastically  and 
religiously  he  handled  the  question,  laying  down  the  several 
forms  of  government  both  simple  and  mixt,  and  the  true  form 
of  our  government,  and  the  unavoidable  change  into  a democ- 
racy, if  the  negative  voice  were  taken  away ; and  answered  all 
objections,  and  so  concluded  for  the  continuance  of  it,  so  as  the 
deputies  and  the  people  also,  having  their  heat  moderated  by 
time,  and  their  judgments  better  informed  by  what  they  had 
learned  about  it,  let  the  cause  fall,  and  he  who  had  written  the 
answer  to  the  first  defence,  appeared  no  further  in  it.” 

The  last  of  the  tracts  which  was  written  by  Governor 
Winthrop  on  this  important  question  is  still  extant.  He 
speaks  of  it  as  having  been  “ published  ; ” but  there  is 
no  reason  to  think  it  was  ever  printed.  It  was  probably 
circulated  in  manuscript,  for  the  benefit  of  those  who 
desired  to  read  it.  It  is  given  in  the  appendix  as  copied 
from  the  original  in  his  own  handwriting  among  the 
Hutchinson  manuscripts  in  the  archives  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society.1 

And  here  ends  our  notice  of  this  first  great  constitu- 
tional controversy  in  New  England,  — a controversy 


1 Hutch.  MSS.,  vol.  i.  pp.  59-66.  See  Appendix  No.  IX. 


294 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


which  involved  the  whole  subject  of  checks  and  bal- 
ances through  the  medium  of  two  co-ordinate  branches 
of  a single  legislative  body,  and  which  has  hardly 
ceased  to  be  agitated  to  the  present  day.  The  experi- 
ence of  the  world,  and  particularly  of  our  own  country, 
has  abundantly  justified  the  general  views  of  Governor 
Winthrop  on  the  subject;  and  not  even  the  ingenuity 
and  shrewdness  of  Benjamin  Franklin  could  prevail 
upon  our  American  States  to  try  the  experiment  of  a 
legislative  body  with  only  a single  chamber. 

The  result  of  the  whole  controversy  is  thus  given  by 
the  Governor  in  his  Journal  at  the  beginning  of  the 
year  1644:  — 

"At  the  same  Court  in  the  first  month,  upon  the  motion  of 
the  deputies,  it  was  ordered  that  the  Court  should  be  divided  in 
their  consultations,  the  magistrates  by  themselves,  and  the  dep- 
uties by  themselves ; what  the  one  agreed  upon  they  should 
send  to  the  other,  and  if  both  agreed,  then  to  pass,  &c.  This 
order  determined  the  great  Contention  about  the  Negative 
Voice.” 

The  order  of  the  General  Court  which  “ determined 
the  great  contention  ” was  passed  on  the  7tli  of  March, 
1644,  and  was  in  the  following  words  : — 

"Forasmuch  as,  after  long  experience,  we  find  divers  incon- 
veniences in  the  manner  of  our  proceeding  in  Courts  by  magis- 
trates & Deputies  sitting  together,  & accounting  it  wisdom  to 
follow  the  laudable  practice  of  other  States  who  have  laid 
groundworks  for  government  & order  in  the  issuing  of  greatest 
& highest  consequence,  — • 

"It  is  therefore  ordered,  first,  that  the  magistrates  may  sit 
& act  business  by  themselves,  by  drawing  up  bills  & orders 
which  they  shall  see  good  in  their  wisdom,  which  having  agreed 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


295 


upon,  they  may  present  them  to  the  Deputies  to  be  considered 
of,  how  good  & wholesome  such  orders  are  for  the  country,  & 
accordingly  to  give  their  assent  or  dissent ; the  Deputies  in  like 
manner  sitting  apart  by  themselves,  & consulting  about  such 
orders  & laws  as  they  in  them  discretion  & experience  shall  find 
meet  for  common  good,  which,  agreed  upon  by  them,  they  may 
present  to  the  magistrates,  who,  according  to  their  wisdom, 
having  seriously  considered  of  them,  may  consent  unto  them  or 
disallow  them ; & when  any  orders  have  passed  the  approbation 
of  both  magistrates  & Deputies,  then  such  orders  to  be  en- 
grossed, & in  the  last  day  of  the  Court  to  be  read  deliberately, 
& full  assent  to  be  given;  provided,  also,  that  all  matters  of 
judicature  which  this  Court  shall  take  cognizance  of  shall  be 
issued  in  like  manner.”  1 


1 Massachusetts  Colonial  Records,  vol.  ii.  p.  58,  59. 


296 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

GREAT  SCARCITY  IN  NEW  ENGLAND.  WINTHROP’S  ACCOUNT  OF 
MATTERS,  AND  HIS  OWN  NOBLE  RESOLUTION  TO  STAND  BY 
THE  COLONY.  FIRST  COMMENCEMENT  AT  HARVARD  COLLEGE. 

The  years  1641  and  1642,  during  Avhich  the  events  de- 
scribed in  our  two  last  chapters  occurred,  seem  to  have 
been  peculiarly  trying  times  for  the  Massachusetts  Col- 
ony. A great  revolution  was  in  progress  in  England, 
which  diverted  the  attention  of  the  people  on  that  side 
of  the  ocean  from  the  plantation  on  this,  and  prevented 
at  once  the  coming  over  of  new  colonists,  and  the  trans- 
mission of  fresh  commodities.  There  was  but  little 
money  in  the  infant  Colony,  and  domestic  productions  of 
all  sorts  soon  lost  their  exchangeable  value.  These 
circumstances  “ put  many  into  an  unsettled  frame  of 
spirit ; ” and  not  a few  were  found  ready  to  desert  the 
infant  Commonwealth,  and  to  seek  better  prospects  in 
other  climes.  Governor  Winthrop’s  descriptions  of  this 
period  are  among  the  most  interesting  passages  in  his 
whole  Journal,  and  afford  ample  evidence  that  his  own 
spirit  was  undaunted,  and  his  own  resolution,  to  stand 
fast  by  the  fortunes  of  Massachusetts,  unshaken.  The 
following  extract,  bearing  date  Jan.  2,  1641,  contains 
his  first  allusion  to  the  approaching  crisis.  It  also  ex- 
plains the  circumstances  under  which  his  eldest  son 
embarked  again  for  England  at  this  period. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


297 


"The  parliament  of  England  setting  upon  a general  reforma- 
tion both  of  church  and  state,  the  Earl  of  Strafford  being 
beheaded,  and  the  archbishop  (our  great  enemy)  and  many 
others  of  the  great  officers  and  judges,  bishops  and  others,  im- 
prisoned and  called  to  account,  this  caused  all  men  to  stay  in 
England  in  expectation  of  a new  world,  so  as  few  coming  to  us, 
all  foreign  commodities  grew  scarce,  and  our  own  of  no  price. 
Corn  would  buy  nothing  : a cow  which  cost  last  year  £20  might 
now  be  bought  for  4 or  £5,  etc.,  and  many  gone  out  of  the 
country,  so  as  no  man  could  pay  his  debts,  nor  the  merchants 
make  return  into  England  for  their  commodities,  which  occa- 
sioned many  there  to  speak  evil  of  us.  These  straits  set  our 
people  on  work  to  provide  fish,  clapboards,  plank,  etc.,  and  to 
sow  hemp  and  flax  (which  prospered  very  well)  and  to  look  out 
to  the  West  Indies  for  a trade  for  cotton.  The  general  court 
also  made  orders  about  payment  of  debts,  setting  corn  at  the 
wonted  price,  and  payable  for  all  debts  which  should  arise  after 
a time  prefixed.  They  thought  fit  also  to  send  some  chosen  men 
into  England  to  congratulate  the  happy  success  there,  and  to 
satisfy  our  creditors  of  the  true  cause  why  we  could  not  make 
so  current  payment  now  as  in  former  years  we  had  done,  and  to 
be  ready  to  make  use  of  any  opportunity  God  should  offer  for 
the  good  of  the  country  here,  as  also  to  give  any  advice,  as  it 
should  be  required,  for  the  settling  the  right  form  of  church  dis- 
cipline there,  but  with  this  caution,  that  they  should  not  seek 
supply  of  our  wants  in  any  dishonorable  way,  as  by  begging  or 
the  like,  for  we  were  resolved  to  wait  upon  the  Lord  in  the  use 
of  all  means  which  were  lawful  and  honorable.  The  men 
‘chosen  were  Mr.  Hugh  Peter,  pastor  of  the  church  in  Salem, 
Mr.  Thos.  Welde,  pastor  of  the  church  in  Roxbury,  and  Mr. 
William  Hibbins  of  Boston.  There  being  no  ship  which  was 
to  return  right  for  England,  they  went  to  Newfoundland,  in- 
tending to  get  a passage  from  thence  in  the  fishing  fleet.  They 
departed  hence  the  3d  of  the  6th  month,  and  with  them  went 
one  of  the  magistrates,  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  jun.  This  act  of 
the  court  did  not  satisfy  all  the  elders,  and  many  others  disliked 

38 


VOL.  II, 


298 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


it,  supposing  that  it  would  be  conceived  we  had  sent  them  on 
begging  : and  the  church  of  Salem  was  unwillingly  drawn  to 
give  leave  to  their  pastor  to  go,  for  the  court  was  not  minded 
to  use  their  power  in  taking  an  officer  from  the  church  without 
their  consent,  but  in  the  end  they  and  the  other  churches  sub- 
mitted to  the  desire  of  the  court.  These  with  other  passengers 
to  the  number  of  forty  went  to  Newfoundland,  expecting  to  go 
from  thence  in  some  fishing  ships.  They  arrived  there  in  14 
days,  but  could  not  go  altogether,  so  were  forced  to  divide 
themselves  and  go  from  several  parts  of  the  island,  as  they 
could  get  shipping.  The  ministers  preached  to  the  seamen, 
etc.,  at  the  island,  who  were  much  affected  with  the  word 
taught,  and  entertained  them  with  all  courtesy,  as  we  under- 
stood by  letters  from  them  which  came  by  a fishing  ship  to  the 
Isles  of  Shoals  about  the  beginning  of  October.” 

A crisis  in  the  affairs  of  the  Colony  seemed  now  to 
have  arrived ; and  the  spirit  of  its  great  leader  appears 
to  have  been  sorely  tried,  both  by  the  sufferings  of  the 
people,  and  by  the  desertion  of  so  many  of  those  upon 
whom  he  had  relied  to  share  his  fortunes  in  adversity  as 
well  as  in  prosperity.  The  appeal  which  closes  the  fol- 
lowing paragraphs  from  the  Journal  of  Sept.  22,  1642, 
betrays  emotions  which  will  awaken  sympathy  in  the 
breast  of  every  generous  reader,  while  it  evinces  a spirit 
of  endurance  and  self-denial  on  the  part  of  the  writer 
which  is  worthy  of  all  praise  : ■ — 

"The  sudden  fall  of  land  and  cattle,  and  the- scarcity  of 
foreign  commodities,  and  money,  etc.,  with  the  thin  access 
of  people  from  England,  put  many  into  an  unsettled  frame  of 
spirit,  so  as  they  concluded  there  would  be  no  subsisting  here, 
and  accordingly  they  began  to  hasten  away,  some  to  the  West 
Indies,  others  to  the  Dutch,  at  Long  Island,  etc.,  (for  the  gov- 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


299 


ernour  there  invited  them  by  fair  offers,)  and  others  back  for 
Enoland.  Anions'  others  who  returned  thither,  there  was  one 
of  the  magistrates,  Mr.  Humphrey,  and  four  ministers,  and  a 
schoolmaster.  These  would  needs  go  against  all  advice,  and 
had  a fair  and  speedy  voyage,  till  they  came  near  England,  all 
which  time  three  of  the  ministers,  with  the  schoolmaster,  spake 
reproachfully  of  the  people  and  of  the  country,  but  the  wind 
coming  up  against  them,  they  were  tossed  up  and  down,  (being 
in  lOber,)  so  long  till  their  provisions  and  other  necessaries 
were  near  spent,  and  they  were  forced  to  strait  allowance,  yet 
at  length  the  wind  coming  fair  again,  they  got  into  the  Sleeve, 
but  then  there  arose  so  great  a tempest  at  S.  E.  as  they  could 
bear  no  sail,  and  so  were  out  of  hope  of  being  saved  (being  in 
the  night  also).  Then  they  humbled  themselves  before  the 
Lord,  and  acknowledged  God’s  hand  to  be  justly  out  against 
them  for  speaking  evil  of  this  good  land  and  the  Lord’s  people 
here,  etc.  Only  one  of  them,  Mr.  Phillips  of  Wrentham,  in 
England,  had  not  joined  with  the  rest,  but  spake  well  of  the 
people,  and  of  the  country  ; upon  this  it  pleased  the  Lord 
to  spare  their  lives,  and  when  they  expected  every  moment  to 
have  been  dashed  upon  the  rocks,  (for  they  were  hard  by  the 
Needles,)  he  turned  the  wind  so  as  they  were  carried  safe  to 
the  Isle  of  Wight  by  St.  Helen’s  : yet  the  Lord  followed  them 
on  shore.  Some  were  exposed  to  great  straits  and  found  no 
entertainment,  their  friends  forsaking  them.  One  had  a daugh- 
ter that  presently  ran  mad,  and  two  other  of  his  daughters, 
being  under  ten  years  of  age,  were  discovered  to  have  been 
often  abused  by  divers  lewd  persons,  and  filthiness  in  his 
family.  The  schoolmaster  had  no  sooner  hired  an  house,  and 
gotten  in  some  scholars,  but  the  plague  set  in,  and  took  away 
two  of  his  own  children. 

"Others  who  went  to  other  places,  upon  like  grounds,  suc- 
ceeded no  better.  They  fled  for  fear  of  want,  and  many  of  them 
fell  into  it,  even  to  extremity,  as  if  they  had  hastened  into  the 
misery  which  they  feared  and  fled  from,  besides  the  depriving 
themselves  of  the  ordinances  and  church  fellowship,  and  those 


300 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


civil  liberties  which  they  enjoyed  here ; whereas,  such  as  staid 
in  their  places,  kept  their  peace  and  ease,  and  enjoyed  still  the 
blessings  of  the  ordinances,  and  never  tasted  of  those  troubles 
and  miseries,  which  they  heard  to  have  befallen  those  who  de- 
parted. Much  disputation  there  was  about  liberty  of  removing 
for  outward  advantages,  and  all  ways  were  sought  for  an  open 
door  to  get  out  at ; but  it  is  to  be  feared  many  crept  out  at  a 
broken  wall.  For  such  as  come  together  into  a wilderness, 
where  are  nothing  but  wild  beasts  and  beastlike  men,  and  there 
confederate  together  in  civil  and  church  estate,  whereby  they 
do,  implicitly  at  least,  bind  themselves  to  support  each  other, 
and  all  of  them  that  society,  whether  civil  or  sacred,  whereof 
they  are  members,  how  they  can  break  from  this  without  free 
consent,  is  hard  to  find,  so  as  may  satisfy  a tender  or  good  con- 
science in  time  of  trial.  Ask  thy  conscience  if  thou  wouldst 
have  plucked  up  thy  stakes,  and  brought  thy  family  3000  miles, 
if  thou  hadst  expected  that  all,  or  most,  would  have  forsaken 
thee  there.  Ask  again,  what  liberty  thou  hast  towards  others, 
which  thou  likest  not  to  allow  others  towards  thyself ; for  if 
one  may  go,  another  may,  and  so  the  greater  part,  and  so 
church  and  commonwealth  may  be  left  destitute  in  a wilderness, 
exposed  to  misery  and  reproach,  and  all  for  thy  ease  and  pleas- 
ure, whereas  these  all,  being  now  thy  brethren,  as  near  to  thee 
as  the  Israelites  were  to  Moses,  it  were  much  safer  for  thee, 
after  his  example,  to  choose  rather  to  suffer  affliction  with  thy 
brethren,  than  to  enlarge  thy  ease  and  pleasure  by  furthering 
the  occasion  of  their  ruin.” 

It  must  have  been  something  more  than  a fortunate 
accident  which  brought  the  subjoined  record  into  imme- 
diate juxtaposition  with  the  passage  which  has  just  been 
cited.  It  seems  as  if  the  Governor  must  have  sought 
consolation  and  encouragement  under  the  depressing 
circumstances  of  the  time,  when,  as  he  intimates,  “ all, 
or  most,  were  forsaking  him,”  by  setting  down  an  event 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


301 


which  could  not  fail  to  give  cheering  assurance  of  better 
things  in  the  future  : — 

"Nine  bachelors  commenced  at  Cambridge  ; they  were  young 
men  of  good  hope,  and  performed  their  acts,  so  as  gave  good 
proof  of  their  proficiency  in  the  tongues  and  arts.  (8.)  5. 

The  general  court  had  settled  a government  or  superinten- 
dency over  the  college,  viz.,  all  the  magistrates  and  elders  over 
the  six  nearest  churches  and  the  president,  or  the  greatest  part 
of  these.  Most  of  them  were  now  present  at  this  first  com- 
mencement, and  dined  at  the  college  with  the  scholar’s  ordinary 
commons,  which  was  done  of  purpose  for  the  students’  encour- 
agement, etc.,  and  it  gave  good  content  to  all.” 

This  first  Commencement  at  Cambridge,  on  the  9th  of 
October,  1642,  must  have  been  a proud  day  for  the  infant 
Colony,  and  for  all  who  had  been  concerned  in  founding 
its  institutions.  Winthrop  had  been  second  to  no  one 
in  promoting  the  establishment  of  the  College,  even  be- 
fore the  immortal  John  Harvard  had  made  the  bequest 
which  has  linked  his  own  name  for  ever  with  this  great 
University  of  New  England.  Mr.  Everett  did  no  more 
than  justice  to  the  Governor,  when,  in  his  admirable 
Address  as  President  of  the  Harvard  Second-Centen- 
nial Eestival  in  1836,  he  so  felicitously  represented 
him  as  making  the  speech  which  led  the  Legislature 
of  the  infant  Colony  to  vote  the  original  endowment 
under  which  the  College  was  established.1  President 
Quincy,  in  his  History  of  the  University,  is  hardly  less 
emphatic  in  his  tribute  to  Winthrop,  as  one  of  the  ear- 
liest benefactors  of  the  institution : — 

"Next  to  Harvard,”  says  he,  "John  Winthrop,  the  leader  of 
the  Massachusetts  Colony,  and  seven  [twelve]  times  its  elected 


l Everett’s  Orations,  vol.  ii.  pp.  173-6. 


302 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


Govei’nor,  deserves  grateful  commemoration.  The  loss  of  prop 
erty,  from  the  sacrifices  he  had  made  in  support  of  the  Colony, 
or  from  unfaithfulness  in  those  to  whom  he  had  intrusted  his 
affairs,  deprived  him,  indeed,  of  the  means  of  great  pecuniary 
benefactions  ; but  his  donation  of  books  was  large  and  valuable. 
In  that  early  day,  forty  volumes1  made  an  important  addition  to 
the  library  of  the  institution.  A list  of  these  is  yet  preserved 
in  its  archives.  His  name  and  influence  were  always  given  in 
its  support.  There  is,  probably,  no  one  to  whose  patronage 
the  College  was  more  indebted,  during  the  period  of  its  infancy 
and  consequent  weakness  and  dependence.”  2 

But  the  commercial  and  pecuniary  embarrassments  of 
the  Colony  had  not  yet  reached  their  full  development ; 
and,  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1643,  we  find  this 
striking  picture  of  the  destitute  condition  of  the  peo- 
ple : — - 

" Corn  was  very  scarce  all  over  the  country,  so  as  by  the  end 
of  the  2d  month,  many  families  in  most  towns  had  none  to  eat, 
but  were  forced  to  live  of  clams,  muscles,  cataos,  dry  fish,  etc., 
and  sure  this  came  by  the  just  hand  of  the  Lord,  to  punish  our 
ingratitude  and  covetousness.  For  corn  being  plenty  divers 
years  before,  it  was  so  undervalued,  as  it  would  not  pass  for 
any  commodity  : if  one  offered  a shop  keeper  corn  for  any 
thing,  his  answer  would  be,  he  knew  not  what  to  do  with  it. 
So  for  laborers  and  artificers ; but  now  they  would  have  done 
any  work,  or  parted  with  any  commodity,  for  corn.  And  the 
husbandman,  he  now  made  his  advantage,  for  he  would  part 
with  no  corn,  for  the  most  part,  but  for  ready  money  or  for 
cattle,  at  such  a price  as  should  be  12d.  in  the  bushel  more  to 
him  than  ready  money.  And  indeed  it  was  a very  sad  thing 
to  see  how  little  of  a public  spirit  appeared  in  the  country,  but 
of  self-love  too  much.  Yet  there  were  some  here  and  there, 
who  were  men  of  another  spirit,  and  were  willing  to  abridge 


1 For  a list  of  these  books,  see  Appendix  No.  X. 

2 Quincy’s  Hist,  of  Harvard  University,  vol.  1,  p.  162-3. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


303 


themselves,  that  others  might  be  supplied.  The  immediate 
causes  of  this  scarcity  were  the  cold  and  wet  summer,  especially 
in  the  time  of  the  first  harvest ; also,  the  pigeons  came  in  such 
flocks,  (above  10,000  in  one  flock,)  that  beat  down,  and  eat 
up  a very  great  quantity  of  all  sorts  of  English  grain ; much 
corn  spent  in  setting  out  the  ships,  ketches,  etc.,  lastly  there 
were  such  abundance  of  mice  in  the  barns,  that  devoured  much 
there.  The  mice  also  did  much  spoil  in  orchards,  eating  off  the 
bark  at  the  bottom  of  the  fruit  trees  in  the  time  of  the  snow,  so 
as  never  had  been  known  the  like  spoil  in  any  former  winter. 
So  many  enemies  doth  the  Lord  arm  against  our  daily  bread, 
that  we  might  know  we  are  to  eat  it  in  the  sweat  of  our 
brows.” 

We  have  seen,  in  the  first  of  our  citations  from  the 
Governor’s  Journal  in  this  chapter,  that  John  Winthrop, 
Jr.,  had  sailed  for  England  on  the  3d  of  August,  1641  ; 
and  here,  towards  the  close  of  the  following  year,  we 
have  a letter  to  him  from  his  mother.  It  is  the  last 
letter  of  Margaret  Winthrop’s  that  has  survived  the 
lapse  of  time.  It  seems  to  have  been  sent  by  her 
son  Stephen,  who,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  wras  soon 
engaged  in  public  service,  military  and  civil,  in  the 
mother  country,  and  never  again  returned  to  New  Eng- 
land. Margaret’s  letter,  with  which  we  conclude  our 
chapter,  shows,  that  she,  as  well  as  her  husband,  knew 
how  to  keep  up  a brave  heart  and  a hopeful  spirit  amid 
all  the  troubles  by  which  she  was  surrounded. 

Margaret  Winthrop  to  John  Winthrop , Jr. 

“ To  my  good  Sonne  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  in  London. 

"Loving  Sonne,  — Your  long  abcence  gives  me  opertuny- 
tye  of  manyfestinge  my  love  to  you,  wch  I have  too  much  ne- 


304 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


glected  by  the  former  shippes,  expectinge  yof  desyred  presence 
)onge  before  this  time;  but  we  must  wayt  still,  till  God  see 
good  to  let  us  enjoy  you.  I have  sent  my  sonne  Stephen  to 
despach  some  businesse  wch  he  wil  acquaint  you  with,  and  I 
hope  we  shall,  in  God’s  time,  see  you  both  to  our  comfort. 
Your  wife  thinkes  longe  for  your  cominge,  yet  it  pleseth  God 
to  help  hir  to  beare  it  prety  cherfully ; hir  little  boye  is  so  mery 
that  it  puteth  away  many  a sad  thought  from  his  mother. 
When  I thinke  of  the  trublesome  times  and  manyfolde  destrac- 
tions  that  are  in  our  native  Contrye  I thinke  we  doe  not  pryse 
our  happinesse  heare  as  we  have  cause,  that  we  should  be  in 
peace  when  so  many  troubles  are  in  most  places  of  the  world. 
I wish  we  ware  more  sensible  of  the  calamityes  of  others  that 
we  myte  crye  the  more  mytylye  to  God  for  them.  I have  no 
ocasion  of  businese  to  troble  you  with  ; I received  a box  with 
some  aparel,  and  I doe  thanke  you  for  your  care.  My  brother 
rote  me  word  he  woulde  paye  for  them,  I pray  let  Mr.  Sm[ith] 
send  him  his  bill,  if  he  have  not ; and  thus  desyringe  the  Lord 
to  preserve  you  in  these  perylous  tymes,  I commend  my  best 
affections  to  you  & rest, 

" Your  loving  mother 


Boston,  8t>er  10:  1642.” 


" Mar  : WiNTHROP. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


305 


CHAPTER  XX. 

WINTHROP  RE-ELECTED  GOVERNOR.  THE  NEW-ENGLAND  CONFED- 
ERATION. THE  LA  TOUR  AND  D’AULNAY  CONTROVERSY.  BEAU- 
TIFUL LETTER  OF  WINTHROP  TO  HIS  SON. 

Political  sermons  seem  to  have  had  very  poor  suc- 
cess in  the  early  days  of  Massachusetts.  The  Election 
Sermon,  particularly,  appears  to  have  been  often  the 
subject  of  sharp  controversy,  and  not  unfrequently  to 
have  been  the  precursor,  if  not  the  cause,  of  the  pre- 
cise event  which  it  aimed  at  averting.  We  have  seen, 
that  when,  in  1634,  John  Cotton  preached  against 
rotation  in  office,  Winthrop  was  immediately  left  out 
of  the  Chief  Magistracy;  and  now  in  1643,  when 
Ezekiel  Rogers  declaimed  with  vehemency  against 
choosing  the  same  man  twice  in  succession,  Winthrop 
was  forthwith  re-elected.  Here  is  the  record  from  his 
own  Journal : — 

"Mo.  3.  10.]  Our  court  of  elections  was  held,  when  Mr. 
Ezekiel  Rogers,  pastor  of  the  church  in  Rowley,  preached. 
He  was  called  to  it  by  a company  of  freemen,  whereof  the 
most  were  deputies  chosen  for  the  court,  appointed,  by  order 
of  the  last  court,  to  meet  at  Salem  about  nomination  of  some 
to  be  put  to  the  vote  for  the  new  magistrates.  Mr.  Rogers, 
hearing  what  exception  was  taken  to  this  call,  as  unwarrant- 
able, wrote  to  the  governour  for  advice,  etc.,  who  returned 
him  answer  : That  he  did  account  his  calling  not  to  be  suffi- 

o 

39 


YOL.  II. 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


you 


cient,  yet  the  magistrates  were  not  minded  to  strive  with  the 
deputies  about  it,  but  seeing  it  was  noised  in  the  country,  and 
the  people  would  expect  him,  and  that  he  had  advised  with  the 
magistrates  about  it,  he  wished  him  to  go  on.  In  his  sermon 
he  described  how  the  man  ought  to  be  qualified  whom  they 
should  choose  for  their  governour,  yet  dissuaded  them  earnestly 
from  choosing  the  same  man  twice  together,  and  expressed 
his  dislike  of  that  with  such  vehemency  as  gave  offence.  But 
when  it  came  to  trial,  the  former  governour,  Mr.  Winthrop, 
was  chosen  again,  and  two  new  magistrates,  Mr.  William 
Hibbins  and  Mr.  Samuel  Simons.” 

The  next  paragraph  of  the  Journal  furnishes  an 
account  of  one  of  the  most  memorable  events  in  the 
early  history  of  our  country;  viz.,  the  formation  of 
that  old  New-England  Union  and  Confederation,  by 
written  articles  of  agreement,  which  is  the  original 
and  pattern  of  whatever  unions  or  confederations  have 
since  been  proposed  or  established  on  the  American 
continent.  It  was  adopted  by  only  four  colonies,  and 
these  four  were  not  long  afterwards  consolidated  into 
two  ; but  it  embodied  principles,  and  recognized  rights, 
and  established  precedents,  which  have  entered  largely 
into  the  composition  of  all  subsequent  instruments  of 
union. 

Winthrop,  as  we  have  seen  in  a previous  chapter,  had 
originated  this  plan  of  confederation  in  1637.  He  was 
now  at  the  head  of  the  Commissioners  for  Massachu- 
setts in  framing  it,  and  was  its  first  President  after  it 
was  organized.  The  spirit  which  finally  led  to  its 
adoption  after  so  many  years  of  controversy,  and  the 
only  spirit  in  which  such  political  unions  can  ever  be 
formed  or  preserved,  is  well  expressed  by  the  Gover 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


307 


nor  when  he  says : “ Being  all  desirous  of  union  and 
studious  of  peace,  they  readily  yielded  each  to  other 
in  such  things  as  tended  to  common  utility,  &c.”  But 
we  must  not  omit  any  part  of  the  following  brief 
but  edifying  account  of  its  formation : — 

"At  this  court  came  the  commissioners  from  Plimouth, 
Connecticut  and  New  Haven,  viz.,  from  Plimouth  Air.  Edward 
Winslow  and  Mr.  Collier,  from  Connecticut  Air.  Haynes  and 
Mr.  Hopkins,  with  whom  Mr.  Fenwick  of  Saybrook  joined, 
from  New  Haven  Air.  Theophilus  Eaton  and  Air.  Grigson. 
Our  coui’t  chose  a committee  to  treat  with  them,  viz.,  the  gov- 
ernour  and  Mr.  Dudley,  and  Mr.  Bradstreet,  being  of  the 
magistrates ; and  of  the  deputies,  Captain  Gibbons,  Mr.  Tyng 
the  treasurer,  and  Mr.  Hathorn.  These  coming  to  consulta- 
tion encountered  some  difficulties,  but  being  all  desirous  of 
union  and  studious  of  peace,  they  readily  yielded  each  to 
other  in  such  things  as  tended  to  common  utility,  etc.,  so  as 
in  some  two  or  three  meetings  they  lovingly  accorded  upon 
these  ensuing  articles,  which,  being  allowed  by  our  court, 
and  signed  by  all  the  commissioners,  were  sent  to  be  also 
I'atified  by  the  general  courts  of  other  jurisdictions ; only 
Plimouth  commissioners,  having  power  only  to  treat,  but  not 
to  determine,  deferred  the  signing  of  them  till  they  came 
home,  but  soon  after  they  were  ratified  by  their  general  court 
also.” 

Winthrop  evinced  the  importance  which  he  attached 
to  this  instrument  by  inserting  the  whole  of  it  in  his 
Journal,  from  which  it  has  been  frequently  copied  into 
other  works.  It  is  not  a little  striking,  that  the  clause 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  providing  for 
the  delivery  of  fugitives,  and  which  has  recently  been 
the  occasion  of  so  much  agitation  and  controversy,  was 
evident!}  borrowed  from  one  of  the  articles  of  this 


308 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


old  original  New-England  instrument  of  confederation. 
Here  it  is  : — 

"It  is  also  agreed,  that  if  any  servant  run  away  from  his 
master  into  any  of  these  confederate  jurisdictions,  that  in  such 
case,  upon  certificate  of  one  magistrate  in  the  jurisdiction  out 
of  which  the  said  servant  fled,  or  upon  other  due  proof,  the 
said  servant  shall  be  delivered  either  to  his  master  or  any 
other  that  pursues  and  brings  such  certificate  or  proof : And 
that  upon  the  escape  of  any  prisoner  or  fugitive  for  any 
criminal  cause,  whether  breaking  prison  or  getting  from  the 
officer,  or  otherwise  escaping,  upon  the  certificate  of  two 
magistrates  of  the  jurisdiction  out  of  which  the  escape  is  made, 
that  he  was  a prisoner  or  such  an  offender  at  the  time  of 
the  escape,  the  magistrate,  or  some  of  them  of  the  jurisdic- 
tion where  for  the  present  the  said  prisoner  or  fugitive  abideth, 
shall  forthwith  grant  such  a warrant  as  the  case  will  bear, 
for  the  apprehending  of  any  such  person  and  the  delivery  of 
him  into  the  hand  of  the  officer  or  other  person  who  pur- 
sueth  him  ; and  if  there  be  help  required  for  the  safe  returning 
of  any  such  offender,  then  it  shall  be  granted  unto  him  that 
craves  the  same,  he  paying  the  charges  thereof.” 

We  know  not  how  far  this  memorable  provision  was 
effective  within  the  limits  of  the  confederation ; but 
here  is  a letter  from  Sir  William  Berkeley,  Governor 
of  Virginia,  to  the  “ Governor  of  New  England,”  bear- 
ing testimony  to  the  importance  of  its  general  prin- 
ciples, and  calling  for  then’  application  upon  a larger 
scale : — 


" Worthy  Sir, 

"Having  received  intelligence  and  complaint  from  Mr.  John 
Chew,  merchant,  that  certaine  of  his  servants  being  run  away 
about  May,  1643,  and  are  now  resident  in  your  collony  of 
New  England,  I desire  you  will  please  to  assist  this  Gentle- 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


309 


man,  the  bearer,  in  the  regaining  of  them  by  all  possible 
means  that  may  be,  it  being  but  an  accustomed  favour  recip- 
rocally shown  upon  all  occasions,  eyther  to  other,  in  which 
at  noe  tyme  we  shall  be  defective  as  we  expect  the  like  from 
you  ; he  hath  made  it  appear  in  Court  they  are  his  servants  ; 
their  names  are  Walter  Joy,  William  Woodhead,  and  Henry 
King,  alias  Eny,  soe  not  doubting  of  your  assistance  herein 
I rest, 

"Your  Servant, 

"William  Berkeley. 


Virginia,  12th  June,  1644.” 


It  would  be  curious  to  ascertain  whether  these  ser- 
vants were  ever  returned,  and  whether  they  were  white 
or  black,  apprentices  or  slaves.  The  suggestion,  that 
it  was  but  an  accustomed  favor  reciprocally  shown 
upon  all  occasions,”  will  not  fail  to  be  observed ; and 
the  statement,  “ he  hath  made  it  appear  in  Court  they 
are  his  servants,”  is  certainly  suggestive  of  an  important 
security  in  such  cases.  But  most  happily,  while  these 
pages  are  passing  through  the  press,  the  subject  has 
ceased  to  be  a practical  one,  and  the  return  of  fugitives 
has  terminated  with  the  total  abolition  of  slavery  in 
our  land. 

Before  leaving  the  subject,  however,  of  the  old  New- 
England  confederation,  we  must  give  our  readers  the 
privilege  of  reading  the  noble  tribute  to  Governor ' 
Winthrop  which  was  paid  by  Thomas  Hooker,  the 
eminent  minister  of  Connecticut,  in  a letter  written 
to  acknowledge  the  services  of  Winthrop  in  establish- 
ing this  union  of  the  Colonies.  If  there  had  been 
any  disagreement  between  these  great  and  good  men 
heretofore,  it  was  now  clearly  at  an  end ; and  Winthrop 


310 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


must  have  been  rewarded  for  all  his  labors  by  so  glow 
ing  an  expression  of  gratitude  from  such  a source : — 


Thomas  Jlooher  to  John  Winthrop. 

“ To  his  much  Honoured  freind  John  Wyntropp  Esquier,  Governor 
of  the  plantations  in  the  Matcheshusets  Bay,  dd. 

" Much  Honored  in  our  Blessed  Saviour,  — At  the 
returne  of  our  Magistrates,  when  I vnderstood  the  gratious 
& desired  successe  of  ther  indeavor,  and  by  the  ioynt  rela- 
tion of  them  all,  not  only  your  Christian  readines,  but  enlarged 
faythfullnes  in  an  especiall  manner  to  promote  so  good  a work ; 
though  the  appearance  of  flattery  (if  I know  my  self  & be 
knowne  to  you)  be  not  only  crosse  to  my  conscience  but  to 
my  disposition,  yet  my  heart  would  not  suffer  me  but  as 
vnfeynedly  to  acknowledge  the  Lords  goodnes,  so  affection- 
ately to  remember  your  candid  & cordiall  cariage  in  a matter 
of  so  great  consequence ; laboring  by  your  speciall  prudence 
to  settle  a foundation  of  safety  and  prosperity  in  succeeding 
ages  : a work  which  will  be  found  not  only  for  your  comfort, 
but  for  your  crowne  at  the  great  day  of  your  account.  Its 
the  greatest  good  that  can  befall  a man  in  this  world,  to  be 
an  instrument  vnder  God  to  do  a great  deale  of  good.  To 
be  the  repayrer  of  the  breach,  was  of  old  counted  matter  of 
highest  prayse  & acceptance  with  God  & man : much  more 
to  be  a meanes,  not  only  to  mayntayne  peace  & truth  in  your 
dayes,  but  to  leave  both,  as  a legacy  to  those  that  come  after, 
vntill  the  coming  of  the  Sonne  of  God  in  the  clouds. 

"I  know  my  place  & I would  not  abuse  your  pacience,  or 
hynder  greater  imployments : my  ayme  is  nakedly  this ; to 
be  in  the  number,  & to  have  my  voice  with  those,  that 
whyle  your  self  & your  faythfull  Assistants,  ( as  Zerubbabell 
& his  fellow  helpers)  be  laying  the  first  stone  of  the  founda- 
tion of  this  combynation  of  peace,  I may  crye  grace,  grace, 
to  your  indeavors.  And  by  presenting  the  worth  and  accept- 
ablenes  of  the  work  before  you,  to  strengthen  your  hands, 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


311 


& encorage  your  hearts  to  proceed  on  with  blessing  & successe. 
Goe  on  therefore  (worthy  Sir)  & be  ever  enlarged  in  such 
worthy  services,  & the  God  of  truth  & peace  will  ever  be  with 
you,  which  he  desires  dayly  to  begg,  who  desires  to  be 

" Y ours  in  all  due  respect  Tho  : Hooker  : 

“ The  15th  of  the  5th  mon  : 1642 : Sea-brooke  : 

In  this  same  year  too,  (1643),  occurred  the  memo- 
rable controversy  about  the  treatment  of  La  Tom’, 
which  involved  many  of  the  same  considerations,  and 
excited  many  of  the  same  prejudices  and  jealousies, 
which  have  more  recently  occupied  the  public  mind  in 
reference  to  Papists  and  foreigners.  Governor  Win- 
throp  was  on  the  liberal  side  in  this  case,  and  subjected 
himself  to  no  little  censure  by  his  friendly  reception 
of  the  distinguished  Homan-Catholic  stranger,  and  by 
the  aid  and  comfort  which  he  afforded  him.  He  tells 
the  long  story  in  his  Journal,  and  gives  the  pros  and 
cons  of  the  question  with  great  particularity.  We  do 
not  propose  to  follow  him  in  detail ; but  the  introductory 
account  is  too  characteristic,  both  of  him  and  of  the 
times,  to  bear  abridgment. 

"4.  12.]  Mr.  La  Tour  arrived  here  in  a ship  of  140  tons, 
and  140  persons.  The  ship  came  from  Rochelle,  the  master  and 
his  company  were  protestants.  There  were  two  friars  and  two 
women  sent  to  wait  upon  La  Tour  his  lady.  They  came  in 
with  a fair  wind,  without  any  notice  taken  of  them.  They 
took  a pilot  out  of  one  of  our  boats  at  sea,  and  left  one  of 
their  men  in  his  place.  Capt.  Gibbons’  wife  and  children 
passed  by  the  ship  as  they  were  going  to  their  farm,  but  being 
discovered  to  La  Tour  by  one  of  his  gentlemen  who  knew 
her,  La  Tour  manned  out  a shallop,  which  he  towed  after 
him  to  go  speak  with  her.  She  seeing  such  a company  of 


312 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


strangers  making  towards  her,  hastened  to  get  from  them,  and 
landed  at  the  gover'nour’s  garden.  La  Tour  landed  presently 
after  her,  and  there  found  the  governour  and  his  wife,  and 
two  of  his  sons,  and  his  son’s  wife,  and  after  mutual  saluta- 
tions he  told  the  governour  the  cause  of  his  coming,  viz. 
that  this  ship  being  sent  him  out  of  France,  D’Aulnay,  his 
old  enemy,  had  so  blocked  up  the  river  to  his  fort  at  St. 
John’s,  with  two  ships  and  a galliot,  as  his  ship  could  not 
get  in,  whereupon  he  stole  by  in  the  night  in  his  shallop,  and 
was  come  to  crave  aid  to  convey  him  into  his  fort.  The 
governour  answered  that  he  could  say  nothing  to  it  till  he 
had  conferred  with  other  of  the  magistrates  ; so  after  supper 
he  went  with  him  to  Boston  in  La  Tour’s  boat,  having  sent 
his  own  boat  to  Boston  to  carry  home  Mrs.  Gibbons.  Divers 
boats,  having  passed  by  him,  had  given  notice  hereof  to  Boston 
and  Charlestown,  his  ship  also  arriving  before  Boston,  the  towns 
betook  them  to  their  arms,  and  three  shallops  with  armed 
men  came  forth  to  meet  the  governour  and  to  guard  him 
home.  But  here  the  Lord  gave  us  occasion  to  take  notice 
of  our  weakness,  etc.,  for  if  La  Tour  had  been  ill  minded 
towards  us,  he  had  such  an  opportunity  as  we  hope  neither 
he  nor  any  other  shall  ever  have  the  like  again ; for  coming 
by  our  castle  and  saluting  it,  there  was  none  to  answer  him, 
for  the  last  court  had  given  order  to  have  the  castle-island 
deserted,  a great  part  of  the  work  being  fallen  down,  etc., 
so  as  he  might  have  taken  all  the  ordnance  there.  Then, 
having  the  governour  and  his  family,  and  Captain  Gibbons’ 
wife,  etc.,  in  his  power,  he  might  have  gone  and  spoiled 
Boston,  and  having  so  many  men  ready,  they  might  have  taken 
two  ships  in  the  harbor,  and  gone  away  without  danger  or 
resistance,  but  his  neglecting  this  opportunity  gave  us  assurance 
of  his  true  meaning.  So  being  landed  at  Boston,  the  gover- 
nour, with  a sufficient  guard,  brought  him  to  his  lodging  at 
Captain  Gibbons’.  This  gave  further  assurance  that  he  in- 
tended us  no  evil,  because  he  voluntarily  put  his  person 
in  our  power.  The  next  day  the  governour  called  together 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


313 


such  of  the  magistrates  as  were  at  hand,  and  some  of  the 
deputies,  and  propounding  the  cause  to  them,  and  La  Tour 
being  present,  and  the  captain  of  his  ship,  etc.,  lie  showed  his 
commission,  which  was  fairly  engrossed  in  parchment  under 
the  hand  and  seal  of  the  Vice  Admiral  of  France,  and  grand 
prior,  etc.,  to  bring  supply  to  La  Tour,  whom  he  styled  his 
majesty’s  lieutenant  general  of  L’Acadye,  and  also  a letter 
from  the  agent  of  the  company  of  France  to  whom  he  hath 
reference,  informing  him  of  the  injurious  practices  of  D’Aulnay 
against  him,  and  advising  him  to  look  to  himself,  etc.,  and 
superscribed  to  him  as  lieutenant  general,  etc.  Upon  this  it 
appeared  to  us,  (that  being  dated  in  April  last,)  that  not- 
withstanding the  news  which  D’Aulnay  had  sent  to  our  gover- 
nour  the  last  year,  whereby  La  Tour  was  proclaimed  a rebel, 
etc.,  yet  he  stood  in  good  terms  with  the  state  of  France, 
and  also  with  the  company.  Whereupon,  though  we  could 
not  grant  him  aid  without  advice  of  the  other  commissioners 
of  our  confederacy,  yet  we  thought  it  not  fit  nor  just  to 
hinder  any  that  would  be  willing  to  be  hired  to  aid  him ; and 
accordingly  we  answered  him  that  we  would  allow  him  a 
free  mercate,  that  he  might  hire  any  ships  which  lay  in  our 
harbor,  etc.  This  answer  he  was  very  well  satisfied  with  and 
took  very  thankfully ; he  also  desired  leave  to  land  his  men, 
that  they  might  refresh  themselves,  which  was  granted  him,  so 
they  landed  in  small  companies,  that  our  women,  etc.,  might 
not  be  affrighted  by  them.  This  direction  was  duly  observed. 

"Jlut  the  training  day  at  Boston  falling  out  the  next  week, 
and  La  Tour  having  requested  that  he  might  be  permitted  to 
exercise  his  soldiers  on  shore,  we  expected  him  that  day,  so 
he  landed  40  men  in  their  arms,  (they  wei’e  all  shot). 
They  were  brought  into  the  field  by  our  train  band,  consisting 
of  150,  and  in  the  forenoon  they  only  beheld  our  men  ex- 
ercise. When  they  had  dined,  (La  Tour  and  his  officers 
with  our  officers,  and  his  soldiers  invited  home  by  the  private 
soldiers,)  in  the  afternoon  they  were  permitted  to  exei’cise, 
(our  governour  and  other  of  the  magistrates  coming  then 

40 


VOL.  II. 


314 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


into  the  field,)  and  all  ours  stood  and  beheld  them.  They 
were  very  expert  in  all  their  postures  and  motions. 

"When  it  was  near  night,  La  Tour  desired  our  governour 
that  his  men  might  have  leave  to  depart,  which  being  granted, 
his  captain  acquainted  our  captain  therewith,  so  he  drew  our 
men  into  a march,  and  the  French  fell  into  the  middle.  When 
they  were  to  depart,  they  gave  a volley  of  shot  and  went  to 
their  boat,  the  French  showing  much  admiration  to  see  so 
many  men  of  one  town  so  well  armed  and  disciplined,  La 
Tour  professing  he  could  not  have  believed  it,  if  he  had  not 
seen  it.  Our  governour  and  others  in  the  town  entertained 
La  Tour  and  his  gentlemen  with  much  courtesy,  both  in  their 
houses  and  at  table.  La  Tour  came  duly  to  our  church 
meetings,  and  always  accompanied  the  governour  to  and  from 
thence,  who  all  the  time  of  his  abode  here  was  attended  with 
a good  guard  of  halberts  and  musketeers.  Those  who  en- 
grossed the  ships,  understanding  his  distress,  and  the  justice 
of  his  cause,  and  the  magistrates’  permission,  were  willing 
to  be  entertained  by  him. 

" But  the  rumor  of  these  things  soon  spreading  through 
the  country,  were  diversely  apprehended,  not  only  by  the 
common  sort,  but  also  by  the  elders,  whereof  some  in  their 
sermons  spoke  against  their  entertainment,  and  the  aid  per- 
mitted them ; others  spake  in  the  justification  of  both.  One 
[blank, ] a judicious  minister,  hearing  that  leave  was  granted 
them  to  exercise  their  men  in  Boston,  out  of  his  fear  of 
popish  leagues  and  care  of  our  safety,  spake  as  in  way  of  pre- 
diction, that,  before  that  day  were  ended,  store  of  blood  would 
be  spilled  in  Boston.  Divers  also  wrote  to  the  governour, 
laying  before  him  great  dangers,  others  charging  sin  upon 
the  conscience  in  all  these  proceedings  ; so  as  he  was  forced 
to  write  and  publish  the  true  state  of  the  cause,  and  the 
reasons  of  all  their  proceedings,  which  satisfied  many,  but 
not  all.  Also,  the  masters  and  others,  who  were  to  go  in 
the  ships,  desired  advice  about  their  proceedings,  etc.  where- 
upon the  governour  appointed  another  meeting,  to  which  all 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


315 


the  near  magistrates  and  deputies,  and  the  elders  also  were 
called,  and  there  the  matter  was  debated  upon  these  heads. 

"1.  Whether  it  were  lawful  for  Christians  to  aid  idolaters, 
and  how  far  we  may  hold  communion  with  them? 

" 2.  Whether  it  were  safe  for  our  state  to  suffer  him  to  have 
aid  from  us  against  D’Aulnay?” 

The  arguments  on  these  heads  will  be  found  at  great 
length  in  Winthrop’s  “ History  of  New  England,”  with 
abundant  references  to  Scripture  precedents  ; but  they 
may  well  be  omitted  from  this  volume. 

The  result  of  all  the  controversy  about  La  Tour 
is  told  by  the  Governor,  under  date  of  July  14,  as 
follows : — 

"5.  14.]  In  the  evening  La  Tour  took  ship,  the  gover- 
nour  and  divers  of  the  chief  of  the  town  accompanying  him 
to  his  boat.  There  went  with  him  four  of  our  ships  and  a 
pinnace.  He  hired  them  for  two  months,  the  chiefest,  which 
had  16  pieces  of  ordnance,  at  200  pounds  the  month;  yet  she 
was  of  but  100  tons,  but  very  well  manned  and  fitted  for 
fight,  and  the  rest  proportionable.  The  owners  took  only  his 
own  security  for  their  pay.  He  entertained  also  about  70 
land  soldiers,  volunteers,  at  40s.  per  month  a man,  but  he 
paid  them  somewhat  in  hand.” 

And  here,  under  the  same  date,  we  find  the  Gov- 
ernor, in  most  characteristic  style,  making  acknowl- 
edgment of  the  errors  he  had  committed  in  the 
management  of  this  affair : — ■ 

"Three  errors  the  governour,  etc.,  committed  in  managing 
this  business.  1.  In  giving  La  Tour  an  answer  so  suddenly 
(the  very  next  day  after  his  arrival).  2.  In  not  advising 
with  any  of  the  elders,  as  their  manner  was  in  matters  of 
less  consequence.  3.  In  not  calling  upon  God,  as  they  were 


316 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


wont  to  do  in  all  public  affairs,  before  they  fell  to  consulta- 
tion, etc. 

"The  occasions  of  these  errors  were,  first,  their  earnest 
desire  to  despatch  him  away,  and  conceiving  at  first  they 
should  have  given  him  the  same  answer  they  gave  his  lieu- 
tenant the  last  year,  for  they  had  not  then  seen  the  Vice 
Admiral’s  commission.  2.  Not  then  conceiving  any  need  of 
counsel,  the  elders  never  came  into  the  governour’s  thoughts. 
3.  La  Tour  and  many  of  the  French  coming  into  them  at 
first  meeting,  and  some  taking  occasion  to  fall  in  parley  with 
them,  there  did  not  appear  then  a fit  opportunity  for  so 
solemn  an  action  as  calling  upon  God,  being  in  the  midst  of 
their  business  before  they  were  aware  of  it.  But  this  fault 
hath  been  many  times  found  in  the  governour  to  be  over- 
sudden in  his  resolutions,  for  although  the  course  were  both 
warrantable  and  safe,  yet  it  had  beseemed  men  of  wisdom 
and  gravity  to  have  proceeded  with  more  deliberation  and 
further  advice.” 

This  acknowledgment  of  the  Governor’s,  it  will  be 
perceived,  has  reference  only  to  the  mode  in  which 
he  had  conducted  the  affair,  and  not  to  the  substantial 
merits  of  the  question.  He  appears  to  have  adhered 
to  the  opinion,  that  the  course  he  adopted  was  “ war- 
rantable and  safe,”  and  to  have  been  ready  to  defend 
this  opinion  against  all  who  questioned  it.  An  oppor- 
tunity soon  occurred,  which  he  describes  as  follows : — 

"Those  about  Ipswich , etc.,  took  great  offence  at  these 
proceedings,  so  as  three  of  the  magistrates  and  the  elders  of 
Ipswich  and  Rowley,  with  Mr.  Nathaniel  Ward,  wrote  a 
letter  to  the  governour  and  assistants  in  the  bay,  and  to  the 
elders  here,  protesting  against  the  proceedings,  and  that  they 
would  be  innocent  of  all  the  evil  which  might  ensue,  etc., 
with  divers  arguments  against  it,  whereof  some  were  weighty, 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROF. 


317 


but  not  to  the  matter,  for  they  supposed  we  had  engaged  the 
country  in  a war,  as  if  we  had  permitted  our  ships,  etc.,  to 
fight  with  D’Aulnay,  whereas  we  only  permitted  them  to  be 
hired  by  La  Tour  to  conduct  him  home.  The  governour 
made  answer  to  this  protestation,  so  did  Mr.  Dudley  and  the 
pastor  of  Boston.1 

The  Governor’s  answer  to  the  Ipswich  letter  about 
La  Tour  is  a vigorous  piece  of  composition  of  great 
length,  concluding  as  follows  : — 

ft  More  I might  add  : All  amounts  to  this  summe,  the  Lord 
hath  brought  us  hither,  through  the  swelling  seas,  through 
perills  of  pyrates,  tempests,  leakes,  fires,  rocks,  sands,  diseases, 
starvings,  and  hath  here  preserved  us  these  many  yeares  from 
the  displeasure  of  Princes,  the  envy  and  rage  of  Prelates,  the 
malignant  plots  of  Jesuits,  the  mutinous  contentions  of  discon- 
tented persons,  the  open  and  secret  attempts  of  barbarous  In- 
dians, the  seditious  and  undermineing  practices  of  hereticall  false 
brethren  ; and  is  our  confidence  and  courage  all  swallowed  up 
in  the  feare  of  one  D’Aulnay  ? Admit  we  should  have  stepped 
aside  out  of  our  way,  doth  the  favour  and  protection  of  our 
God  wholely  depend  upon  our  perfect  walking?  Were  we  never 
out  of  our  way  before,  under  all  our  former  mercies  and  deliv- 
erances? Did  Abraham,  Isaack,  Jacob,  David,  Jehosaphat,  the 
people  of  Israel,  Judas,  and  others,  never  find  protection  and 
deliverance,  when,  by  infirmity,  they  were  found  to  be  out  of 
their  way?  If  they  did,  why  may  not  we  still  seeke  and  hope 
for  the  like,  seeing  the  Lords  mercies  indure  for  ever?  For 
my  part,  (if  there  were  not  other  sins,  which  God  may  have  a 
controversie  with  us  for)  I should  little  feare  any  harme  from 
this.  If  any  breach  were  made  in  our  peace,  this  is  not  the 
way  to  make  it  up.  We  may  bring  more  displeasure  and  danger 
upon  ourselves,  by  the  divisions  and  breaches  of  rule  which  may 
be  occasioned  by  our  unseasonable  striveings  about  that  which 


1 These  valuable  papers,  are  preserved  in  Hutchinson’s  Collection,  pp.  115-134. 


318 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


is  now  past  remedie,  than  would  otherwise  arise  from  any  mis- 
carriage in  the  business  itselfe,  in  the  worst  construction  that 
can  be  made  thereof. 

" The  feare  of  man  bringeth  a snare  ; but  lie  that  trusteth  in 
the  Lord  shall  be  safe.  — Prov.  xxix.  24. 

" J.  W.  G.” 1 2 

This  controversy  about  La  Tour  and  D’Aulnay 
created  much  ill  feeling  in  the  Colony ; and  Gover- 
nor Winthrop’s  course  was,  in  some  quarters,  the 
subject  of  severe  animadversion.  It  involved  serious 
questions  of  neutrality  and  intervention  like  those 
which  are  agitating  the  public  mind  so  deeply  at  the 
present  day ; and  we  are  by  no  means  sure  that  it 
would  stand  the  test  of  modern  international  law. 
On  the  contrary,  it  seems  in  direct  conflict  with  the  doc- 
trines which  we  have  called  on  others  to  enforce,  and 
sometimes,  unhappily,  called  in  vain.  But  it  is  pleasant 
to  find,  in  the  correspondence  of  the  time,  such  abun- 
dant evidence  that  those  who  differed  from  Winthrop 
most  widely  were  prompt  to  do  justice  to  his  motives, 
and  to  disclaim  all  personal  unkindness.  Both  Endicott 
and  Bradstreet,  who  had  dissented  from  his  course  on 
the  subject,  and  the  latter  of  whom  was  one  of  the 
signers  of  the  Ipswich  Protest,  were  among  the  ear- 
liest and  the  most  earnest  in  their  assurances  of  undi- 
minislied  confidence  and  regard. 9 

We  conclude  this  chapter  with  the  fragment  of  an 
exquisite  letter  from  Governor  Winthrop  to  his  son 
John,  bearing  date  in  this  same  year,  1643,  and  which 


1 John  Winthrop,  Governor. 

2 See  Letters  from  both,  in  Hutchinson’s  Collection  of  Papers,  pp.  120, 132. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


319 


seems  to  have  fallen  into  the  possession  of  Cotton 
Mather,  and  then  to  have  disappeared.  We  know 
nothing  of  it  except  from  this  fragment,  contained  in 
the  “ Magnalia ; ” 1 but  this  is  enough  to  shed  a flood 
of  light  upon  the  characters  and  fortunes  of  both  father 
and  son.  No  reader  can  help  regretting  that  a word  of 
such  a letter  should  have  been  omitted. 

John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

[fragment.] 

" You  are  the  chief  of  two  families ; I had  by  your  mother 
three  sons  and  thi’ee  daughters,  and  I had  with  her  a large  por- 
tion of  outward  estate.  These  now  are  all  gone  ; mother  gone ; 
brethren  and  sisters  gone ; you  only  are  left  to  see  the  vanity  of 
these  temporal  things,  and  learn  wisdom  thereby,  which  may  be 
of  more  use  to  you,  through  the  Lord’s  blessing,  than  all  that 
inheritance  which  might  have  befallen  you  : and  for  which  this 
may  stay  and  quiet  your  heart,  that  God  is  able  to  give  you 
more  than  this  ; and  that  it  being  spent  in  the  furtherance  of 
his  work,  which  hath  here  prospered  so  well,  through  his  power 
hitherto,  you  and  yours  may  certainly  expect  a liberal  portion 
in  the  prosperity  and  blessing  thereof  hereafter  ; and  the  rather, 
because  it  was  not  forced  from  you  by  a father’s  power,  but 
freely  resigned  by  yourself,  out  of  a loving  and  filial  respect 
unto  me,  and  your  own  readiness  unto  the  work  itself.  From 
whence  as  I often  do  take  occasion  to  bless  the  Lord  for  you, 
so  do  I also  commend  you  and  yours  to  his  fatherly  blessing, 
for  a plentiful  reward  to  be  rendred  unto  you.  And  doubt 
not,  my  dear  son,  but  let  your  faith  be  built  upon  his  promise 
and  faithfulness,  that  as  he  hath  carried  you  hitherto  through 
many  perils,  and  provided  liberally  for  you,  so  he  will  do  for 
the  time  to  come,  and  will  never  fail  you,  nor  forsake  you. — - 
My  son,  the  Lord  knows  how  dear  thou  art  to  me,  and  that  my 


1 Book  ii.  chap.  11. 


320 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


care  has  been  more  for  thee  than  for  my  self.  But  I know  thy 
prosperity  depends  not  on  my  care,  nor  on  thine  own,  but  upon 
the  blessing  of  our  Heavenly  Father  ; neither  doth  it  on  the 
things  of  this  world,  but  on  the  light  of  God’s  countenance, 
through  the  merit  and  mediation  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  It 
is  that  only  which  can  give  us  peace  of  conscience  with  conten- 
tation  ; which  can  as  well  make  our  lives  happy  and  comfortable 
in  a mean  estate,  as  in  a great  abundance.  But  if  you  weigh 
things  aright,  and  sum  up  all  the  turnings  of  divine  Providence 
together,  you  shall  find  great  advantage.  — The  Lord  hath 
brought  us  to  a good  land  ; a land,  where  we  enjoy  outward 
peace  and  liberty,  and  above  all,  the  blessings  of  the  gospel, 
without  the  burden  of  impositions  in  matters  of  religion.  Many 
thousands  there  are  who  would  give  great  estates  to  enjoy  our 
condition.  Labour,  therefore,  my  good  son,  to  increase  your 
thankfulness  to  God  for  all  his  mercies  to  thee,  especially  for 
that  he  hath  revealed  his  everlasting  good  will  to  thee  in  Jesus 
Christ,  and  joined  thee  to  the  visible  body  of  his  church,  in  the 
fellowship  of  his  people,  and  hath  saved  thee  in  all  thy  travails 
abroad,  from  being  infected  with  the  vices  of  those  countries 
where  thou  hast  been,  (a  mercy  vouchsafed  but  unto  few  young 
gentlemen  travellers).  Let  Him  have  the  honor  of  it  who  kept 
thee.  He  it  was  who  gave  thee  favour  in  the  eyes  of  all  with 
whom  thou  hadst  to  do,  both  by  sea  and  land  ; he  it  was  who 
saved  thee  in  all  perils ; and  he  it  is  who  hath  given  thee  a gift 
in  understanding  and  art ; and  he  it  is  who  hath  provided  thee  a 
blessing  in  marriage,  a comfortable  help,  and  many  sweet  chil- 
dren ; and  hath  hitherto  provided  liberally-  for  you  all : and 
therefore  I would  have  you  to  love  him  again,  and  serve  him, 
and  trust  him  for  the  time  to  come.  Love  and  prize  that  word 
of  truth,  which  only  makes  known  to  you  the  precious  and  eter- 
nal thoughts  and  councils  of  the  light  inaccessible.  Deny  your 
own  wisdom,  that  you  may  find  his  ; and  esteem  it  the  greatest 
honour  to  lye  under  the  simplicity  of  the  gospel  of  Christ  cru- 
cified, without  which  you  can  never  enter  into  the  secrets  of  his 
tabernacle,  nor  enjoy  those  sweet  things  which  eye  hath  not 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


321 


seen,  nor  ear  heard,  nor  can  the  heart  of  man  conceive  : but  God 
hath  granted  unto  some  few  to  know  them  even  in  this  life. 
Study  well,  my  son,  the  saying  of  the  apostle,  Knowledge  puff- 
eth  up.  It  is  a good  gift  of  God,  but  when  it  lifts  up  the  minds 
above  the  cross  of  Christ,  it  is  the  pride  of  life,  and  the  high 
way  to  apostacy,  wherein  many  men  of  great  learning  and 
hopes  have  perished.  In  all  the  exercise  of  your  gifts,  and  im- 
provement of  your  talents,  have  an  eye  to  your  master’s  end. 
more  than  to  your  own  ; and  to  the  day  of  your  account,  that 
you  may  then  have  your  Quietus  est,  even,  Well  done,  good 
and  faithful  servant ! But  my  last  and  chief  request  to  you,  is, 
that  you  be  careful  to  have  your  children  brought  up  in  the 
knowledge  and  fear  of  God,  and  in  the  faith  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ.  This  will  give  you  the  best  comfort  of  them,  and  keep 
them  sure  from  any  want  or  miscarriage  : and  when  you  part 
from  them,  it  will  be  no  small  joy  to  your  soul,  that  you  shall 
meet  them  again  in  Heaven.” 

O 


It  would  be  difficult  to  decide  whether  the  character 
of  the  Governor  or  of  his  son  shines  brightest  in  this 
beautiful  fragment.  It  furnishes  an  invaluable  illustra- 
tion of  both.  It  also  furnishes  an  opportunity  for 
reminding  our  readers,  that,  of  Winthrop’s  children  by 
his  first  wife,  John  alone  was  now  living.  His  daugh- 
ter Mary,  the  wife  of  the  Rev.  Samuel  Dudley,  died  on 
the  12th  of  April.  1643  ; though  the  Governor  has  made 
no  allusion  to  the  fact  in  any  paper  or  letter  which  we 
have  been  able  to  find,  except  the  indirect  allusion  in 
this  letter,  — which,  indeed,  may  not  improbably  have 
been  occasioned  by  that  bereavement. 


VOL.  II. 


41 


322 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

ENDICOTT  ELECTED  GOVERNOR,  AND  WINTHROP  DEPUTY-GOV- 
ERNOR. DISCOURSE  ON  GOVERNMENT. 

At  the  annual  election  of  1644,  John  Endicott  was 
elected  Governor.  He  had  come  over,  as  we  have  seen, 
in  1628,  as  the  local  Governor  of  “ London’s  Plantation  ” 
(as  the  pioneer  settlement  at  Salem  was  then  called), 
having  received  the  appointment  from  the  Governor  and 
Company  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  to  whom  he  was  subor- 
dinate.1 In  that  office,  he  had  neither  predecessor  nor 
successor,  as  his  appointment  was  coincident  with  its 
creation,  and  as  it  expired,  of  course,  when  the  general 
government  was  transferred  to  New  England.  He  was 
now,  for  the  first  time,  chosen  Governor  of  the  Colony 
of  Massachusetts  Bay ; and  Wintlirop  was  elected  Dep- 
uty-Governor. 

The  year  1644  was  eminently  a year  of  political  con- 
troversy in  the  little  Colony.  Grave  discussions  were 
held,  at  the  successive  sessions  of  the  General  Court,  as 
to  the  principles  on  which  the  government  should  be 
administered,  and  as  to  the  respective  powers  of  the  two 
branches  into  which  the  Legislature  was  now  divided. 
The  magistrates  and  the  deputies  were  drawn  into  fre- 
quent and  earnest  contention  with  each  other ; and  the 


1 See  page  26,  ante. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


3 23 


elders  were  sometimes  called  upon  to  give  judgment  be- 
tween them.  Wintkrop  discusses  the  various  questions 
which  arose  at  sufficient  length  in  his  Journal,  and  we 
are  not  disposed  to  tax  the  patience  of  our  readers  by 
reproducing  his  arguments  here.  But  we  should  hardly 
be  pardoned  for  omitting  the  new  matter,  in  connection 
with  the  same  subjects,  which  has  come  to  light  since 
this  biography  was  taken  in  hand. 

It  appears,  that,  at  the  General  Court  held  in  the 
“ 8tli  month  ” of  this  year,  Winthrop  was  involved  in  a 
controversy  in  regard  to  the  claim  of  the  deputies  to  ex- 
ercise judicial  authority ; and,  that,  in  order  to  do  away 
a misconstruction  of  his  views,  he  prepared  and  pub- 
lished a formal  Discourse  on  Government.  His  Journal, 
under  date  of  Oct.  -30,  gives  the  following  account  of  the 
matter : — 

" There  fell  out  at  this  court  another  occasion  of  further 
trouble.  The  deputy  governour  having  formerly,  and  from  time 
to  time,  opposed  the  deputies’  claim  of  judicial  authority,  and  the 
prescribing  of  set  penalties  in  cases  which  may  admit  variable 
degrees  of  guilt,  which  occasioned  them  to  suspect,  that  he,  and 
some  others  of  the  magistrates,  did  affect  an  arbitrary  govern- 
ment, he  now  wrote  a small  treatise  about  these  points,  showing 
what  arbitrary  government  was,  and  that  our  government  (in 
the  state  it  now  stood)  was  not  arbitrary,  neither  in  the  ground 
and  foundation  of  it,  nor  in  the  exercise  and  administration 
thereof.  And  because  it  is  of  public,  and  (for  the  most  part) 
of  general  concernment,  and  being  a subject  not  formerly  han- 
dled by  any  that  I have  met  with,  so  as  it  may  be  of  use  to  stir 
up  some  of  more  experience  and  more  able  parts  to  bestow  their 
pains  herein,  I have  therefore  made  bold  to  set  down  the  whole 
discourse,  with  the  proceedings  which  happened  about  it,  in  a 
treatise  by  itself,  with  some  small  alterations  and  additions  (not 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


324 

in  tht  substance  of  the  matter)  for  clearer  evidence  of  the  ques- 
tion. And  I must  apologize  this  to  the  reader,  that  I do  not 
condemn  all  prescript  penalties,  although  the  argument  seem  to 
hold  forth  so  much,  but  only  so  far  as  they  cross  with  the  rules 
of  justice,  and  prudence,  and  mercy ; also,  in  such  cases  of 
smaller  concernment,  as  wherein  there  may  he  lawful  liberty  al- 
lowed to  judges  to  use  admonition,  or  to  respite  an  offender  to 
further  trial  of  reformation,  etc.” 


It  might  be  inferred  from  the  foregoing  statement, 
that  Winthrop  had  proposed  incorporating  this  discourse 
on  government  into  his  History ; but  he  certainly  did 
not  do  so,  nor  has  any  copy  of  it  hitherto  been  known 
to  exist.  But,  among  the  papers  and  letters  recently  ob- 
tained from  the  old  family  residence  at  New  London, 
the  original  draught  of  this  venerable  treatise  has  been 
found.  It  is  all  in  the  Governor’s  own  hand,  with  many 
corrections  and  interlineations  betokening  the  care  with 
which  it  was  composed  and  revised.  Such  a paper  may, 
perhaps,  have  but  little  interest  for  the  general  reader, 
and  we  reserve  it  for  the  Appendix.1  It  furnishes,  how- 
ever, not  only  the  best  illustration  of  its  author’s  views 
and  principles,  and  of  his  ability  to  explain  and  defend 
them,  but  the  best  insight  into  the  very  source  and 
origin  of  the  institutions  under  which  we  live.  It  is 
entitled,  “ Arbitrary  Governnf  described : & the  Cov- 
er nmi  of  the  Massachusetts  vindicated  from  that  Asper- 
sion.” Its  introductory  passages  are  as  follows  : — 

" Arbitrary  Govern  ml  is,  where  a people  have  men  sett  over 
them,  without  their  choyce,  or  allowance  : who  have  power  to 
governe  them,  & Judge  their  Causes  without  a Rule. 

" God  onely  bathe  this  prerogative  : whose  Sovereintye  is 

1 Appendix  No.  XI. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


325 


absolute,  & whose  will  is  a perfecte  Rule,  & Reason  it  selfe  ; so 
as  for  man  to  usurpe  suche  Autye,  is  tiranye,  & impietye. 

" Where  the  people  have  Libtye  to  achnitt,  or  reiect  their 
Grovernours  ; & to  require  the  Rule  by  which  they  shalbe  gov- 
erned & Judged,  this  is  not  an  Arbitrarye  tfoverm*. 

"That  the  Govern nh  of  the  Massachusetts  is  such,  will  ap- 
peare,  1 : by  the  foundation  of  it : 2 : by  the  positive  Lawes 
thereof : 3 : by  the  constant  practice,  which  proves  a custome, 
then  which  (when  it  is  for  common  good)  there  is  no  La  we  of 
man  more  inviolable.” 

It  concludes  as  follows  : — 

" This  discourse  is  runne  out  to  more  length  then  was  in- 
tended : the  Conclusion  is  this  : The  Goverment  of  the  Mas- 

sachusetts consists  of  Magistrates  & Freemen  : in  the  one  is 
placed  the  Authye,  in  the  other  the  LilWf  of  the  Com  : W . 
either  hath  power  to  Acte,  both  alone,  & both  togither,  yet  by 
a distinct  power,  the  one  of  Libtye,  the  other  of  Authye : the 
Freemen  Act  of  themselves  in  Electinge  their  Magistrates  & 
Officers  : The  Magistrates  Acte  alone  in  all  occurrences  out  of 

Court : & both  Acte  togither  in  the  Gen1.1  Court : yet  all  limited 
by  certaine  Rules,  bothe  in  the  greater  & smaller  affaires  : so 
as  the  Governml  is  Regular  in  a mist  Aristocratie,  & no  wayes 
Arbitrary.” 

Appended  to  this  treatise  is  a long  Latin  excerpt, 
front  the  writings  of  St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  which  would 
hardly  add  much  to  its  interest  or  its  authority  with  the 
modern  reader.  It  certainly  did  not  secure  Winthrop 
from  serious  animadversion  at  the  time.  The  treatise 
appears,  indeed,  to  have  been  the  subject  of  severe  criti- 
cism and  censure  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies.  Win- 
throp describes  then  proceedings,  and  explains  the 
ground  of  their  complaints,  with  more  than  his  usual 
clearness,  in  the  following  passages  of  his  Journal : — = 


326 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


" Some  of  the  deputies  had  seriously  conceived,  that  the 
magistrate-^  affected  an  arbitrary  government,  and  that  they  had 
(or  sought  to  have)  an  unlimited  power  to  do  what  they  pleased 
without  control,  and  that,  for  this  end,  they  did  strive  so  much 
to  keep  their  negative  power  in  the  general  court.  This  caused 
them  to  interpret  all  the  magistrates’  actions  and  speeches  (not 
complying  exactly  with  their  own  principles)  as  tending  that 
way,  by  which  occasions  their  fears  and  jealousies  increased 
daily.  For  prevention  whereof  they  judged  it  not  unlawful  to 
use  even  extrema  remedia , as  if  salus  populi  had  been  now 
the  transcendant  rule  to  walk  by,  and  that  magistracy  must  be 
no  other,  in  effect,  than  a ministerial  office,  and  all  authority, 
both  legislative,  consultative,  and  judicial,  must  be  exercised  by 
the  people  in  their  body  representative.  Hereupon  they  labored, 
equis  et  veils , to  take  away  the  negative  vote.  Failing  of  that, 
they  pleaded  that  the  magistrates  had  no  power  out  of  the  gen- 
eral court,  but  what  must  be  derived  from  the  general  court ; 
and  so  they  would  have  put  upon  them  commissions,  for  what 
was  to  be  done  in  the  vacancy  of  the  general  court,  and  some 
of  themselves  to  be  joined  with  the  magistrates,  and  some  of 
the  magistrates  left  out.  This  not  being  yielded  unto,  recourse 
was  had  to  the  elders  for  advice,  and  the  case  stated,  with  in- 
credible wariness ; but  the  elders  casting  the  cause  against 
them,  (as  is  before  declared,)  they  yet  believed,  (or  at  least 
would  that  others  should,)  that  the  elders’  advice  was  as  much 
for  them  in  their  sense  as  for  the  magistrates,  (and  if  it  were, 
they  had  no  cause  to  shun  the  advice  of  the  elders,  as  they 
have  seemed  to  do  ever  since).  This  project  not  prevailing, 
the  next  is,  for  such  a body  of  laws,  with  prescript  penalties 
in  all  cases,  as  nothing  might  be  left  to  the  discretion  of  the 
magistrates,  (while  in  the  mean  time  there  is  no  fear  of  any 
danger  in  reserving  a liberty  for  their  own  discretion  in  every 
case,)  many  laws  are  agreed  upon,  some  are  not  assented  unto 
by  the  magistrates  not  finding  them  just.  Then  is  it  given 
out,  that  the  magistrates  would  have  no  laws,  etc.  This  gave 
occasion  to  the  deputy  governour  to  write  that  treatise  about  ar- 


OF  JOHN  WENTHROP. 


327 


bitrary  government,  which  he  first  tendered  to  the  deputies  in  a 
model,  and  finding  it  approved  by  some,  and  silence  in  others, 
he  drew  it  up  more  at  large,  and  having  advised  with  most  of 
the  magistrates  and  elders  about  it,  he  intended  to  have  present- 
ed it  orderly  to  the  court.  But  to  prevent  that,  the  first  day  of 
the  court,  the  deputies  had  gotten  a copy,  which  was  presently 
read  amongst  them  as  a dangerous  libel  of  some  unknown  an- 
thor,  and  a committee  was  presently  appointed  to  examine  it, 
many  false  and  dangerous  things  were  collected  out  of  it,  all 
agreed  and  voted  by  them,  and  sent  up  to  the  magistrates  for 
their  assent,  not  seeming  all  this  time  to  take  any  notice  of  the 
author,  nor  once  moving  to  have  his  answer  about  it,  for  they 
feared  that  his  place  in  the  council  would  have  excused  him 
from  censure,  as  well  as  the  like  had  done  Mr.  Saltonstall  for 
his  book  against  the  standing  council  not  long  before.  But  if 
they  could  have  prevailed  to  have  had  the  book  censured,  this 
would  have  weakened  his  reputation  with  the  people  ; and  so  if 
one  of  their  opposite  had  been  removed,  it  would  somewhat 
have  facilitated  their  way  to  what  they  intended ; but  this  not 
succeeding  as  they  expected,  they  kept  it  in  deposito  till  some 
fitter  season.” 

We  find  no  account  of  these  proceedings  in  the  Colo- 
nial Records  ; but  the  Report  of  the  Committee,  with 
Winthrop’s  commentaries  upon  it,  will  be  found  in  our 
Appendix.  It  is  taken  from  the  same  file  of  old  papers 
in  which  the  treatise  itself  was  discovered,  where  both 
had  slumbered  undisturbed  for  more  than  two  centuries. 
Robert  Bridges,  of  Lynn,  the  signer  of  the  Report,  and 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  by  which  it  was  made,  was 
soon  afterwards,  chosen  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Depu- 
ties ; and,  the  next  year,  was  promoted  to  the  office  of 
an  Assistant,  which  he  held  until  his  death.  His  name 
is  unhappily  associated  with  the  first  punishment  in- 


328 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


flicted  on  the  Baptists  who  came  from  Rhode  Island  to 
preach  at  Lynn.1 

In  our  Appendix  will  also  be  found  “ the  author’s  re 
view  of  his  writing,”  in  which  he  sums  up  the  whole 
question,  and  concludes  as  follows  : — 

All  the  usefull  Lawes  we  have,  had  my  consent,  & suche 
poore  helpe  as  the  Lord  enabled  me  to  yield  to  them  : some 
of  wch  have  prescribed  penaltyes,  & where  I have  wthhelde  my 
consent  to  any  suche  penaltyes,  I have  given  my  reasons  for  it, 
wch  have  been  suche  as  in  some  Cases  have  satisfied  the  Court, 
& therein  I have  taken  no  more  libtye  then  is  allowed  to  every 
member  of  the  Court.  I will  not  justifie  every  passage  in  my 
booke  : there  are  2 : or  3 : words  that  offence  hathe  been  taken 
at,  & althoughe  I can  give  a safe  account  of  them,  yet  I must 
confesse  they  doe  not  nowe  please  me,- but  when  the  matter  is 
good,  & the  intention  of  the  writer  honest,  the  Lorde  forbidds 
us  to  make  a man  an  Offender  in  word. 

” Whatsoever  is  erronious  (I  say  as  I did  from  the  first)  I 
shall  leave  it  to  its  due  censure  : but  for  all  that  is  of  God,  & 
of  the  trueth,  or  the  sincerity  of  my  intentions  herein  to  the 
pubc  weale,  or  the  Libtye  I had  by  my  place  to  propounde  suche 
considerations  to  the  Court,  if  these  be  questioned  I must 
stande  & fall  wth  them.” 

We  can  furnish  no  more  agreeable  close  to  this  brief 
chapter  than  the  subjoined  passage  from  the  Governor’s 
Journal  of  this  period : — 

"Divers  free  schools  were  erected , as  at  Roxbury  (for  main- 
tenance whereof  every  inhabitant  bound  some  house  or  land  for 
a yearly  allowance  forever)  & at  Boston  (where  they  made  an 
order  to  allow  forever  50  pounds  to  the  master  & an  house,  & 
30  pounds  to  an  usher,  who  should  also  teach  to  read  & write 
& cipher,  & Indians’  children  were  to  be  taught  freely,  & the 


1 Winthrop’s  History  of  New  England,  vol.  ii.  p.  238,  Savage’s  note 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


329 


charge  to  be  by  yearly  contribution,  either  by  voluntary  allow- 
ance, or  by  rate  of  such  as  refused,  etc.,  & this  order  was 
confirmed  by  the  General  Court  [blanlc\ . Other  towns  did  the 
like,  providing  maintenance  by  several  means.” 

The  records  of  Boston  show,  that,  nine  years  before, 
Winthrop  had  been  associated  with  Vane  and  Belling- 
ham and  Coddington  and  others  in  a liberal  subscrip- 
tion towards  the  maintenance  of  a free  schoolmaster.1 
There  was  no  danger  of  any  arbitrary  government  in 
Massachusetts,  while  such  measures  for  popular  educa- 
tion were  in  progress. 

We  reserve  for  our  Appendix  the  rough  draft  of  a 
letter  from  Governor  Winthrop  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick, 
which  evidently  belongs  to  this  period,  and  which  con- 
tains an  interesting  account  of  the  existing  condition  of 
the  Colony.2  The  Earl  was  for  a number  of  years 
President  of  the  Council  for  New  England,  and  was 
subsequently  appointed  (Nov.  2,  1643)  “ Governor-in- 
Chief  and  Lord  High  Admiral  of  the  islands  and  plan- 
tations in  America.” 


1 It  is  thus  not  without  special  fitness  that  one  of  our  largest  Boston  Free  Schools 
bears  the  name  of  the  Winthrop  School. 

2 See  Appendix  No.  XH. 


VOL.  II. 


42 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


330 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  IMPEACHMENT  OF  WINTHROP,  AND  HIS  CELEBRATED  SPEECH. 

The  controversies  about  the  Essay  on  Arbitrary  Gov- 
ernment were  followed  by  others  still  more  memorable. 
Thomas  Dudley  Avas  elected  Governor  in  1645,  and 
Winthrop  Avas  again  chosen  Deputy-Governor.  A large 
part  of  the  time  of  the  General  Court,  at  which  this 
election  took  place,  was  occupied  Avith  what  has  gener- 
ally been  called  the  impeachment  of  Governor  Win- 
throp. It  Avas  a memorable  occasion  in  the  history  of 
the  Colony,  and  in  Winthrop’s  personal  career ; and  the 
speech  which  he  made  on  his  acquittal  has  obtained  a 
world-wide  celebrity.  There  is  no  narrative  of  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  case,  except  that  which  he  has  left 
in  his  oavii  history ; but  of  this  it  has  been  well  said  by 
Mr.  Savage,  that  it  is  “ as  nearly  impartial  as  can  ever 
be  expected  from  the  most  honest  and  enlightened  con- 
temporary, Avere  he  an  observer  only,  instead  of  a mover, 
of  the  occurrences.”  The  whole  account  is  in  Win- 
throp’s best  style,  and  is  replete  with  characteristic  ob- 
servations and  incidents.  The  occurrence  out  of  which 
the  affair  grew  Avas  indeed  most  trifling  in  its  original  as- 
pect. The  question,  whether  Anthony  Eames  or  Bozoun 
Allen  should  be  the  captain  of  a militia  company  in 
the  toAvn  of  Hingham,  seems  by  no  means  important 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


331 


enough,  certainly,  to  have  set  the  Colony  in  a blaze,  and 
to  have  occupied  the  whole  of  an  unusually  protracted 
session  of  the  General  Court.  But  in  the  infancy  of 
commonwealths  it  often  happens,  — and  sometimes  in 
their  maturity  also,  — that  the  greatest  issues  can  be 
traced  to  the  most  seemingly  insignificant  sources.  A 
stray  sow  in  the  streets  of  Boston,  and  the  squabble  of 
these  militia-men  at  Hingham,  may  take  their  place  on 
the  historic  page  with  the  threepenny  tea-tax  of  our 
Revolutionary  period,  as  illustrations  of  the  petty  hinges 
on  which  the  fortunes  of  a man,  the  constitution  of  a 
state,  or  even  the  fate  of  a nation,  may  turn.  It  is 
certain,  at  any  rate,  that  some  of  the  finest  elements  of 
Winthrop’s  character,  and  some  of  the  noblest  utter- 
ances of  his  opinions  and  principles,  might  have  been 
lost  to  history  but  for  the  circumstances  which  his  own 
pen  must  now  be  allowed  to  describe  : — 

"This  court  fell  out  a troublesome  business,  which  took  up 
much  time.  The  town  of  Hingham,  having  one  Ernes  their 
lieutenant  seven  or  eight  years,  had  lately  chosen  him  to  be 
their  captain,  and  had  presented  him  to  the  standing  council  for 
allowance ; but  before  it  was  accomplished,  the  greater  part  of 
the  town  took  some  light  occasion  of  offence  against  him,  and 
chose  one  Allen  to  be  their  captain,  and  presented  him  to  the 
magistrates  (in  the  time  of  the  last  general  court)  to  be  al- 
lowed. But  the  magistrates,  considering  the  injury  that  would 
hereby  accrue  to  Ernes,  (who  had  been  their  chief  commander 
so  many  years,  and  had  deserved  well  in  his  place,  and  that 
Allen  had  no  other  skill,  but  what  he  learned  from  Ernes,)  re- 
fused to  allow  of  Allen,  but  willed  both  sides  to  return  home, 
and  every  officer  to  keep  his  place,  until  the  court  should  take 
further  order.  Upon  their  return  home,  the  messengers,  who 


332 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


came  for  Allen,  called  a private  meeting  of  those  of  their  own 
party,  and  told  them  truly,  what  answer  they  received  from  the 
magistrates,  and  soon  after  they  appointed  a training  day, 
(without  their  lieutenant’s  knowledge,)  and  being  assembled,  the 
lieutenant  hearing  of  it  came  to  them,  and  would  have  exercised 
them,  as  he  was  wont  to  do,  but  those  of  the  other  party  re- 
fused to  follow  him,  except  he  would  show  them  some  order  for 
it.  He  told  them  of  the  magistrates’  order  about  it ; the  others 
replied,  that  authority  had  advised  him  to  go  home  and  lay 
down  his  place  honorably.  Another  asked,  what  the  magis- 
trates had  to  do  with  them?  Another,  that  it  was  but  three  or 
four  of  the  magistrates,  and  if  they  had  been  all  there,  it  had 
been  nothing,  for  Mr.  Allen  had  brought  more  for  them  from 
the  deputies,  than  the  lieutenant  had  from  the  magistrates. 
Another  of  them  professeth  he  will  die  at  the  sword’s  point,  if 
he  might  not  have  the  choice  of  his  own  officers.  Another 
(viz.  the  clerk  of  the  band)  stands  up  above  the  people,  and 
requires  them  to  vote,  whether  they  would  bear  them  out  in  what 
was  past  and  what  was  to  come.  This  being  assented  unto,  and 
the  tumult  continuing,  one  of  the  officers  (he  who  had  told 
them  that  authority  had  advised  the  lieutenant  to  go  home  and 
lay  down  his  place)  required  Allen  to  take  the  captain’s  place ; 
but  he  not  then  accepting  it,  they  put  it  to  the  vote,  whether  he 
should  be  their  captain.  The  vote  passing  for  it,  he  then  told 
the  company  it  was  now  past  question,  and  thereupon  Allen  ac- 
cepted it,  and  exercised  the  company  two  or  three  days,  only 
about  a third  part  of  them  followed  the  lieutenant.  He,  having 
denied  in  the  open  field,  that  authority  had  advised  him  to  lay 
down  his  place,  and  putting  (in  some  sort)  the  lie  upon  those 
who  had  so  reported,  was  the  next  Lord’s  day  called  to  answer 
it  before  the  church,  and  he  standing  to  maintain  what  he  had 
said,  five  witnesses  were  produced  to  convince  him.  Some  of 
them  affirmed  the  words,  the  others  explained  their  meaning  to 
be,  that  one  magistrate  had  so  advised  him.  He  denied  both. 
Whereupon  the  pastor,  one  Mr.  Hubbert,  (brother  to  three  of 
the  principal  in  this  sedition,)  was  very  forward  to  have  excom- 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


333 


municated  the  lieutenant  presently,  but,  upon  some  opposition, 
it  was  put  off  to  the  next  clay.  Thereupon  the  lieutenant  and 
some  three  or  four  more  of  the  chief  men  of  the  town  inform 
four  of  the  next  magistrates  of  these  proceedings,  who  forth- 
with met  at  Boston  about  it,  (viz.  the  deputy  governour,  the 
serjeant  major  general,1  the  secretary,  and  Mr.  Hibbins). 
These,  considering  the  case,  sent  wai’rant  to  the  constable  to 
attach  some  of  the  principal  offenders  (viz.  three  of  the  Hub- 
bards and  two  more)  to  appear  before  them  at  Boston,  to  find 
sureties  for  their  appearance  at  the  next  court,  etc.  Upon  the 
day  they  came  to  Boston,  but  their  said  brother  the  minister  came 
before  them,  and  fell  to  expostulate  with  the  said  magistrates 
about  the  said  cause,  complaining  against  the  complainants,  as 
talebearers,  etc.,  taking  it  very  disdainfully  that  his  brethren 
should  be  sent  for  by  a constable,  with  other  high  speeches, 
which  were  so  provoking,  as  some  of  the  magistrates  told  him, 
that,  were  it  not  for  respect  to  his  ministry,  they  would  commit 
him.  When  his  brethren  and  the  rest  were  come  in,  the  mat- 
ters of  the  information  were  laid  to  their  charge,  which  they  de- 
nied for  the  most  part.  So  they  were  bound  over  (each  for 
other)  to  the  next  court  of  assistants.  After  this  five  others 
were  sent  for  by  summons  (these  were  only  for  speaking  un- 
truths of  the  magistrates  in  the  church.)  They  came  before 
the  deputy  governour,  when  he  was  alone,  and  demanded  the 
cause  of  their  sending  for,  and  to  know  their  accusers.  The 
deputy  told  them  so  much  of  the  cause  as  he  could  remember, 
and  referred  them  to  the  secretary  for  a copy,  and  for  their  ac- 
cusers he  told  them  they  knew  both  the  men  and  the  matter, 
neither  was  a judge  bound  to  let  a criminal  offender  know  his 
accusers  before  the  day  of  trial,  but  only  in  his  own  discretion, 
least  the  accuser  might  be  taken  off  or  perverted,  etc.  Being 
required  to  give  bond  for  their  appearance,  etc.,  they  refused. 
The  deputy  labored  to  let  them  see  their  error,  and  gave  them 
time  to  consider  of  it.  About  fourteen  days  after,  seeing  two 
of  them  in  the  court,  (which  was  kept  by  those  four  magistrates 


1 John  Endicott. 


334 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


for  smaller  causes,)  the  deputy  required  them  again  to  enter 
bond  for  their  appearance,  etc.,  and  upon  their  second  refusal 
committed  them  in  that  open  court. 

" The  general  court  falling  out  before  the  court  of  assistants, 
the  Hubberts  and  the  two  which  were  committed,  and  others  of 
Ilingham,  about  ninety,  (whereof  Mr.  Hubbert  their  minister 
was  the  first,)  presented  a petition  to  the  general  court,  to  this 
effect,  that  whereas  some  of  them  had  been  bound  over,  and 
others  committed  by  some  of  the  magistrates  for  words  spoken 
concerning  the  power  of  the  general  court,  and  their  liberties, 
and  the  liberties  of  the  church,  etc.,  they  craved  that  the  court 
would  hear  the  cause,  etc.  This  was  first  presented  to  the  dep- 
uties, who  sent  it  to  the  magistrates,  desiring  their  concurrence 
with  them,  that  the  cause  might  be  heard,  etc.  The  magis- 
trates, marvelling  that  they  would  grant  such  a petition,  without 
desiring  conference  first  with  themselves,  whom  it  so  much  con- 
cerned, returned  answer,  that  they  were  willing  the  cause  should 
be  heard,  so  as  the  petitioners  would  name  the  magistrates  whom 
they  intended,  and  the  matters  they  would  lay  to  their  charge, 
etc.  Upon  this  the  deputies  demanded  of  the  petitioners’ 
agents  (who  were  then  deputies  of  the  court)  to  have  satisfac- 
tion in  those  points,  thereupon  they  singled  out  the  deputy  gov- 
ernour,  and  two  of  the  petitioners  undertook  the  prosecution. 
Then  the  petition  was  returned  again  to  the  magistrates  for  their 
consent,  etc.,  who  being  desirous  that  the  deputies  might  take 
notice,  how  prejudicial  to  authority  and  the  honor  of  the  court 
it  would  be  to  call  a magistrate  to  answer  criminally  in  a cause, 
wherein  nothing  of  that  nature  could  be  laid  to  his  charge,  and 
that  without  any  private  examination  preceding,  did  intimate 
so  much  to  the  deputies,  (though  not  directly,  yet  plainly 
enough,)  showing  them  that  nothing  criminal,  etc.,  was  laid  to 
his  charge,  and  that  the  things  objected  were  the  act  of  the 
court,  etc.,  yet  if  they  would  needs  have  a hearing,  they  would 
join  in  it.  And  indeed  it  was  the  desire  of  the  deputy,  (know- 
ing: well  how  much  himself  and  the  other  magistrates  did  suffer 
in  the  cause,  through  the  slanderous  reports  wherewith  the  dep- 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


335 


uties  and  the  country  about  had  been  possessed,)  that  the  cause 
might  receive  a public  hearing. 

' The  day  appointed  being  come,  the  court  assembled  in  the 
meeting  house  at  Boston.  Divers  of  the  elders  were  present, 
and  a great  assembly  of  people.  The  deputy  governour,  com- 
ing in  with  the  rest  of  the  magistrates,  placed  himself  beneath 
within  the  bar,  and  so  sate  uncovered.  Some  question  was  in 
the  court  about  his  being  in  that  place  (for  many  both  of  the 
court  and  the  assembly  were  grieved  at  it).  But  the  deputy 
telling  them,  that,  being  criminally  accused,  he  might  not  sit  as 
a judge  in  that  cause,  and  if  he  were  upon  the  bench,  it  would 
be  a great  disadvantage  to  him,  for  he  could  not  take  that  lib- 
erty to  plead  the  cause,  which  he  ought  to  be  allowed  at  the 
bar,  upon  this  the  court  was  satisfied. 

"The  petitioners  having  declared  their  grievances,  etc.,  the 
deputy  craved  leave  to  make  answer,  which  was  to  this  effect, 
viz.,  that  he  accounted  it  no  disgrace,  but  rather  an  honor  put 
upon  him,  to  be  singled  out  from  his  brethren  in  the  defence  of 
a cause  so  just  (as  he  hoped  to  make  that  appear)  and  of  so 
public  concernment.  And  although  he  might  have  pleaded  to 
the  petition,  and  so  have  demurred  in  law,  upon  three  points, 
1,  In  that  there  is  nothing  laid  to  his  charge,  that  is  either 
criminal  or  unjust;  2,  if  he  had  been  mistaken  either  in  the  law 
or  in  the  state  of  the  case,  yet  whether  it  were  such  as  a judge 
is  to  be  called  in  question  for  as  a delinquent,  where  it  doth  not 
appear  to  be  wickedness  or  wilfulness ; for  in  England  many 
erroneous  judgments  are  reversed,  and  errors  in  proceedings 
rectified,  and  yet  the  judges  not  called  in  question  about  them  ; 
3,  in  that  being  thus  singled  out  from  three  other  of  the  magis- 
trates, and  to  answer  by  himself  for  some  things,  which  were  the 
act  of  a court,  he  is  deprived  of  the  just  means  of  his  defence, 
for  many  things  may  be  justified  as  done  by  four,  which  are  not 
warrantable  if  done  by  one  alone,  and  the  records  of  a court 
are  a full  justification  of  any  act,  while  such  record  stands  in 
force.  But  he  was  willing  to  waive  this  plea,  and  to  make 
answer  to  the  particular  charges,  to  the  end  that  the  truth  of 


336 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


the  case,  and  of  all  proceedings  thereupon  might  appear  to  all 
men. 

" Hereupon  the  court  pi'oceeded  to  examine  the  whole  cause. 
The  deputy  justified  all  the  particulars  laid  to  his  charge,  as  that 
upon  credible  information  of  such  a mutinous  practice,  and  open 
disturbance  of  the  peace,  and  slighting  of  authority,  the  offend- 
ers were  sent  for,  the  principal  by  warrant  to  the  constable  to 
bring  them,  and  others  by  summons,  and  that  some  were  bound 
over  to  the  next  court  of  assistants,  and  others  that  refused  to 
be  bound  were  committed ; and  all  this  according  to  the  equity 
of  laws  here  established,  and  the  custom  and  laws  of  England, 
and  our  constant  practice  here  these  fifteen  years.  And  for 
some  speeches  he  was  charged  with  as  spoken  to  the  delin- 
quents, when  they  came  before  him  at  his  house,  when  none 
were  present  with  him  but  themselves,  first,  he  appealed  to  the 
judgment  of  the  court,  whether  delinquents  may  be  received  as 
competent  witnesses  against  a magistrate  in  such  a case  ; then, 
for  the  words  themselves,  some  he  justified,  some  he  explained 
so  as  no  advantage  could  be  taken  of  them,  as  that  he  should 
say,  that  the  magistrates  could  try  some  criminal  causes  without 
a jury,  that  he  knew  no  law  of  God  or  man,  which  required  a 
judge  to  make  known  to  the  party  his  accusers  (or  rather  wit- 
nesses) before  the  cause  came  to  hearing.  But  two  of  them 
charged  him  to  have  said,  that  it  was  against  the  law  of  God 
and  man  so  to  do,  which  had  been  absurd,  for  the  deputy  pro- 
fessed he  knew  no  law  against  it,  only  a judge  may  sometimes, 
in  discretion,  conceal  their  names,  etc.,  least  they  should  be 
tampered  with,  or  conveyed  out  of  the  way,  etc. 

"Two  of  the  magistrates  and  many  of  the  deputies  were  of 
opinion  that  the  magistrates  exercised  too  much  power,  and  that 
the  people’s  liberty  was  thereby  in  danger ; and  other  of  the 
deputies  (being  about  half)  and  all  the  rest  of  the  magistrates 
were  of  a different  judgment,  and  that  authority  was  overmuch 
slighted,  which,  if  not  timely  remedied,  would  endanger  the 
commonwealth,  and  bring  us  to  a mere  democracy.  By  occa- 
sion of  this  difference,  there  was  not  so  orderly  carriage  at  the 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


337 


hearing,  as  was  meet,  each  side  striving  unseasonably  to  enforce 
the  evidence,  and  declaring  their  judgments  thereupon,  which 
should  have  been  reserved  to  a more  private  debate,  (as  after  it 
was,)  so  as  the  best  part  of  two  days  was  spent  in  this  public 
agitation  and  examination  of  witnesses,  etc.  This  being  ended, 
a committee  was  chosen  of  magistrates  and  deputies,  who  stated 
the  case,  as  it  appeared  upon  the  whole  pleading  and  evidence, 
though  it  cost  much  time,  and  with  great  difficulty  did  the  com- 
mittee come  to  accord  upon  it. 

" The  case  being  stated  and  agreed,  the  magistrates  and  dep- 
uties considered  it  apart,  first  the  deputies,  having  spent  a whole 
day,  and  not  attaining  to  any  issue,  sent  up  to  the  magistrates  to 
have  their  thoughts  about  it,  who  taking  it  into  consideration, 
(the  deputy  always  withdrawing  when  that  matter  came  into 
debate,)  agreed  upon  these  four  points  chiefly;  1.  That  the 
petition  was  false  and  scandalous,  2.  That  those  who  were  bound 
over,  etc.,  and  others  that  were  parties  to  the  disturbance  at 
Hingham,  were  all  offenders,  though  in  different  degrees,  3. 
That  they  and  the  petitioners  were  to  be  censured,  4.  That  the 
deputy  governour  ought  to  be  acquit  and  righted,  etc.  This 
being  sent  down  to  the  deputies,  they  spent  divers  days  about 
it,  and  made  two  or  three  returns  to  the  magistrates,  and 
though  they  found  the  petition  false  and  scandalous,  and  so 
voted  it,  yet  they  would  not  agree  to  any  censure.  The  magis- 
trates, on  the  other  side,  were  resolved  for  censure,  and  for  the 
deputy’s  full  acquittal.  The  deputies  being  thus  hard  held  to 
it,  and  growing  weary  of  the  court,  for  it  began  (3)  14,  and 
brake  not  up  (save  one  week)  till  (5)  5,  were  content  they 
should  pay  the  charges  of  the  court.  After,  they  were  drawn 
to  consent  to  some  small  fines,  but  in  this  they  would  have 
drawn  in  lieutenant  Ernes  to  have  been  fined  deeply,  he  being 
neither  plaintiff  nor  defendant,  but  an  informer  only,  and  had 
made  good  all  the  points  of  his  information,  and  no  offence 
found  in  him,  other  than  that  which  was  after  adjudged  worthy 
admonition  only ; and  they  would  have  imposed  the  charges  of 
the  court  upon  the  whole  trained  band  at  Hingham,  when  it  was 

43 


VOL.  II. 


338 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


apparent,  that  divers  were  innocent,  and  had  no  hand  in  any  of 
these  proceedings.  The  magistrates  not  consenting  to  so  mani- 
fest injustice,  they  sent  to  the  deputies  to  desire  them  to  join 
with  them  in  calling  in  the  help  of  the  elders,  (for  they  were 
now  assembled  at  Cambridge  from  all  parts  of  the  United 
Colonies,  and  divers  of  them  were  present  when  the  cause  was 
publicly  heard,,  and  declared  themselves  much  grieved  to  see 
that  the  deputy  governour  should  be  called  forth  to  answer  as  a 
delinquent  in  such  a case  as  this  was,  and  one  of  them,  in  the 
name  of  the  rest,  had  written  to  him  to  that  effect,  fearing  least 
he  should  apprehend  over  deeply  of  the  injury,  etc.)  but  the 
deputies  would  by  no  means  consent  thereto,  for  they  knew  that 
many  of  the  elders  understood  the  cause,  and  were  more  careful 
to  uphold  the  honor  and  power  of  the  magistrates  than  them- 
selves well  liked  of,  and  many  of  them  (at  the  request  of  the 
elder  and  others  of  the  church  of  Hingham  during  this  court) 
had  been  at  Hingham,  to  see  if  they  could  settle  peace  in  the 
church  there,  and  found  the  elder  and  others  the  petitioners  in 
great  fault,  etc.  After  this  (upon  motion  of  the  deputies)  it 
was  agreed  to  refer  the  cause  to  arbitrators,  according  to  an 
order  of  court,  when  the  magistrates  and  deputies  cannot  agree, 
etc.  The  magistrates  named  six  of  the  elders  of  the  next 
towns,  and  left  it  to  them  to  choose  any  three  or  four  of  them, 
and  required  them  to  name  six  others.  The  deputies  finding 
themselves  now  at  the  wall,  and  not  daring  to  trust  the  elders 
with  the  cause,  they  sent  to  desire  that  six  of  themselves  might 
come  and  confer  with  the  magistrates,  which  being  granted, 
they  came,  and  at  last  came  to  this  agreement,  viz.,  the  chief 
petitioners  and  the  rest  of  the  offenders  were  severally  fined, 
(all  their  fines  not  amounting  to  50  pounds,)  the  rest  of  the 
petitioners  to  bear  equal  share  to  50  pounds  more  towards  the 
charges  of  the  court,  (two  of  the  principal  offenders  were 
(he  deputies  of  the  town,  Joshua  Hubbert  and  Bozone  Allen, 
the  first  was  fined  20  pounds,  and  the  other  5 pounds,)  lieuten- 
ant Ernes  to  be  under  admonition,  the  deputy  governour  to  be 
legally  and  publicly  acquit  of  all  that  was  laid  to  his  charge. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


'6'6  9 

"According  to  this  agreement,  (5)  3,  presently  after  the  lec- 
ture the  magistrates  and  deputies  took  their  places  in  the  meet- 
ing house,  and  the  people  being  come  together,  and  the  deputy 
governour  placing  himself  within  the  bar,  as  at  the  time  of  the 
hearing,  etc.,  the  governour  read  the  sentence  of  the  court, 
without  speaking  any  more,  for  the  deputies  had  (by  impor- 
tunity) obtained  a promise  of  silence  from  the  magistrates. 
Then  was  the  deputy  governour  desired  by  the  court  to  go  up 
and  take  his  place  again  upon  the  bench,  which  he  did  accord- 
ingly, and  the  court  being  about  to  rise,  he  desired  leave  for  a 
little  speech,  which  was  to  this  effect.” 

GOVERNOR  WINTHROP’S  SPEECH. 

"I  suppose  something  may  be  expected  from  me,  upon  this 
charge  that  is  befallen  me,  which  moves  me  to  speak  now  to 
you  ; yet  I intend  not  to  intermeddle  in  the  proceedings  of  the 
court,  or  with  any  of  the  persons  concerned  therein.  Only  I 
bless  God,  that  I see  an  issue  of  this  troublesome  business. 
I also  acknowledge  the  justice  of  the  court,  and,  for  mine  own 
part,  I am  well  satisfied,  I was  publicly  charged,  and  I am  pub- 
licly and  legally  acquitted,  which  is  all  I did  expect  or  desire. 
And  though  this  be  sufficient  for  my  justification  before  men, 
yet  not  so  before  the  God,  who  hath  seen  so  much  amiss  in  my 
dispensations  (and  even  in  this  affair)  as  calls  me  to  be  humble. 
For  to  be  publicly  and  criminally  charged  in  this  court,  is 
matter  of  humiliation,  (and  I desire  to  make  a right  use  of  it,) 
notwithstanding  I be  thus  acquitted.  If  her  father  had  spit  in 
her  face,  (saith  the  Lord  concerning  Miriam,)  should  she  not 
have  been  ashamed  seven  days?  Shame  had  lien  upon  her, 
whatever  the  occasion  had  been.  I am  unwilling  to  stay  you 
from  your  urgent  affairs,  yet  give  me  leave  (upon  this  special 
occasion)  to  speak  a little  more  to  this  assembly.  It  may  be  of 
some  good  use,  to  inform  and  rectify  the  judgments  of  some 
of  the  people,  and  may  prevent  such  distempers  as  have  arisen 
amongst  us.  The  great  questions  that  have  troubled  the  coun- 
try, are  about  the  authority  of  the  magistrates  and  the  liberty 


MO 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


of  the  people.  It  is  yourselves  who  have  called  us  to  this 
office,  and  being  called  by  you,  we  have  our  authority  from 
God,  in  way  of  an  ordinance,  such  as  hath  the  image  of  God 
eminently  stamped  upon  it,  the  contempt  and  violation  whereof 
hath  been  vindicated  with  examples  of  divine  vengeance.  I 
entreat  you  to  consider,  that  when  you  choose  magistrates, 
you  take  them  from  among  yourselves,  men  subject  to  like  pas- 
sions as  you  are.  Therefore  when  you  see  infirmities  in  us, 
you  should  reflect  upon  your  own,  and  that  would  make  you 
bear  the  more  with  us,  and  not  be  severe  censurers  of  the  fail- 
ings of  your  magistrates,  when  you  have  continual  experience 
of  the  like  infirmities  in  yourselves  and  others.  We  account 
him  a good  servant,  who  breaks  not  his  covenant.  The  cove- 
nant between  you  and  us  is  the  oath  you  have  taken  of  us, 
which  is  to  this  purpose,  that  we  shall  govern  you  and  judge 
your  causes  by  the  rules  of  God’s  laws  and  our  own,  according 
to  our  best  skill.  When  you  agree  with  a workman  to  build 
you  a ship  or  house,  etc.,  he  undertakes  as  well  for  his  skill 
as  for  his  faithfulness,  for  it  his  profession,  and  you  pay  him 
for  both.  But  when  you  call  one  to  be  a magistrate,  he  doth 
not  profess  nor  undertake  to  have  sufficient  skill  for  that  office, 
nor  can  you  furnish  him  with  gifts,  etc.,  therefore  you  must  run 
the  hazard  of  his  skill  and  ability.  But  if  he  fail  in  faithfulness, 
which  by  his  oath  he  is  bound  unto,  that  he  must  answer  for. 
If  it  fall  out  that  the  case  be  clear  to  common  apprehension, 
and  the  rule  clear  also,  if  he  transgress  here,  the  error  is  not  in 
the  skill,  but  in  the  evil  of  the  will  : it  must  be  required  ot 
him.  But  if  the  case  be  doubtful,  or  the  rule  doubtful,  to  men 
of  such  understanding  and  pai'ts  as  your  magistrates  are,  if 
your  magistrates  should  err  here,  yourselves  must  bear  it. 

"For  the  other  point  concerning  liberty,  I observe  a great 
mistake  in  the  country  about  that.  There  is  a twofold  liberty, 
natural  (I  mean  as  our  nature  is  now  corrupt)  and  civil  or 
federal.  The  first  is  common  to  man  with  beasts  and  other 
creatures.  By  this,  man,  as  he  stands  in  relation  to  man  sim- 
ply, hath  liberty  to  do  what  he  lists ; it  is  a liberty  to  evil  as 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


341 


well  as  to  good.  This  liberty  is  incompatible  and  inconsistent 
with  authority,  and  cannot  endure  the  least  restraint  of  the  most 
just  authority.  The  exercise  and  maintaining  of  this  liberty 
makes  men  grow  more  evil,  and  in  time  to  be  worse  than  brute 
beasts  : omnes  sumus  licentid  deter  lores.1  This  is  that  great 
enemy  of  truth  and  peace,  that  wild  beast,  which  all  the  ordi- 
nances of  God  are  bent  against,  to  restrain  and  subdue  it.  The 
other  kind  of  liberty  I call  civil  or  federal ; it  may  also  be 
termed  moral,  in  reference  to  the  covenant  between  God  and 
man,  in  the  moral  law,  and  the  politic  covenants  and  constitu- 
tions amongst  men  themselves.  This  liberty  is  the  proper  end 
and  object  of  authority,  and  cannot  subsist  without  it ; and  it  is 
a liberty  to  that  only  which  is  good,  just,  and  honest.  This 
liberty  you  are  to  stand  for,  with  the  hazard  (not  only  of  your 
goods,  but)  of  your  lives,  if  need  be.  Whatsoever  crosseth 
this,  is  not  authority,  but  a distemper  thereof.  This  liberty  is 
maintained  and  exercised  in  a way  of  subjection  to  authority ; 
it  is  of  the  same  kind  of  liberty  wherewith  Christ  hath  made  us 
free.  The  woman’s  own  choice  makes  such  a man  her  husband  ; 
yet  being  so  chosen,  he  is  her  lord,  and  she  is  to  be  subject  to 
him,  yet  in  a way  of  liberty,  not  of  bondage  ; and  a true  wife 
accounts  her  subjection  her  honor  and  freedom,  and  would  not 
think  her  condition  safe  and  free,  but  in  her  subjection  to  her 
husband’s  authority.  Such  is  the  liberty  of  the  church  under  the 
authority  of  Christ,  her  king  and  husband  ; his  yoke  is  so  easy 
and  sweet  to  her  as  a bride’s  ornaments ; and  if  through  fro- 
wardness  or  wantonness,  etc.,  she  shake  it  off,  at  any  time,  she  is 
at  no  rest  in  her  spirit,  until  she  take  it  up  again  ; and  whether 
her  lord  smiles  upon  her,  and  embraceth  her  in  his  arms,  or 
whether  he  frowns,  or  rebukes,  or  smites  her,  she  apprehends 
the  sweetness  of  his  love  in  all,  and  is  refreshed,  supported,  and 
instructed  by  every  such  dispensation  of  his  authority  over  her. 
On  the  other  side,  ye  know  who  they  are  that  complain  of  this 
yoke  and  say,  let  us  break  their  bands,  etc.,  we  will  not  have 


1 The  Governor  seems  not  to  have  forgotten  his  Terence. 


342 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


this  man  to  rule  over  us.  Even  so,  brethren,  it  will  be  between 
you  and  your  magistrates.  If  you  stand  for  your  natural  cor- 
rupt liberties,  and  will  do  what  is  good  in  your  own  eyes,  you 
will  not  endure  the  least  weight  of  authority,  but  will  murmur, 
and  oppose,  and  be  always  striving  to  shake  off  that  yoke ; but 
if  you  will  be  satisfied  to  enjoy  such  civil  and  lawful  liberties, 
such  as  Christ  allows  you,  then  will  you  quietly  and  cheerfully 
submit  unto  that  authority  which  is  set  over  you,  in  all  the  ad- 
ministrations of  it,  for  your  good.  Wherein,  if  we  fail  at  any 
time,  we  hope  we  shall  be  willing  (by  God’s  assistance)  to 
hearken  to  good  advice  from  any  of  you,  or  in  any  other  way 
of  God  ; so  shall  your  liberties  be  preserved,  in  upholding  the 
honor  and  power  of  authority  amongst  you.” 

The  Journal  concludes  the  story  as  follows : — 

" The  deputy  governour  having  ended  his  speech,  the  court 
arose,  and  the  magistrates  and  deputies  retired  to  attend  their 
other  affairs.” 

Winthrop,  as  we  have  seen,  styles  this,  his  “ little 
speech ; ” but  few  speeches  of  that  period,  or  indeed 
of  any  other  period,  have  obtained  a wider  celebrity  in 
history.  “ The  circumstances  in  which  this  address  was 
delivered,”  says  James  Grahame,  the  excellent  and  la- 
mented historian  of  the  United  States,  “ recall  the  most 
interesting  scenes  of  Greek  and  Roman  history ; while, 
in  the  wisdom,  piety,  and  dignity  that  it  breathes,  it 
resembles  the  magnanimous  vindication  of  a judge  of 
Israel.  Winthrop  was  not  only  acquitted  by  the  sen- 
tence of  the  court  and  the  voice  of  the  public,  but 
recommended  so  prevailingly  to  the  esteem  of  his 
fellow- citizens  by  this  and  all  the  other  indications  of 
his  character,  that  he  was  chosen  Governor  of  Massa- 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


343 


chusetts  every  year  after,  as  long  as  he  lived.” 1 In 
the  Modern  Universal  History,”  this  speech,  some- 
what condensed  and  adorned,  is  pronounced  “ equal  to 
any  thing  of  antiquity,  whether  we  consider  it  as  coming 
from  a philosopher  or  a magistrate.” 2 De  Tocqueville, 
too,  quotes  a passage  from  it  in  his  remarkable  essay 
on  Democracy  in  America,  as  “ a fine  definition  of 
liberty.” 3 

We  have  given  a full  account  of  the  speech,  and 
of  the  circumstances  under  which  it  was  delivered,  in 
order  that  its  pertinency,  as  well  as  its  power,  might 
be  perceived  without  the  necessity  of  reverting  to  the 
histories  of  the  period.  But,  even  without  any  such 
explanation  of  the  circumstances  under  which  it  was 
delivered,  it  could  hardly  fail  to  attract  the  attention  of 
the  reader  as  one  of  the  memorable  utterances  of  a 
master-spirit.  American  history  furnishes  many  noble 
subjects  for  the  skill  of  the  painter ; but  it  may  be 
doubted  whether  a nobler  one  could  anywhere  be  found 
than  the  scene  which  is  presented  by  the  calm  but  care- 
worn father  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony,  pausing  at  the 
vacant  chan  which  he  was  now  called  to  resume,  and 
pronouncing,  before  the  little  legislative  assembly  of  the 
Colony,  that  admirable  definition  of  the  true  nature 
of  civil  liberty.  The  materials  for  such  a picture  are 
abundant.  The  portraits  of  Dudley  and  Endicott  and 
Bradstreet  and  Cotton  and  Wilson4  as  well  as  of  Win- 


r Grahame’s  History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  i.  ch.  3,  p.  273. 

2 Universal  History,  vol.  xxxix.  pp.  291-2. 

8 De  Toeqneville’s  United  States,  p.  24,  Am.  ed. 

4 I must  not  forget  that  grave  doubts  have  been  thrown  over  the  authenticity  of  this 
latter  portrait,  nor  that  there  are  some  misgivings  as  to  others  of  them. 


344 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


throp  himself,  are  all  extant ; and  it  may  be  that  others 
of  those  present  on  the  occasion,  either  as  actors  or  as 
witnesses,  might  still  be  procured.  The  genius  of  some 
one  of  our  native  artists  would  worthily  illustrate  itself 
by  perpetuating  the  memory  of  so  impressive  a passage 
in  the  early  history  of  New  England. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


345 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

KUNTHROP  GOVERNOR  AGAIN.  MORE  CONTROVERSIES  AT  HOME 
AND  ABROAD.  A PICTURE  OF  SOCIAL  LIFE.  ELIOT’S  LABOR 
FOR  THE  INDIANS.  LETTERS  FROM  THE  GOVERNOR  TO  HIS 
SON  JOHN. 

The  controversies  in  which  Winthrop  had  been  engaged 
during  the  last  two  years  appear  to  have  given  him  a 
new  hold  on  the  hearts  of  the  people ; and  the  political 
year  1646  finds  him  restored  to  the  Chief  Magistracy 
again,  with  Dudley  as  his  Deputy.  It  would  seem,  by 
the  following  excerpt  from  his  Journal,  that  something 
of  unusual  harmony  prevailed  in  the  General  Court 
at  its  opening  session  this  year : — 

"6.  3.]  The  court  of  elections  was  at  Boston.  Mr.  Norris 
of  Salem  preached.  Air.  Winthrop  was  chosen  governour,  Mr. 
Dudley,  (the  last  governour,)  deputy  governour,  Mr.  Endecott, 
serjeant  major  general,  and  he  and  Mr.  Pelham  commissioners 
for  the  United  Colonies.  The  magistrates  and  deputies  had 
formerly  chosen  the  commissioners,  but  the  freemen,  looking 
at  them  as  general  officers,  would  now  choose  them  themselves, 
and  the  rather  because  some  of  the  deputies  had  formerly  been 
chosen  to  that  office,  which  gave  offence  to  our  confederates 
and  to  many  among  ourselves.  This  court  lasted  near  three 
weeks,  and  was  carried  on  with  much  peace  and  good  corre- 
spondency ; and  when  the  business  was  near  ended,  the  magis- 
trates and  deputies  met,  and  concluded  what  remained,  and 
so  departed  in  much  love.  The  several  committees  for  laws 

44 


VOL.  II. 


346 


LIFE  ADD  LETTERS 


made  return  of  their  commissions,  and  brought  in  many  laws 
which  were  read  over,  and  some  of  them  scanned,  but  finding' 
much  difficulty  in  digesting  and  agreeing  them,  and  the  court 
having  much  other  business,  another  committee  was  chosen  out 
of  several  parts  of  the  jurisdiction  in  the  vacancy  of  the  court, 
which  was  adjourned  to  7 (8,)  to  extract  out  of  the  whole 
such  as  should  be  thought  fit  to  be  established,  and  so  to 
reduce  them  into  one  volume,  to  agree  with  such  as  were 
already  in  force,  etc.” 

But  the  harmony  here  depicted  was  not  of  long- 
duration.  Fresh  dissensions  and  discords  were  not  far 
off.  Before  the  session  of  the  Court  of  Elections  was 
closed,  the  famous  petition  of  Dr.  Childe  and  his  asso- 
ciates was  delivered  to  the  deputies  ; and  the  Colony 
was  soon  engaged  in  a controversy,  which  involved 
questions  both  of  domestic  and  of  foreign  relation,  and 
of  the  highest  moment.  Not  many  months  afterwards, 
an  assembly  or  synod  of  the  churches  was  held  at 
Cambridge,  and  gave  occasion  to  religious  agitations 
of  the  most  violent  character.  And  then,  about  the 
time  the  synod  was  broken  up,  there  came  over  from 
England  an  order  from  the  Commissioners  of  Planta- 
tions, requiring  the  rulers  of  the  Colony  to  give  free 
admission  to  Gorton  and  Holden  and  their  company 
to  land  at  any  port  in  New  England,  and  return  to 
Narraganset  Bay ; and  Randall  Holden  arrived  per- 
sonally at  Boston  as  the  bearer  of  the  order.  Holden 
wras  permitted  to  pass  quietly  to  his  destination ; but 
the  question  of  allowing  him  and  his  associates  to  re- 
possess the  land  they  claimed  gave  rise  to  prolonged 
debates  as  to  the  amount  of  subordination  and  sub- 
jection which  was  justly  to  be  enforced  by  the  mother 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


347 


country,  or  to  be  submitted  to  by  the  Colony.  So 
important  was  it  considered  that  these  questions  should 
be  properly  discussed  and  carefully  adjusted,  that  a 
special  mission  to  England  was  arranged  for  the  pur- 
pose. “ This  Court,”  says  the  Governor,  under  date 
of  Nov.  9,  “ the  business  of  Gorton,  etc.,  and  of  the 
petitioners,  Dr.  Childe,  etc.,  were  taken  into  consid- 
eration, and  it  was  thought  needful  to  send  some  able 
man  into  England,  with  commission  and  instructions, 
to  satisfy  the  Commissioners  for  Plantations  about  those 
complaints.” 

The  court  at  first  determined  to  intrust  this  mission 
to  Edward  Winslow,  of  Plymouth ; but  it  was  after- 
wards proposed  that  Governor  Winthrop  himself  should 
undertake  it.  The  following  passage  from  his  History 
will  explain  the  views  under  which  he  was  excused : — 

" The  court  had  made  choice  of  Mr.  Edward  Winslow, 
(one  of  the  magistrates  of  Plimouth,)  as  a fit  man  to  be 
employed  in  our  present  affairs  in  England,  both  in  regard 
of  his  abilities  of  presence,  speech,  courage,  and  understand- 
ing, as  also  being  wrell  known  to  the  commissioners,  having 
suffered  a few  years  before  divei’s  months  imprisonment,  by 
means  of  the  last  arch  prelate,  in  the  cause  of  New  England. 
But  it  was  now  moved  by  one  of  the  elders,  to  send  one  of  our 
own  magistrates  and  one  of  our  elders.  The  motion  and  the 
reasons  of  it  were  well  apprehended,  so  as  the  governour  and 
Mr.  Norton,  teacher  of  the  church  in  Ipswich,  were  named, 
and  in  a manner  agreed  upon ; but  upon  second  thoughts  it 
was  let  fall,  chiefly  for  these  two  reasons,  1.  it  was  feared, 
in  regard  that  Mr.  Peter  had  written  to  the  governour  to 
come  over  and  assist  in  the  parliament’s  cause,  etc.,  that  if 
he  were  there,  he  would  be  called  into  the  parliament,  and 
so  detained,  2.  many  were  upon  the  wing,  and  his  departure 


348 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


would  occasion  more  new  thoughts  and  apprehensions,  etc. 
3.  it  was  feared  what  changes  his  absence  might  produce,  etc. 

"The  governour  was  very  averse  to  a voyage  into  England, 
yet  he  declared  himself  ready  to  accept  the  service,  if  he  should 
be  called  to  it,  though  he  were  then  fifty-nine  years  of  age, 
wanting  one  month ; but  he  was  very  glad  when  he  saw  the 
mind  of  the  Lord  to  be  otherwise.” 

These  controversies  about  Gorton  and  Cliilde  belong 
to  general  history.  Governor  Winthrop  has  discussed 
them  at  much  length,  and  with  great  ability ; but  we 
could  hardly  do  justice  to  his  views  without  making 
larger  citations  from  his  writings  than  would  be  con- 
venient for  these  closing  chapters  of  a biographical 
sketch.  If  he  was  somewhat  sterner  and  more  severe 
than  we  could  have  wished  towards  the  agitating  and 
insolent  schismatics  who  were  disturbing  the  peace 
both  of  church  and  state  at  this  period,  it  will  be 
conceded  by  every  one  who  candidly  reads  his  account 
of  the  matter,  that  he  acted  under  an  honest  convic- 
tion that  the  very  existence  of  the  Colony  was  at 
stake.  Nor  will  it  fail  to  be  acknowledged,  that  the 
power  and  boldness  with  which  he  vindicated  the  rights 
of  the  Colony  under  the  Charter,  and  repelled  the  idea  of 
unqualified  submission  to  the  control  of  the  mother 
country,  were  worthy  of  the  founder  of  a Common- 
wealth upon  whose  soil  and  by  whose  sons  the  first 
great  stand  against  tyranny  was  destined  to  be  made 
a century  and  a quarter  afterwards.  The  statues  of 
John  Winthrop  and  James  Otis  and  John  Adams,  in 
the  Chapel  at  Mount  Auburn,  were  intended  to  per- 
sonify different  periods  in  New-England  history ; but 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


349 


they  breathe  one  and  the  same  spirit  of  resistance  to 
foreign  oppression.  The  doctrines  of  Independence 
may  be  almost  as  clearly  read  in  Winthrop’s  reply  to 
the  order  of  the  Commissioners  of  Plantations,  as  in 
James  Otis’s  speech  against  writs  of  assistance,  or  in 
John  Adams’s  defence  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence. 

We  turn,  however,  from  these  grave  topics  to  a 
pleasant  account  of  the  Governor’s  reception  of  some 
distinguished  strangers  who  visited  Boston  about  this 
time  ; which  gives  us  a glimpse  of  his  domestic  life, 
and  of  the  manners  of  the  people  of  the  Colony  at 
that  period.  The  entertainment  of  the  party  at  the 
Governor’s  house  with  wine  and  sweetmeats,  the  pri- 
vate walks  in  his  garden,  his  library  of  Latin  and 
French  books,  and  the  mode  of  observing  the  Lord's 
day,  will  not  fail  to  be  noted  without  further  comment. 
We  forbear  giving  any  part  of  the  account  which  would 
re-open  the  thrice-told  tale  of  D’Aulnay  and  La  Tour, 
and  confine  ourselves  to  that  which  is  merely  personal 
and  social  in  its  relations : — 

"20.  (7.)  ] Being  the  Lord’s  day,  and  the  people  ready 
to  go  to  the  assembly  after  dinner,  Monsieur  Marie  and  Mon- 
sieur Louis,  with  Monsieur  D’Aulnay  his  secretary,  arrived 
at  Boston  in  a small  pinnace,  and  major  Gibbons  sent  two 
of  his  chief  officers  to  meet  them  at  the  water  side,  who 
conducted  them  to  their  lodgings  sine  strepitu.  The  pub- 
lic worship  being  ended,  the  governour  repaired  home,  and 
sent  major  Gibbons,  with  other  gentlemen,  with  a guard  of 
musketeers  to  attend  them  to  the  governour’s  house,  who, 
meeting  them  without  his  door,  carried  them  into  his  house, 
where  they  were  entertained  with  wine  and  sweetmeats,  and 


350 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


after  a while  lie  accompanied  them  to  their  lodgings  (being  the 
house  of  major  Gibbons,  where  they  were  entertained  that 
night.)  The  next  morning  they  repaired  to  the  governour, 
and  delivered  him  their  commission,  which  was  in  form  of 
a letter  directed  to  the  govern  our  and  magistrates.  It  was 
open,  but  had  a seal  only  let  into  the  paper  with  a label. 
Their  diet  was  provided  at  the  ordinary,  where  the  magis- 
trates use  to  diet  in  court  times  ; and  the  governour  accom- 
panied them  always  at  meals.  Their  manner  was  to  repair 
to  the  governour’s  house  every  morning  about  eight  of  the 
clock,  who  accompanied  them  to  the  place  of  meeting ; and 
at  night  either  himself  or  some  of  the  commissioners  accom- 
panied them  to  their  lodging.  It  was  the  third  day  at  noon 
before  our  commissioners  could  come  together.  When  they 
were  met,  they  propounded  great  injuries  and  damages,  sus- 
tained by  Captain  Hawkins  and  our  men,  in  assistance  of  La 
Tour,  and  would  have  engaged  our  government  therein.  We 
denied  that  we  had  any  hand,  either  by  commission  or  per- 
mission, in  that  action.  We  only  gave  way  to  La  Tour  to 
hire  assistance  to  conduct  his  ship  home,  according  to  the 
request  made  to  us  in  the  commission  of  the  vice  admiral  of 
France.  And  for  that  which  was  done  by  our  men  beyond 
our  commission,  we  showed  Monsieur  D’Aulnay’s  letter  to  our 
governour,  by  Captain  Bayley,  wherein  he  writes,  that  the 
king  of  France  had  laid  all  the  blame  upon  the  vice  admiral, 
and  commanded  him  not  to  break  with  us,  upon  that  occa- 
sion. We  also  alleged  the  peace  formerly  concluded  without 
any  reservation  of  those  things.  They  replied,  that  how- 
soever the  king  of  France  had  remitted  his  own  interest,  yet 
he  had  not  nor  intended  to  deprive  Monsieur  D’Aulnay  of 
his  private  satisfaction.  Here  they  did  stick  two  days.  Their 
commissioners  alleged  damages  to  the  value  of  8000  pounds, 
but  did  not  stand  upon  the  value.  They  would  have  accepted 
of  very  small  satisfaction,  if  we  would  have  acknowledged 
any  guilt  in  our  government.  In  the  end  they  came  to  this 
conclusion  : we  accepted  their  commissioner’s  answer,  in  satis- 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


351 


faction  of  those  things  we  had  charged  upon  Monsieur  D’Aul- 
nay,  and  they  accepted  our  answer  for  clearing  our  government 
of  what  he  had  charged  upon  us ; and  because  we  could  not 
free  Captain  Hawkins  and  the  other  voluntaries  of  what  they 
had  done,  we  were  to  send  a small  present  to  Monsieur  D’Aul- 
nay  in  satisfaction  of  that,  and  so  all  injuries  and  demands 
to  be  remitted,  and  so  a final  peace  to  be  concluded.  Ac- 
cordingly we  sent  Monsieur  D’Aulnay  by  his  commissioners 
a very  fair  new  sedan,  (worth  forty  or  fifty  pounds  where  it 
was  made,  but  of  no  use  to  us,)  sent  by  the  viceroy  of 
Mexico  to  a lady  his  sister,  and  taken  in  the  West  Indies 
by  Captain  Cromwell,  and  by  him  given  to  our  govern  our. 
This  the  commissioners  very  well  accepted ; and  so  the  agree- 
ment being  signed  in  several  instruments,  by  the  commission- 
ers of  both  parts,  on  28  day  of  the  same  month,  they  took 
leave  and  departed  to  their  pinnace,  the  governour  and  our 
commissioners  accompanying  them  to  their  boat,  attended 
with  a guard  of  musketeers,  and  gave  them  five  guns  from 
Boston,  three  from  Charlestown,  and  five  from  Castle  Island, 
and  we  sent  them  aboard  a quarter  cask  of  sack  and  some  mut- 
ton. They  answered  all  our  salutations  with  such  small  pieces 
as  they  had,  and  so  set  sail,  major  Sedgwick  and  some  other 
gentlemen  accompanying  them  as  far  as  Castle  Island.  The 
Lord’s  day  they  were  here,  the  governour,  acquainting  them 
with  our  manner,  that  all  men  either  come  to  our  public 
meetings,  or  keep  themselves  quiet  in  their  houses,  and  find- 
ing that  the  place  where  they  lodged  would  not  be  conve- 
nient for  them  that  day,  invited  them  home  to  his  house, 
where  they  continued  private  all  that  day  until  sunset,  and 
made  use  of  such  books,  Latin  and  French,  as  he  had,  and  the 
liberty  of  a private  walk  in  his  garden,  and  so  gave  no 
offence,  etc.  The  two  first  days  after  their  arrival  their  pin- 
nace kept  up  her  Hag  in  the  main  top,  which  gave  offence 
both  to  the  Londoners  who  rode  in  the  harbor  and  also  to 
our  own  people,  whereupon  Monsieur  Marie  was  put  in  mind 
of  it.  At  first  he  excused  it  by  a general  custom  for  the 


352 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


king’s  ships,  both  French,  English,  and  Dutch,  etc.,  to  use 
it  in  all  places ; but  being  now  under  our  government,  if  we 
would  so  command,  he  would  cause  [it]  to  be  taken  down. 
We  desired  him  not  [to]  put  us  to  that,  but  seeing  he  knew 
our  minds  he  would  do  it  of  himself.  Whereupon  he  gave 
order  to  have  it  taken  down.” 

We  cannot  find  it  in  our  heart  to  omit,  from  the 
annals  of  1646,  the  following  most  interesting  account 
of  John  Eliot’s  “manner  of  proceeding”  with  the  na- 
tives. Winthrop  evidently  describes  it  con  amove , and 
nowhere  does  the  noble  spirit  of  the  Apostle  to  the 
Indians  shine  out  more  conspicuously  than  in  these 
paragraphs : — 

" Mention  was  made  before  of  some  beginning  to  instruct 
the  Indians,  etc.  Mr.  John  Eliot,  teacher  of  the  church  of 
Roxbury,  found  such  encouragement,  as  he  took  great  pains 
to  get  their  language,  and  in  a few  months  could  speak  of 
the  things  of  God  to  their  understanding ; and  God  prospered 
his  endeavors,  so  as  he  kept  a constant  lecture  to  them  in 
two  places,  one  week  at  the  wigwam  of  one  Wabon,  a new 
sachem  near  Watertown  mill,  and  the  other  the  next  week  in 
the  wigwam  of  Cutshamekin  near  Dorchester  mill.  And  for  the 
furtherance  of  the  work  of  God,  divers  of  the  English  re- 
sorted to  his  lecture,  and  the  governour  and  other  of  the 
magistrates  and  elders  sometimes ; and  the  Indians  began  to 
repair  thither  from  other  parts.  His  manner  of  proceeding 
was  thus  ; he  would  persuade  one  of  the  other  elders  or  some 
magistrate  to  begin  the  exercise  with  prayer  in  English ; then 
he  took  a text,  and  read  it  first  in  the  Indian  language,  and 
after  in  English  ; then  he  preached  to  them  in  Indian  about 
an  hour ; (but  first  I should  have  spoke  of  the  catechising 
their  children,  who  were  soon  brought  to  answer  him  some 
short  questions,  whereupon  he  gave  each  of  them  an  apple 
or  a cake)  then  he  demanded  of  some  of  the  chiefs,  if  they 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


853 


understood  him ; if  they  answered,  yea,  then  he  asked  of 
them  if  they  had  any  questions  to  propound.  And  they  had 
usually  two  or  three  or  more  questions,  which  he  did  resolve. 
At  one  time  (when  the  governour  was  there  and  about  two 
hundred  people,  Indian  and  English,  in  one  wigwam  of  Cut- 
shamekin’s)  an  old  man  asked  him,  if  God  would  receive 
such  an  old  man  as  he  was  ; to  whom  he  answered  by  open- 
ing the  parable  of  the  workmen  that  were  hired  into  the 
vineyard;  and  when  he  had  opened  it,  he  asked  the  old  man, 
if  he  did  believe  it,  who  answered  he  did,  and  was  ready  to 
weep.  A second  question  was,  what  was  the  reason,  that 
when  all  Englishmen  did  know  God,  yet  some  of  them  were 
poor.  His  answer  was,  1.  that  God  knows  it  is  better  for 
his  children  to  be  good  than  to  be  rich  ; he  knows  withal,  that 
if  some  of  them  had  riches,  they  would  abuse  them,  and  wax 
proud  and  wanton,  etc.,  therefore  he  gives  them  no  more 
riches  than  may  be  needful  for  them,  that  they  may  be  kept 
from  pride,  etc.,  to  depend  upon  him,  2.  he  would  hereby 
have  men  know,  that  he  hath  better  blessings  to  bestow  upon 
good  men  than  riches,  etc.,  and  that  their  best  portion  is  in 
heaven,  etc.  A third  question  was,  if  a man  had  two  wives, 
(which  was  ordinary  with  them,)  seeing  he  must  put  away 
one,  which  he  should  put  away.  To  this  it  was  answered, 
that  by  the  law  of  God  the  first  is  the  true  wife,  and  the 
other  is  no  wife ; but  if  such  a case  fell  out,  they  should  then 
repair  to  the  magistrates,  and  they  would  direct  them  what 
to  do,  for  it  might  be,  that  the  first  wife  might  be  an  adul- 
teress, etc.,  and  then  she  was  to  be  put  away.  When  all 
their  questions  were  resolved,  he  concluded  with  prayer  in 
the  Indian  language. 

" The  Indians  were  usually  very  attentive,  and  kept  their 
children  so  quiet  as  caused  no  disturbance.  Some  of  them 
began  to  be  seriously  affected,  and  to  understand  the  things 
of  God,  and  they  were  generally  ready  to  reform  whatsoever 
they  were  told  to  be  against  the  word  of  God,  as  their  sorcery, 
(which  they  call  powwowing,)  their  whoredoms,  etc.,  idleness, 

45 


VOL.  II. 


354 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


etc.  The  Indians  grew  very  inquisitive  after  knowledge  both  in 
things  divine  and  also  human,  so  as  one  of  them,  meeting  with 
an  honest  plain  Englishman,  would  needs  know  of  him,  what 
were  the  first  beginnings  (which  we  call  principles)  of  a com- 
monwealth. The  Englishman,  being  far  short  in  the  knowl- 
edge of  such  matters,  yet  ashamed  that  an  Indian  should  find 
an  Englishman  ignorant  of  any  thing,  bethought  himself  what 
answer  to  give  him,  at  last  resolved  upon  this,  viz.  that  the 
first  principle  of  a commonwealth  was  salt,  for  (saith  he)  by 
means  of  salt  we  can  keep  our  flesh  and  fish,  to  have  it  ready 
when  we  need  it,  whereas  you  lose  much  for  want  of  it,  and 
are  sometimes  ready  to  starve.  A second  principle  is  iron, 
for  thereby  we  fell  trees,  build  houses,  till  our  land,  etc.  A 
third  is,  ships,  by  which  we  carry  forth  such  commodities  as 
we  have  to  spare,  and  fetch  in  such  as  we  need,  as  cloth, 
wine,  etc.  Alas ! (saith  the  Indian)  then  I fear,  we  shall 
never  be  a commonwealth,  for  we  can  neither  make  salt,  nor 
iron,  nor  ships.” 

We  close  this  chapter  with  a few  more  letters  of 
the  Governor  to  his  eldest  son,  who  it  seems  had  gone 
again  to  Connecticut,  and  commenced  a plantation  at 
Pequod  River.  The  following  passage  from  the  Gov- 
ernor’s Journal  explains  the  circumstances  under  which 
he  went ; and  the  letters  will  speak  for  themselves : — 

"A  plantation  was  this  year  begun  at  Pequod  river  by  Mr. 
John  Winthrop,  jr.,  [and]  Mr.  Thomas  Peter,  a minister, 
(brother  to  Mr.  Peter  of  Salem,)  and  this  court  power  was 
given  to  them  two  for  ordering  and  governing  the  plantation  till 
further  order,  etc. , although  it  was  uncertain  whether  it  would 
fall  within  our  jurisdiction  or  not,  because  they  of  Connecticut 
challenged  it  by  virtue  of  a patent  from  the  king,  which  was 
never  showed  us,  so  it  was  done  de  bene  esse,  quousque,  etc., 
for  it  mattered  not  much  to  which  jurisdiction  it  did  belong, 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


355 


seeing  the  confederation  made  all  as  one ; but  it  was  of  great 
concernment  to  have  it  planted,  to  be  a curb  to  the  In- 
dians, etc.” 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Son . 

“ To  my  very  good  son,  Mr.  Jo.  Winthrop,  at  Fisher’s  Island,  nr. 

Pequod  River. 

" Mi  Good  Son,  — The  comfortable  season  God  was  pleased 
to  send  after  thy  departure  from  us,  and  the  fair  S.  E.  wind 
the  last  day  of  the  week,  gives  me  hope,  that  you  are  all  safe 
arrived  at  your  new  habitation.  Upon  the  said  last  day  of 
the  week  at  evening  here  came  in  Captain  Hawkins  in  a ship 
of  220  tons,  set  forth  by  one  Mr.  Roberts,  a merchant  of 
London.  Her  lading  is  linen,  woollen,  shoes,  stockings,  etc., 
and  40  tons  of  coal,  and  is  bound  from  hence  to  Malago. 
Captain  Hawkins  is  commander  of  her.  Here  came  no  more 
in  her  but  my  sister  Peter,  (who  is  now  as  she  used  to  be,) 
and  Mr.  Clerk.  Your  brother1  hath  sent  again  for  his  wife, 
and  it  seems  means  to  stay  in  England  with  his  brother  Rains- 
borow,  who  is  governour  of  Worcester,  and  he  is  captain  of 
a troop  of  horse.  The  army  intended  for  Ireland  is  put  off, 
I suppose  it  is  upon  the  king’s  refusing  to  comply  with  the 
parliament,  which  is  all  the  news  we  have,  except  that  the  sick- 
ness began  to  spread  much  in  London.  I send  you  herein 
your  letters,  which  I thought  best  to  open  least  there  might 
be  any  occasion  from  them  to  write  back  by  this  next  ship. 
We  are  all  as  you  left  us,  I praise  God.  We  all  salute  you 
and  all  yours.  The  blessing  of  the  Lord  be  upon  you,  and  he 
protect  and  guide  you  in  this  great  undertaking.  Farewell. 

" Your  loving  father, 

"Jo.  Winthrop. 

“26  (8)  46.” 


1 Stephan  Winthrop. 


356 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

“ To  my  loving  son,  Mr.  Jo.  Winthrop,  at  Fisher’s  Island,  near 
Pequod  River,  d’d. 

"My  Good  Son,  — I received  your  letter,  etc.,  from  Rhode 
Island,  and  returned  another  to  you  by  Mr.  Cowley ; and 
having  another  opportunity  by  Captain  Malbone,  I thought 
fit  to  write  again.  We  bless  God  for  the  good  hope  we  have 
of  your  safe  arrival  at  your  own  place,  which  we  much  desire 
a further  confirmation  of.  We  all  continue  in  health  as  you 
left  us  (blessed  be  God).  Waitstill1  is  with  our  sister  Trues- 
dale.  They  make  much  of  him,  and  he  likes  so  well,  as  he 
desires  no  change.  Mary  is  with  goodwife  Childe.  They  are 
in  love  with  her,  and  she  likes  them  well.  Betty  and  Luce 
are  still  with  us.  John  Robertson  (I  hope)  is  come  to  you; 
he  went  hence  a week  after  you  in  C.  Dunham’s  vessel.  I 
purpose  to  write  to  your  brother  Stephen,  and  press  him  to 
satisfy  those  two  debts.  The  Rainbow  went  hence  the  10th 
of  this  present  with  eighty  passengers ; but  Mr.  Peters  is 
resolved  to  go  by  Malago  with  captain  Hawkins.  Major 
Bourne’s  ship  will  be  ready  within  this  fourteen  days.  Here 
arrived  yesterday  a Dutch  ship  of  300  tons,  with  250  tons 
of  salt,  sent  by  Mr.  Onge  from  Lisbon,  so  as  salt  was  abated 
in  a few  hours  from  36  to  16  a hogshead.  We  look  at  it 
as  a singular  providence  and  testimony  of  the  Lord’s  care 
of  us.  Mr.  Haynes  is  come  safe  to  us,  but  in  great  danger 
to  have  perished  in  the  tempest,  but  that  beyond  expectation, 
wandering  in  the  night,  God  brought  them  to  an  empty  wig- 
wam, where  they  found  two  fires  burning  and  wood  ready 
for  use.  There  they  were  kept  two  nights  and  a day,  the 
storm  continuing  so  long  with  them,  with  much  snow  as  well 
as  rain.  Mrs.  Peters  went  three  days  since  to  Salem,  and 


1 Wait  Still  Winthrop,  second  son  of  the  Governor  of  Connecticut,  and  afterwards 
Chief  Justice  of  Massachusetts.  I know  not  who  “our  sister  Truesdale  ” was;  but,  as 
Mr.  Savage  suggests  in  a note,  the  word  “sister”  here  probably  refereed  only  to  Church 
relationship. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


357 


Mrs.  Mary  Fenwick  and  Mrs.  Lake  and  her  daughter  with 
her.  This  is  all  the  news  I can  impart.  It  was  to  admira- 
tion, that  in  such  a tempest  (than  which  I never  observed  a 
greater)  so  little  harm  was  done,  and  no  person  hurt.  At 
Salem  the  lady  Moody’s  house  being  a flat  roof  and  but  nine 
feet  high,  the  roof  was  taken  off,  and  so  much  of  the  chimney 
as  was  above  it,  and  earned  in  two  parts  six  or  eight  rods 
off.  Ten  persons  lay  under  it,  and  knew  not  of  it  till  they 
arose  in  the  morning.  I had  thought  we  should  only  have 
declared  our  apprehensions  concerning  the  petition,  without 
questioning  the  petitioners,  but  the  deputies  called  upon  it, 
whereupon  Mr.  Fowle  was  forced  to  put  in  bond  to  answer, 
etc.,  and  the  rest  being  called,  did  presently  appeal  to  the 
parliament,  etc.,  so  as  we  are  like  to  proceed  to  some  censure 
for  their  appeal,  if  not  for  the  petition.  I have  no  more  at 
present,  but  commend  you  and  my  good  daughter  and  your 
children  and  Deane  and  all  your  company  in  your  plantation 
(whom  I desire  to  salute)  to  the  gracious  protection  and  bless- 
ing of  the  Loi’d.  I rest  your  loving  father. 

"Your  mother,  brother,  and  sister  salute  you  all. 

"Jo.  WlNTHROP. 

“Boston,  16  (9)  46.” 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

“ To  my  loving  son,  Mr.  Jo.  Winthrop,  at  Fisher’s  Island. 

"My  Good  Son,  — I have  written  two  letters  to  you,  one 
by  ¥m.  Cowley,  and  the  other  by  New  Haven.  I received 
your  letter  from  Rhode  Island,  and  do  bless  God  for  your 
safety  so  far,  and  the  hope  of  your  safe  arrival  at  Fisher’s 
Island.  I think  very  long  to  hear  certainly  from  you,  for 
the  tempest  was  most  violent.  Some  hurt  was  done  here, 
especially  by  the  tide  the  second  day  after,  which  was  the 
greatest  we  ever  had ; much  fish  and  salt  lost  at  eastward,  and 
terrible  loss  thereabout,  as  is  feared.  We  are  all  in  health, 
I praise  God.  Wait  is  with  sister  Truesdale,  and  Mary  at 


358 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


sister  Child’s.  This  gentleman,  Mr.  Malbone,  can  inform  you 
of  all,  or  in  my  other  letters  you  may  meet  with  more.  So 
with  your  mother’s  and  brother  and  sister’s  salutes  to  your- 
self and  wife  and  children  and  Deane,  I commend  thee  to 
the  precious  blessing  of  the  Lord. 

"Your  loving  father, 


19  (9)  46.’ 


Jo.  WlNTHROP. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


359 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

WINTHROP  AGAIN  CHOSEN  GOVERNOR  IN  1647.  HIS  TRIBUTE  TO 
THOMAS  HOOKER.  THE  DEATH  OF  HIS  WIFE  MARGARET.  LET- 
TERS OF  HER  SONS  STEPHEN  AND  SAMUEL.  ARRIVAL,  OF  GOV- 
ERNOR STUYVESANT. 

The  contentions  about,  Gorton  and  Cliilde,  to  which 
brief  allusion  has  been  made  in  the  last  chapter,  were 
not  unnaturally  carried  into  the  political  elections  of 
the  following  year  (1647),  and  an  attempt  was  made 
to  remove  Winthrop  once  more  from  the  Chief  Magis- 
tracy ; but  the  following  passage  from  his  own  Journal 
tells  the  result : — 

[May  26.]  " The  court  of  elections  was  at  Boston.  Great 

laboring  there  had  been  by  the  friends  of  the  petitioners  to 
have  one  chosen  governour,  who  favored  their  cause,  and  some 
new  magistrates  to  have  been  chosen  of  their  side  ; but  the 
mind  of  the  country  appeared  clearly,  for  the  old  governour 
was  chosen  again,  with  two  or  three  hundred  votes  more  than 
any  other,  and  no  one  new  magistrate  was  chosen  but  only 
captain  Robert  Bridges.” 

The  Governor’s  Journal  is  continued  with  less  than 
its  wonted  precision  and  regularity  about  this  period  ; 
and  the  reader  will  presently  be  at  no  loss  to  account 
for  this  apparent  neglect.  Here,  however,  we  have  a 
letter  from  him  to  his  son,  written  a little  less  than 
a fortnight  before  the  election  which  has  just  been  re- 


360 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


corded,  and  which  is  not  without  some  items  of  interest. 
It  will  be  observed,  that,  among  other  things,  it  says, 
“ Your  mother  hath  been  very  ill  lately,  but  (I  praise 
God)  she  is  upon  recovery  : ” — 

John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

“ To  my  very  good  son,  Mr.  Jo.  Wintkrop,  at  Nameage  upon  Pequod 

River,  d’d. 

" My  Good  Son,  — To  your  last  by  Willys  I returned 
answer  by  the  Indians  who  came  with  them,  together  with 
letters  to  Mr.  Eaton  enclosed,  which  (I  hope)  you  have  sent 
away  before  this;  and  from  them,  it  is  like,  you  will  hear 
of  the  time  of  the  commissioners’  meeting  here  before  us. 
For  such  things  as  have  befallen  us,  here  is  the  wreck  of  a 
new  pinnace  bound  for  Barbados  two  months  since  with  nine 
persons  in  her,  whereof  Mr.  Stoughton’s  son  was  one,  and 
Mr.  Buck’s  another,  and  the  taking  of  our  trading  ship  at 
Cape  Sable,  by  D’Aulney,  to  the  value  of  £.1000,  etc. 

" Here  came  in  this  morning  a ship  from  Virginia  with 
captain  Gookin  and  some  others.  She  was  bought  by  him 
[of]  the  governour  there.  She  came  out  ten  days  since,  and 
we  hear  by  her,  that  Mr.  Whiting’s  pinnace  is  safe  there, 
and  another  of  Connecticut. 

"Your  mother  hath  been  very  ill  lately,  but  (I  praise 
God)  she  is  upon  recovery.  Your  brother  Adam  is  like  to 
lose  £.60  by  this  ship  that  D’Aulney  took.  Thus  the  Lord 
is  pleased  to  keep  us  under,  and  all  in  love,  and  for  our  good, 
that  he  may  wean  us  from  this  world,  and  draw  our  hearts 
more  after  Christ  Jesus  and  those  riches  which  will  endure 
to  eternity. 

"I  hear  that  Colonel  Rainsborow  is  gone  for  Ireland,  and, 
I fear,  your  brother  Stephen  is  there  gone  with  him.1  We 


1 Stenhen  had  married  Judith  Rainsborough,  a sister  of  the  colonel. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


361 


shall  hear  no  certainty  till  a ship  come  from  England.  Captain 
Harding  arrived  at  Bristol  19  (10).  They  went  from  here 
9 (9,)  and  had  a very  tempestuous  voyage,  and  were  carried 
among  the  rocks  at  Scilly,  where  never  ship  came.  Our  pin- 
naces had  very  good  receipts  in  the  West  Indies.  I received 
letters  by  them  from  your  brother  Samuel.  He  is  well  (I 
praise  God)  and  desires  to  be  remembered  to  you.  He  writes 
that  there  was  a great  loss  in  your  brother’s  fish  and  corn ; 
and  that  there  was  lately  a great  volcano  in  Palma,  which 
brake  out  into  seven  fires,  and  they  saw  them  every  night  at 
Teneriffe,  which  is  sixty  miles  distant,  and  the  ashes  were 
blown  thither  in  their  faces.  He  sent  some  of  them  to  me. 
It  melted  the  stones,  etc.,  so  as  they  ran  down  like  streams 
of  molten  lead.  It  threw  forth  mighty  rocks,  and  let  in  the 
sea  300  fathom  deejn 

"I  hear  that  Unkas  is  much  at  Connecticut  soliciting,  etc. 
Seeing  he  is  your  neighbor,  I would  wish  you  would  not  be 
averse  to  reconciliation  with  him,  if  they  of  Connecticut  de- 
sire it.  The  wampom  which  he  received  for  me  never  came 
to  my  hands,  as  I wrote  you  in  my  last. 

"Your  neighbors  refusing  to  help  drive  the  cattle  hath 
discharged  Deane  from  coming  at  present.  Your  hogs  will 
be  lost  or  killed,  for  they  lie  in  the  neighbor’s  corn. 

" The  receipt  for  ink*  1 . . . 

"We  will  see  if  a cooper  can  be  had,  but  salt  here  is  none 
now  to  be  sold.  You  write  not,  whether  you  received  the 
hogshead  of  salt  I sent  you  by  Captain  Smith. 

"I  can  think  of  no  more  at  present.  Your  mother  and 
brother  and  sisters  are  at  the  garden.  The  Lord  bless  you 
and  my  good  daughter  and  children.  So  I salute  you  all, 
and  rest 

"Your  loving  father, 

"Jo.  WlNTHROP. 

“14  (3)  47. 

1 A receipt  for  ink,  which  the  Governor  had  given  here,  was  not  thought  worth 
transcribing  by  Mr.  Savage;  and  I the  more  readily  acquiesce  in  his  judgment,  as 

I have  not  the  original  at  hand  to  supply  the  omission. 

46 


VOL.  II. 


362 


LITE  AND  LETTERS 


" I send  you  a little  box  with  my  daughter’s  glasses , two  are 
still  behind.  I could  not  bestow  them.  You  write  nothing 
about  the  stray  mare.  Gold’s  wife  at  Tenhills  is  dead.” 

And  now  a few  weeks  only  elapse  before  we  find 
the  Governor  giving  an  account  of  an  alarming  epi- 
demic Avliich  pervaded  New  England  at  this  time,  and 
which  included  among  its  numerous  victims  one  of 
the  most  valued  and  distinguished  of  the  founders 
of  the  neighboring  Colony  of  Connecticut.  Winthrop’s 
tribute  to  him  must  not  be  omitted  here : — 

" (4.)  An  epidemical  sickness  was  through  the  country 
among  Indians  and  English,  French  and  Dutch.  It  took 
them  like  a cold,  and  a light  fever  with  it.  Such  as  bled  or 
used  cooling-  drinks  died  : those  who  took  comfortable  things, 
for  most  part  recovered,  and  that  in  few  days.  Wherein  a 
special  providence  of  God  appeared,,  for  not  a family,  nor 
but  few  persons  escaping  it,  had  it  brought  all  so  weak  as 
it  did  some,  and  continued  so  long,  our  hay  and  corn  had 
been  lost  for  want  of  help  ; but  such  was  the  mercy  of  God 
to  his  people,  as  few  died,  not  above  forty  or  fifty  in  the 
Massachusetts,  and  near  as  many  at  Connecticut.  But  that 
which  made  the  stroke  more  sensible  and  grievous,  both  to 
them  and  to  all  the  country,  was  the  death  of  that  faithful 
servant  of  the  Lord,  Mr.  Thomas  Hooker,  pastor  of  the  church 
in  II  artford,  who,  for  piety,  prudence,  wisdom,  zeal,  learning, 
and  what  else  might  make  him  serviceable  in  the  place  and 
time  he  lived  in,  might  be  compared  with  men  of  greatest 
note ; and  he  shall  need  no  other  praise : the  fruits  of  his 
labors  in  both  Englands  shall  preserve  an  honorable  and 
happy  remembrance  of  him  forever.” 

But  a far  heavier  blow  than  the  death  of  any  mere 
friend  or  public  benefactor,  however  distinguished  oi 
respected,  was  impending  over  the  Governor  when  this 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


363 


tribute  to  Hooker  was  written.  The  gentle  Margaret, 
for  whose  convalescence  from  severe  illness  he  had  so 
lately  “ praised  God  ” in  his  letter  to  his  son,  was 
struck  suddenly  by  the  prevailing  malady  before  her 
strength  could  have  been  fully  restored  ; and  she  seems 
to  have  sunk  at  once  under  the  attack.  Among  the 
manuscript  memoranda  in  an  old  almanac  of  1647, 
the  following  entry  is  found  under  date  of  June  15: 
“ Mrs.  Winthrop,  the  Governour  his  wife,  was  buried, 
who  fell  sick  on  the  13th  day  in  the  afternoon  and 
died  the  next  morning.”  The  Governor  himself  has 
noted  the  event  in  his  own  Journal,  in  the  following 
words : — 

"14,  (4.)  In  this  sickness  the  governour’s  wife,  daughter 
of  Sir  John  Tindal,  Knight,  left  this  world  for  a better,  being 
about  fifty-six  years  of  age : a woman  of  singular  virtue,  pru- 
dence, modesty,  and  piety,  and  specially  beloved  and  honored 
of  all  the  country.” 

Mr.  Savage  suggests,  in  his  note  to  this  passage,  that 
he  might  not  be  forgiven  if  he  were  to  attempt  “ to  add 
any  thing  to  this  character,  equally  observable  for  its 
brevity  and  elegance.”  Yet  we  can  hardly  permit  the 
name  of  Margaret  Winthrop  to  disappear  from  our 
pages,  without  paying  a somewhat  fuller,  even  though 
it  may  be  a less  felicitous,  tribute  to  her  memory.  Her 
character  has  already  been  disclosed  in  the  correspond- 
ence which  passed  between  her  and  her  husband  during 
their  temporary  separations  either  in  old  England  or 
in  New  England,  or  while  the  ocean  rolled  between 
them.  No  memorials  of  her  life  are  left,  save  these 


364 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


letters,  and  the  little  paragraph  which  has  just  been  cited 
from  her  husband’s  Journal.  But  these  are  enough, 
we  think,  to  mark  her  as  one  of  the  loveliest  of  her 
sex,  and  certainly  to  give  her  no  second  place  among 
the  Puritan  women  of  New  England.  We  have  seen 
her,  in  our  previous  volume,  the  daughter  of  an  emi- 
nent lawyer,  of  an  ancient  knightly  family,  leaving  a 
home  of  luxury  to  unite  herself  with  Winthrop,  at 
a period  of  his  life  when  he  had  but  little  in  the  way 
of  fortune  or  of  distinction  to  offer  her.  We  have  seen 
that  religious  sympathies  were  the  secret  of  their  mu- 
tual attachment ; and  that,  under  their  influence,  she 
resisted  the  counsel  of  family  and  friends,  who  would 
have  dissuaded  her  from  the  match.  We  have  seen 
with  how  deep  an  affection  and  admiration  she  inspired 
her  husband,  and  what  words  of  love  and  devotion  she 
drew  forth  from  him  in  every  letter  which  he  wrote  her. 
We  have  seen  with  what  tenderness,  with  what  humili- 
ty, with  what  charming  simplicity,  she  replied.  A sin- 
gle passage  of  one  of  her  letters  will  serve  to  recall 
them  all : “ My  good  husband,  your  love  to  me  doth 
daily  give  me  cause  of  comfort,  and  doth  much  increase 
my  love  to  you,  for  love  liveth  by  love.  I were  worse 
than  a brute  beast  if  I should  not  love  and  be  faithful 
to  thee,  who  hath  deserved  so  well  at  my  hands.  I am 
ashamed  and  grieved  with  myself  that  I have  nothing 
within  or  without  worthy  of  thee,  and  yet  it  pleaseth 
thee  to  accept  of  both  and  to  rest  contented.  I had 
need  to  amend  my  life  and  pray  to  God  for  more 
grace  that  I may  not  deceive  you  of  those  good  hopes 
which  you  have  of  me,  — a sinful  woman,  full  of  in- 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


365 


firmities,  continually  failing  of  what  I desire  and  what 
I ought  to  perform  to  the  Lord  and  to  thyself.”  We 
have  seen  her  bravely  parting  with  her  husband,  when 
he  was  obliged  to  leave  her  behind  on  his  sailing 
for  New  England  with  the  Massachusetts  Company  and 
Charter.  We  have  seen  her  not  less  bravely  embark- 
ing herself,  with  her  infant  child,  at  the  earliest  prac- 
ticable moment,  and  coming  over  to  live  and  die  in 
the  wilderness.  No  murmur,  no  repining,  seems  ever 
to  have  escaped  her  lips  at  the  deprivations  and  hard- 
ships she  encountered.  For  fifteen  years  she  was 
a resident  of  Boston ; and,  from  her  husband’s  po- 
sition and  her  own  position,  she  must  needs  have 
been  at  the  head  of  whatever  society  there  was  here. 
W intlirop  knew  what  he  was  writing,  when,  after  say- 
ing that  she  was  “ a woman  of  singular  virtue,  pru- 
dence, modesty,  and  piety,”  he  added,  that  she  was 
“ specially  beloved  and  honored  of  all  the  country.” 
Who  can  over-estimate  the  influence  which  a woman 
of  such  constancy  and  courage  must  have  had,  not 
merely  in  sustaining  the  hearts  of  her  husband  and 
children  in  all  their  trials,  but  in  promoting  the  com- 
fort and  the  refinement  of  the  little  community  in 
which  she  lived  1 No  better  evidence  of  her  amiable 
and  admirable  qualities  could  be  desired  than  is  found 
in  the  affection  and  devotion  exhibited  towards  her 
by  her  excellent  step-son,  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  the 
Governor  of  Connecticut,  who  could  not  have  evinced 
more  deference  or  more  tenderness  towards  her  had 
she  been  his  own  mother.  He  was  absent  from  her, 
in  Connecticut,  at  the  time  of  her  death ; and  it  may 


366 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


easily  be  imagined  that  letters  of  the  deepest  sympathy 
and  sadness  must  have  passed  between  him  and  his 
father  on  an  occasion  so  afflicting  to  them  both.  But 
none  of  them  have  survived  the  lapse  of  time.  Here 
is  one  letter,  however,  from  her  own  eldest  son.  Stephen 
Winthrop,  who  was  then  at  Keigate  in  England.  His 
father,  it  seems,  had  sent  him  his  mother’s  ring  and 
her  Bible  ; and  he  acknowledges  these  precious  relics 
in  the  postscript : — 


Stephen  Winthrop  to  his  Father. 

“ To  his  much  honored  ffather  Jo : Winthrop  Esq.,  Governor  of  y° 
Massachusetts  these  in  New : England. 

"Sr, — I received  yours  by  my  wife  who  (through  God  his 
goodnes)  is  safly  arrived  heere  wth  her  title  ones,  for  all  wch 
mercy  I desire  I may  be  found  answerably  thankfull : We  heard 
before  of  my  Deare  Mothers  departure ; wch  was  very  sad 
tidings  to  me  : & my  losse  was  as  much  in  it,  as  any  Sonnes 
could  be  in  a Mother : but  I know  God  calls  me  to  submission  : 
& to  drawe  more  nearer  to  himselfe  : whose  providence  over 
us  is  instead  of  all  relations  : of  interest  in  him  beinge  only 
durable,  ye  consideration  whereof  quiets  my  spirit : & y*  wch 
accompanied  this  sadd  tidings,  (as  if  this  had  not  beene  more 
than  nature  could  have  submitted  quietly  unto)  was  ye  relation 
of  yor  owne  sadd  & dangerous  Sickness  ; but  seeing  it  pleased 
God  yet  to  continue  you  to  us,  I shall  say  no  more  of  y* : but 
rejoyce  in  Gods  mercy  & admire  his  Wisdome  in  y*  he  afflicteth 
not  but  by  measure,  & will  not  lay  more  upon  us  then  we  are 
able  to  beare.  Sir,  it  saddens  me  when  I thinke  of  y?  remote- 
nes  from  you,  & ye  rest  of  my  ffrends  wth  you,  & I question 
not  but  providence  will  so  worke  yl  I may  see  yor  fface  againe  : 
though  I see  a cleere  providence  likewise  at  present  in  my  stay 
heere,  & I find  God  ownes  me  in  my  Imploym* : but  my 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


367 


thoughts  worke  much  toward  N : E : & if  I see  a call  of  God  I 
shall  be  very  ready  to  obay  it.  This  Ivingdome  is  in  a very  un- 
settled condition,  & it  is  wonder  all  falls  not  in  peices  in  one 
day  : but  at  prsent  I cannot  give  yon  so  particular  an  acc1  of 
it  as  I would  because  some  occation  hinders  me  from  being 
at  London  this  six  weeks  : & ye  Shipp  I understand  is  goeing  : 
for  wch  reason  I shall  write  to  fewe ; nor  about  any  buisnes, 
but  desire  you  to  remembr  me  to  all  o!'  ffrends,  & so  earnestly 
beggeing  yor  prayers  & blessings  I rest 

" Sir,  Yol  most  Obeedient 
" Sonne, 

" Steph  : Winthrop. 

“ Rigat  : 2 March  47. 

"Sir, — I thancke  you  for  my  Mother’s  Ring  & Bible  you 
were  pleased  to  send  me ; my  wife  is  at  ye  Downes  wth  hir 
brother  at  this  time,  I suppose  she  wm  p’sent  hir  Duty  to  you 
in  a Letter  hir  selfe,  ye  shipp  goeing  y*  way.” 

A few  days  later  (6th  March,  1647),  we  find  Stephen 
writing  to  his  “ honoured  brother,”  the  Governor  of 
Connecticut,  and  saying,  “ All  my  comforts  this  yeare 
are  mixt  with  y?  sadd  newes  of  my  mother's  death.  My 
losse  in  it  is  very  much,  and  as  much  as  could  be  in 
a mother ; but  I know  God  cann  make  up  all  to  us 
in  Himselfe,  w?h  is  y?  only  durable  comfort.” 

And  here  is  a letter  from  Margaret’s  youngest  living 
son,  Samuel,  who  was  then  at  St.  Christopher’s,  and 
wliose  sorrow  is  not  less  tenderly  and  touchingly  ex- 
pressed : — - 

Samuel  Winthrop  to  his  Father. 

“Hono1!?  Father,  “ S*.  X*  pors,  August : 30:  1647. 

"S?. — My  laste  vnto  you  was  from  the  Barbados,  where  I 
advized  of  my  health  and  purpose  of  coming  downe  to  this 
Island  wth  a parcell  of  wines,  wch  is  now  put  in  execution,  &, 


368 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


blessed  bee  God,  well  sold.  I thought  to  have  remained  at  the 
Barbados,  but  want  of  a passage  hath  diverted  my  minde,  I 
must  now  pfoaree  see  London  or  Holland,  I must  not  lie  still 
and  begge.  Si  Thomas  Warner  hath  used  me  verry  kindely 
here  and  showne  me  a great  deale  of  favor  both  in  advice  & as- 
sistance, being  a stranger,  & like  wise  his  Lady  interteyned  me 
wth  a great  deale  of  courtesy,  who  is  now  gon  for  Holland. 
Pray  Si  be  not  unmindfull  in  yor  next  letters  to  returne  him 
thankes.  By  Mi  Payson  I received  the  sad  newes  of  my  moth- 
ers death,  wch  I thought  I could  have  born  wth  a great  deale 
more  patience  then  now  I finde  I canne.  Praie  God  so  to  sea- 
son it  to  me  that  out  of  this  greatest  affliccon  I maie  receive 
greatest  benefit.  He  hath  promised  that  all  things  shall  prove 
to  the  best  to  those  that  love  and  feare  Him  : if  all  things,  then 
the  losse  of  a dearest  mother,  to  whom  I may  goe  but  to  me 
she  neer  can  come.  Greife  cuts  me  offe  that  I cannot  write 
either  what  nor  as  I would.  Let  these  request  yor  prayers  to 
the  Almighty  for  mee,  that  though  all  freinds  fayle  & nerest 
relations  be  taken  awaie,  yet  that  He  would  fayle  me  never. 
Pray  Si  remember  my  best  respects  to  my  Brother  Jn°,  wn  you 
have  opportunitie  of  writeing  to  him,  & likewise  to  my  brother 
Deane  whoes  remote  liveing  shall  excuse  my  not  writeing.  So 
craveing  yor  blessing  rest 

"Yor  most  obedient  Sonne 

" Samuel  Winthrop. 

"Praie  remember  me  kindly  to  Goodman  Child  & His  wife.” 

Margaret  Winthrop  was  the  mother  of  eight  chil- 
dren. Four  of  them  — Nathaniel,  Anne,  William,  and 
Sarah  — died  in  infancy.  Her  eldest  son,  Stephen,  was 
for  several  years  Recorder  of  Boston,  and  a member 
of  the  Colonial  Legislature.  He  went  to  England  in 
1646,  and,  soon  after  the  date  of  the  letter  which  we 
have  just  given,  became  a colonel  in  Cromwell’s  army, 
and  a member  of  one  of  his  parliaments.  He  sat  for 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


369 


Banff  and  Aoerdeen  in  1656  ; and  Burton’s  Diary  rep- 
resents him  as  taking  some  little  part  in  at  least  one 
of  the  debates  of  that  year.  Roger  Williams,  in  a letter 
to  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  in  1656,  says:  “Your  brother 
Stephen  succeeds  Major-General  Harrison ; ” but  there 
is  no  evidence  that  he  really  received  such  a promotion. 
He  died  at  London  in  1658,  and  bequeathed  a hundred 
pounds  to  the  poor  of  Boston,  on  condition  that  a tomb 
should  be  erected  over  the  grave  of  his  father  and 
mother.  We  know  not  whether  the  legacy  was  ever 
paid,  or  the  condition  fulfilled. 

From  Margaret’s  second  son,  Adam,  (who  died  in 
1652,  at  thirty-two  years  of  age),  was  descended,  in  the 
third  generation,  John  Winthrop,  LL.D.,  the  eminent 
professor  of  Mathematics  and  Natural  Philosophy  at 
Harvard  University  from  1738  to  1779,  the  friend  and 
correspondent  of  Franklin,  and  one  of  the  few  American 
members,  at  that  day,  of  the  Royal  Society  of  England.1 

The  third  of  her  sons  who  lived  to  maturity,  Deane, 
was  a worthy  and  useful  citizen  of  the  Colony ; residing 
at  a point 2 in  Boston  Harbor  which  has  recently  been 
incorporated  as  the  town  of  Winthrop.  He  died  there 
on  the  16th  of  March,  1704,  at  the  age  of  eighty-one. 

Margaret’s  fourth  son,  Samuel,  was  settled  as  a 
planter  at  Antigua,  and  was  Deputy-Governor  of  that 
island  in  1668.  He  became  connected  by  marriage 
with  the  Byams  and  Thomases  and  Williamses,  and 


1 From  this  son  descend  the  only  two  surviving  male  representatives  of  Margaret, 
bearing  the  name  of  Winthrop,  — Colonel  John  Winthrop,  of  Louisiana,  and  William 
Winthrop,  Esq.,  for  many  years  United-States  consul  at  Malta,  and  a frequent  contributor 
to  the  “Notes  and  Queries,”  and  the  publications  of  the  Camden  Society. 

2 Pullen  Point. 


VOL.  II. 


47 


370 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


others  of  the  best  families  of  the  place ; while  the 
marriage  of  his  grand-daughter  to  Captain  Henry  Lyons 
has  entitled  him  to  be  included  among  the  lineal  an 
cestors  of  the  late  distinguished  Admiral  Lord  Lyons : 
of  his  hardly  less  distinguished  son,  the  late  British 
Minister  to  the  United  States  ; and  of  his  grandson, 
the  young  Duke  of  Norfolk.  And  thus  the  Puritan 
blood  of  Margaret  Winthrop  is  found  flowing  in  old 
England,  after  two  centuries  and  a quarter,  in  the  veins 
not  merely  of  the  highest  nobility,  but  of  the  leading 
Homan-Catholic  family  of  the  realm ! Meantime,  within 
a few  years  past,  she  herself  has  been  made  the  subject 
of  a considerable  biography ; being  included  among  the 
“ Memorable  Women  of  the  Puritan  Times,”  in  a work 
bearing  that  title,  by  the  Eev.  James  Anderson,  of 
Scotland.  It  is  made  up  from  the  letters  and  other 
materials  which  have  already  been  given  in  this  and 
in  our  previous  volume,  and,  of  course,  adds  nothing 
to  our  knowledge  of  her  career  or  character.  But, 
coming  from  a stranger  in  a distant  land,  two  hundred 
and  fifteen  years  after  she  was  laid  in  her  humble  New- 
England  grave,  it  is  a striking  evidence  that  such  lovely 
examples  of  fortitude  and  piety  are  not  destined  to  be 
lost  to  the  history  of  their  sex.  No  portrait  of  her 
remains,  if  any  was  ever  taken ; and  we  have  no  de- 
scription of  her  appearance.  We  would  fain  imagine 
her  possessed  of  every  personal  charm.  Indeed,  her 
husband  seems  to  authorize  this  idea,  when,  in  one 
of  his  parting  letters,  on  leaving  her  to  embark  for 
New  England,  he  exclaims,  “ Oh,  how  it  refresheth 
my  heart  to  think  that  I shall  yet  again  see  thy  sweet 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


371 


face  in  the  land  of  the  living ; that  lovely  countenance 
that  I have  so  much  delighted  in,  and  beheld  with 
so  great  content ! ” But,  whatever  may  have  been  her 
personal  aspect,  no  one,  we  think,  can  read  the  simple 
story  of  her  life,  with  her  little  notes  and  letters  to  her 
husband  and  children,  without  being  impressed  with  the 
sweetness  of  her  disposition  and  the  charms  of  her  char- 
acter, or  without  recalling  the  words  in  which  the  wise 
man  of  Israel  summed  up  the  supreme  excellences  of 
her  sex,  — “Favor  is  deceitful  and  beauty  is  vain;  but 
a woman  that  feareth  the  Lord,  she  shall  be  praised.” 1 

The  Journal  for  1647  contains  but  little  else  of  per- 
sonal or  domestic  interest.  Here  is,  however,  an  amu- 
sing illustration  of  the  views  which  were  entertained 
in  those  days  in  regard  to  the  ceremonies  of  marriage, 
and  the  manner  in  which  they  should  be  performed. 
It  would  seem,  that,  up  to  this  time,  “ the  English  cus- 
tom of  ministers  performing  the  solemnity  of  marriage  ” 
had  not  been  “ brought  in.” 

"4.  (6).  There  was  a great  marriage  to  be  solemnized 
at  Boston.  The  bridegroom  being  of  Hingham,  Mr.  Hub- 
bard’s church,  he  was  procured  to  preach,  and  came  to  Boston 
to  that  end.  But  the  magistrates,  hearing  of  it,  sent  to  him 
to  forbear.  The  reasons  were,  1.  for  that  Bis  spirit  had 
been  discovered  to  be  averse  to  our  ecclesiastical  and  civil 
government,  and  he  was  a bold  man,  and  would  speak  his 
mind,  2.  we  were  not  willing  to  bring  in  the  English  custom 
of  ministers  performing  the  solemnity  of  marriage,  which  ser- 


1 There  is  no  tombstone  to  mark  the  burial-place  of  Margaret  Winthrop;  but  there  is 
(he  best  reasonyor  thinking  that  her  remains  were  laid  in  the  same  graveyard  in  which 
ter  husband  was  afterwards  buried. 


372 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


mons  at  such  times  might  induce,  but  if  any  ministers  were 
present,  and  would  bestow  a word  of  exhortation,  etc.,  it  was 
permitted.”  1 

Here  is  also  a passage  of  the  same  date,  announcing 
the  arrival,  at  what  is  now  known  as  New  York,  of  a 
new  Governor,  one  of  whose  descendants  in  the  next 
century  was  to  be  united  in  the  closest  ties  with  one 
of  the  descendants  of  Winthrop  himself,  and  many 
worthy  inheritors  of  the  common  blood  to  spring  from 
the  union:2  — 

"The  new  governour  of  the  Dutch,  called  Peter  Stevesant, 
being  arrived  at  the  Monados,  sent  his  secretary  to  Boston 
with  letters  to  the  governour,  with  tender  of  all  courtesy  and 
good  correspondency,  but  withal  taking  notice  of  the  differ- 
ences between  them  and  Connecticut,  and  offering  to  have 
them  referred  to  friends  here,  not  to  determine,  but  to  pre- 
pare for  a hearing  and  determination  in  Europe ; in  which 
letter  he  lays  claim  to  all  between  Connecticut  and  Delaware. 
The  commissioners  being  assembled  at  Boston,  the  governour 
acquainted  them  with  the  letter ; and  it  was  put  to  considera- 
tion what  answer  to  return.  Some  advised,  that  seeing  he 
made  profession  of  much  good  will  and  desire  of  all  neighborly 
correspondency,  we  should  seek  to  gain  upon  him  by  courtesy, 
and  therefore  to  accept  his  offer,  and  to  tender  him  a visit 


1 I have  found  a number  of  certificates  of  marriage  by  the  magistrates  of  Massachu- 
setts and  of  Plymouth  among  the  old  family  papers.  I was  indebted,  however,  to  the 
kindness  of  my  accomplished  friend,  Lord  Napier,  late  Minister  at  Washington,  and  now 
Governor  of  Madras,  for  an  original  exemplification  of  a marriage  certificate  signed  by 
Governor  Winthrop  himself  in  this  very  year,  1647,  and  emblazoned  with  the  great  sea] 
of  Massachusetts.  It  had,  doubtless,  been  sent  over  to  England  to  settle  some  question 
of  descent  or  property  at  the  time. 

2 Benjamin  Winthrop,  Esq  , of  New  York,  of  the  sixth  generation  of  the  Governor’ 
descendants,  married  Judith  Stuyvesant,  19  January,  1785.  One  of  their  sons,  Benjamin 
Robert,,  is  the  Vice  Pres’ient  of  the  New- York  Historical  Society;  and  one  of  their 
daughters  (now  deceased  was  the  wife  of  Hon.  George  Folsom,  late  United-States  Min- 
ister to  Holland. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


373 


at  his  own  home,  or  a meeting  at  any  of  our  towns  where  he 
should  choose.  But  the  commissioners  of  those  parts  thought 
otherwise,  supposing  it  would  be  more  to  their  advantage  to 
stand  upon  terms  of  distance,  etc.  And  answer  was  returned 
accordingly,  only  taking  notice  of  his  offer,  and  showing  our 
readiness  to  give  him  a meeting  in  time  and  place  convenient. 
So  matters  continued  as  they  were.” 

But  this  long  story  of  difficulties  between  the  Col- 
onies of  New  Haven  and  the  New  Netherlands  belongs 
to  more  formal  history,  and  we  break  it  off  abruptly, 
and  bring  this  chapter  to  a conclusion,  by  giving  the  only 
one  of  Winthrop’s  letters  to  Stuyvesant  which  has  been 
found  among  his  papers.  It  presents  still  another  va- 
riety in  the  spelling  of  the  Dutch  Governor’s  name, 
while  the  phrase  “ Your  poore  friend  and  servant,”  with 
which  Winthrop  concludes,  is  touchingly  suggestive  of 
the  bereavement  he  had  just  experienced:  — 

John  Winthrop  to  Peter  Stuyvesant . 

“ To  his  much  hona  freind  Mr  Peter  Stepenson,  Governor  Gen11  of  Newe 
Netherlands  these  present 

" IIond  Sr,  — Althoughe  I wrote  to  you  about  a week  since  by 
a neighbor  of  mine,  yet  havinge  so  fitt  opportunity  by  this  bearer 
my  sonne,  I could  doe  no  lesse  then  in  these  fewe  lines  to  present 
my  salutations  to  you  wa  all  frendly  & due  Respecte,  desiring 
& endeavouringe  allwayes  to  manetayne  sucbe  neighboly  cor- 
respondence wth  you,  as  maybe  to  the  Comforte  of  us  bothe,  & 
the  wellfare  of  bothe  nations,  yor  people  & ors : so  I take  leave 
& rest,  Sr 

" Yor  poore  frend  & servant,  Jo  : Winthrop. 

‘ Boston  New  England 

30  (7)  1647.” 


374 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

WTNTHROP  RE-ELECTED  GOVERNOR.  LETTERS  TO  HIS  SON.  CHA 
RACTERISTIC  ANECDOTES.  THE  CONCLUSION  OF  HIS  HISTORY 
HIS  ILLNESS,  DEATH,  AND  BURIAL.  TRIBUTES  TO  HIS  CAREER 
AND  CHARACTER. 

Once  more,  and  for  the  twelfth  time,  we  are  permitted 
to  announce  the  election  of  John  Winthrop  as  Governor 
of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay ; and  around  him 
are  clustered,  in  subordinate  station,  those  who  have 
been  longest  associated  with  him  in  the  service  of  the 
infant  Commonwealth.  His  record  of  the  event  is  in 
the  simplest  and  briefest  form : — 

"1648.]  10,  (3).  The  court  of  elections  was  at  Boston. 

Mr.  Symmes,  pastor  of  Charlestown,  preached.  Mr.  Winthrop 
was  chosen  governour  again,  and  Mr.  Dudley,  deputy  govern- 
our,  Mr.  Endecott,  sergeant  major,  and  he  and  Mr.  Bradstreet, 
commissioners,  etc.” 

Winthrop,  Dudley,  Endicott,  Bradstreet,  — how  much 
of  the  best  history  of  Massachusetts  is  connected  with 
these  names!  For  length  of  service;  for  steadfast 
devotion  to  New  England,  whether  in  prosperity  or 
adversity  ; for  ability  and  integrity  ; for  moral  and  re- 
ligious excellence,  — we  may  search  the  civil  history 
of  the  Colony  in  vain  for  a nobler  quaternion  than 
that  represented  by  the  names  which  are  thus  closely 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


375 


grouped  together  in  Governor  Wintkrop’s  last  entry  of 
a Massachusetts  election. 

The  Governor’s  account  of  the  course  of  events  during 
the  political  year  1648  is  by  no  means  full  or  detailed, 
and  we  find  but  little  to  extract  from  it  which  could 
throw  light  on  his  personal  history.  Perhaps  there 
may  be  observed  in  it  a more  abundant  evidence,  than 
ever  before,  of  the  growing  superstition  of  the  times, 
which  was  destined  to  culminate  in  that  wide-spread  and 
lamentable  delusion  about  witches  by  which  the  Colony 
was  convulsed  not  long  afterwards.  Under  date  of 
June  4,  we  find  it  set  down,  that  “ at  this  Court  one 
Margaret  Jones,  of  Charlestown,  was  indicted  and  found 
guilty  of  witchcraft,  and  hanged  for  it ; ” and  there  is 
more  than  enough  of  the  disgusting  testimony  which 
led  to  her  conviction.  A few  weeks  later,  we  have 
the  following  story,  which  we  can  smile  at  with  less 
compunction,  as  it  involved  only  the  imprisonment  of  a 
man,  instead  of  the  death  of  a woman : — 

"28.]  The  Welcome,  of  Boston,  about  300  tons,  riding 
before  Charlestown,  having  in  her  eighty  horses  and  120  tons 
of  ballast,  in  calm  weather,  fell  a rolling,  and  continued  so 
about  twelve  hours,  so  as  though  they  brought  a great  weight 
to  the  one  side,  yet  she  would  heel  to  the  other,  and  so  deep  as 
they  feared  her  foundering.  It  was  then  the  time  of  the  county 
court  at  Boston,  and  the  magistrates  hearing  of  it,  and  withal 
that  one  Jones  (the  husband  of  the  witch  lately  executed)  had 
desired  to  have  passage  in  her  to  Barbados,  and  could  not  have 
it  without  such  payment,  etc.,  they  sent  the  officer  presently 
with  a warrant  to  apprehend  him,  one  of  them  saying  tliat  the 
ship  would  stand  still  as  soon  as  he  was  in  prison.  And  as 
the  officer  went,  and  was  passing  over  the  ferry,  one  said  to 


376 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


him,  you  can  tame  men  sometimes,  can’t  you  tame  this  ship? 
The  officer  answered,  I have  that  here,  that  (it  may  be)  will 
tame  her,  and  make  her  be  quiet ; and  with  that  showed  his 
warrant.  And  at  the  same  instant,  she  began  to  stop  and  pres- 
ently staid,  and  after  he  was  put  in  prison,  moved  no  more.” 

In  immediate  sequence  to  the  above,  we  have  another 
form  of  the  marvellous,  in  the  account  of  that  much- 
vexed  apparition  of  the  New-Haven  ship,  which  has 
been  so  often  amplified  and  exaggerated  that  it  may 
be  well  to  exhibit  the  simple  original  once  more,  as  it 
stands  in  the  Governor’s  Journal:  — 

"There  appeared  over  the  harbor  at  New  Haven,  in  the  eve- 
ning, the  form  of  the  keel  of  a ship  with  three  masts,  to  which 
were  suddenly  added  all  the  tackling  and  sails,  and  presently 
after,  upon  the  top  of  the  poop,  a man  standing  with  one  hand 
akimbo  under  his  left  side,  and  in  his  right  hand  a sword 
stretched  out  towards  the  sea.  Then  from  the  side  of  the  ship 
which  was  from  the  town  arose  a great  smoke,  which  covered 
all  the  ship,  and  in  that  smoke  she  vanished  away;  but  some 
saw  her  keel  sink  into  the  water.  This  was  seen  by  many,  men 
and  women,  and  it  continued  about  a quarter  of  an  hour.” 

And  here,  still  again,  after  a large  blank,  we  find, 
under  date  of  August  15,  the  wonderful  snake  story 
which  has  so  frequently  and  so  naturally  been  made  the 
theme  of  ridicule  and  derision:  — 

"15.  (6.)  The  synod  met  at  Cambridge  by  adjournment 
from  the  (4)  last.  Mr.  Allen  of  Dedham  preached  out  of 
Acts  15,  a very  godly,  learned,  and  particular  handling  of  near 
all  the  doctrines  and  applications  concerning  that  subject  with  a 
clear  discovery  and  refutation  of  such  errors,  objections,  and 
scruples  as  had  been  raised  about  it  by  some  young  heads  in 
the  country. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


377 


"It  fell  out,  about  the  midst  of  his  sermon,  there  came  a 
snake  into  the  seat,  where  many  of  the  elders  sate  behind  the 
preacher.  It  came  in  at  the  door  where  people  stood  thick 
upon  the  stairs.  Divers  of  the  elders  shifted  from  it,  but  Mr. 
Thomson,  one  of  the  elders  of  Braintree,  (a  man  of  much 
faith,)  trode  upon  the  head  of  it,  and  so  held  it  with  his  foot 
and  staff  with  a small  pair  of  grains,  until  it  was  killed.  This 
being  so  remarkable,  and  nothing  falling  out  but  by  divine 
providence,  it  is  out  of  doubt  the  Lord  discovered  somewhat  of 
his  mind  in  it.  The  serpent  is  the  devil  ; the  synod,  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  churches  of  Christ  in  New  England.  The 
devil  had  formerly  and  lately  attempted  their  disturbance  and 
dissolution ; but  their  faith  in  the  seed  of  the  woman  overcame 
him  and  crushed  his  head.” 

But,  as  a relief  from  so  much  that  betokens  credulity 
and  superstition,  we  turn  gladly  to  a few  more  of  those 
plain,  sensible,  affectionate  letters  from  the  Governor  to 
his  son  John,  which  are  the  best  interpreters  of  the 
character  and  principles  of  them  both.  Here  are  two, — 
one  of  them  written  about  a week  previous  to  the  date 
of  the  paragraph  which  gives  the  account  of  the  synod 
and  the  snake.  They  are  among  the  last  letters  of 
Wintlirop  which  remain  ; and  the  first  of  them  has  never 
before  been  printed : — 

John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

“ To  my  very  good  Sonne,  Mr.  Jo.  Winthrop,  at  Name  age  upon  Pequod 

River. 

"My  good  Sonne,  — Rich3  Paynter  arrivinge  beer  the  last 
daye  of  the  last  week,  (wth  2 : of  the  Cheeses  for  wch  we  thank 
my  good  daughter  & you)  brought  us  the  Wellcome  newes  of 
yoi  safe  arrivall  & wellfare  for  wch  we  heartily  prayse  the  Lord, 
who  is  thus  gratiously  pleased  to  watch  over  us  in  all  ol  wayes. 

48 


VOL.  II. 


378 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


I hope  Mr  Lake  is  come  to  you  before  this.  Mr.  Coddington 
wrote  to  me,  that  he  had  bought  20  : sheepe  of  him  (I  hear  for 
40lb  to  be  payd  in  Engld)  I hope  you  wilbe  carefull  how  you 
charge  Bills  into  Engld : If  you  have  them  above  2 : years  olde, 
you  will  have  an  ill  bargaine. 

" Mf  Wharlly  is  going  to  Somer  Islands  & hath  gotten  old 
White  to  goe  w‘h  him,  he  hathe  made  him  so  large  promises  as 
we  cant  dissuade  him  from  it.  I praye  speake  wth  Ninicraft 
& tell  him  how  ill  we  take  it  at  his  hands,  that  he  hath  dealt  so 
unfay thfully  & ungratefully  w*  us,  & advise  him  by  any  meanes 
(if  he  love  his  peace,  &c.,)  to  sende  us  the  rest  of  the  wampam 
w'hin  this  inonthe,  or  at  least  some  good  pte  of  it,  otherwise  we 
shall  let  passe  Pesscus,  & require  all  breache  of  Cov'  at  his 
hands  because  upon  his  worde  we  delivered  the  hostages  ( ?) 
to  him.  I praye  let  me  heare  his  Answer  as  soone  as  may  be. 
We  are  all  in  good  health  (I  praise  God)  I heard  not  of  this 
messenger  till  this  Instant,  so  I can  write  noe  more.  The 
Lord  blesse  you  & yor  daughter  & all  yors,  So  I rest, 

"Y.r  lovinge  father  Jo  : Winthrop. 

“3  (5)  48. 

"My  wife  salutes  you  all. 

"Before  I had  sealed  up  my  Ltre  came  yor  neighbor  Lathropp 
wth  yor  other  ltre : but  before  he  came,  I had  spoken  wth  Mr. 
Mayhew,  who  came  into  the  Baye  on  purpose  for  Advice  about 
his  continuance,  &c.  & tould  me  before  his  depture,  that  all  had 
advised  him  not  to  remove  as  yet,  so  his  Answer  was  to  me  at 
his  goinge  awaye,  for  I had  tould  him  what  conveniencye  there 
would  be  at  Pequott  for  himselfe,  & as  many  Indians  as  he 
would  carry  wth  him,  & English  also  : what  opportunitye  allso 
of  preachinge  to  many  more  Indians  than  are  at  Martins  Vineyd, 
&c  : but  he  is  resolved  for  the  present : nor  can  I heare  of  any 
other,  that  may  be  had  at  present,  but  shall  attende  any  oppor- 
tunitye, &c,  & give  you  Advice. 

"For  the  meetinge  of  the  Comm”,  it  is  like  to  holde  at 
Plimothe,  ours  are  not  willinge  to  goe  to  Conn.  Mr.  Bradford 
is  not  yet  resolved,  & till  then  I can  resolve  neither : for  except 
he  goe,  I goe  not. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


379 


"Comende  me  to  my  daughter  ffeake  & tell  her  I have 
written  to  the  Dutche  Govf  about  her  businesse  allreadye  as 
muche  as  I can.  Desire  her  also  if  she  have  any  writinge  &c, 
to  shewe  of  her  lande  in  Barbadoes,  that  she  send  it  to  me  wth 
speed  & a lettre  of  Atty  to  Mr  Turner  to  recover  it  & I shall 
helpe  her  to  somewhat  for  it,  perchance  a good  subie  of  money: 
my  wife  salutes  you  all : the  Lord  blesse  you  all : 

"Yor  lovinge  father  Jo:  Winthrop: 

“26  (5)  48. 

" Take  the  quantyty  of  a good  walnutt  of  this  Grume  Arabeck, 
& putt  it  into  ^ of  a pint  of  Aquavit®,  sett  it  on  the  fire  in  a 
brasse  skillet,  & keepe  it  stirringe  till  it  be  dissolved ; & 
cement  the  leake  wth  it,  & keep  all  clothes  fi'om  it  by  a shell, 
or  &c:  you  must  beware  it  take  not  fire. 

" [Indorsed.  ~\  The  Comissra  meetinge  holdth  at  Plimothe  7 
(7)  next.  I praye  let  Ninicraft 1 have  notice  that  he  wilbe 
expected  there.” 

John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

“ To  my  good  son  Mr.  Jo.  Winthrop,  at  Pequod,  d’d. 

"My  good  Son,  — I bless  the  Lord,  and  rejoice  with  thee 
in  the  safe  delivery  of  my  dear  daughter,  and  the  comfort  of 
your  little  Martha.  We  find  by  frequent  experience,  that 
where  the  Loi’d  withholds  the  ordinary  means,  he  supplies  with 
the  greater  blessing  upon  such  as  he  affords  us.  I hope  you 
will  find  the  like  gracious  goodness,  in  spiritual  blessings, 
upon  such  means  as  you  can  attain,  until  you  maybe  supplied 
with  a public  ministry.  There  were  three  hopeful  young  men 
commenced  masters  of  arts  this  last  commencement,  one  is 
schoolmaster  at  Concord,  another  at  Hartford,  and  a third  at 
\blank~\.  Your  neighbor  Lathrop  came  not  at  me  (as  I expect- 
ed) to  advise  about  it;  but  went  away  without  taking  leave, 
etc.  Only  inquiring  after  him,  I sent  my  letters  to  the  house 
where  he  wrought,  the  day  before  his  departure. 

1 A portrait  of  this  Sachem,  generally  known  as  Ninigret,  is  among  the  Winthrop 
family  portraits  at  New  York,  with  the  tradition  that  he  once  saved  the  life  of  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  the  Governor  of  Connecticut. 


380 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


"The  auditor  hath  received  the  wampom,  being  but  88 
fathom,  and  so  small  as  no  man  will  receive  it  by  the  penny, 
etc.  I shall  acquaint  the  commissioners  with  what  you  write, 
and  so  leave  it.  The  meeting  is  at  Plimouth  the  first  5th 
of  the  (7).  The  last  week  we  were  at  Salem,  where  they  are 
all  in  health,  and  gave  us  very  kind  entertainment.  Henry 
Pease,  my  old  servant,  died  this  day  senight.  Mrs.  Bellingham 
was  delivered  of  a daughter  which  died  lately.  The  iron  work 
goeth  on  with  more  hope.  It  yields  now  about  7 tons  per 
week,  but  it  is  most  out  of  that  brown  earth  which  lies  under 
the  bog  mine.  They  tried  another  mine,  and  after  24  hours 
they  had  a sum  of  about  500,  which  when  they  brake,  they 
conceived  to  be  a 5th  part  silver.  There  is  a grave  man  of 
good  fashion  come  now  over  to  see  how  things  stand  here.  He 
is  one  who  hath  been  exercised  in  iron  works.  I have  no  more 
at  present,  but  my  love  and  blessing  to  you  all,  yourself  and 
my  good  daughter  and  all  your  children  (little  Martha  also) . 
My  wife  salutes  you  all.  Your  brothers  and  sisters,  etc.,  are 
all  abroad.  In  haste,  farewell. 

" Your  loving  father,  Jo.  Wintiirop. 

“ Boston,  14  (6)  48.  Some  two  hours  after  I received  yours.” 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  last  of  these  letters  con- 
cludes by  saying,  “ My  wife  salutes  you  all.  Your 
brothers  and  sisters,  etc.  are  all  abroad.”  Governor 
Wintiirop  had  not  learned  to  live  alone.  His  children 
all  scattered,  his  old  servants  dead  or  dying,  in  a land 
still  thinly  settled  and  but  partially  civilized,  and  with 
the  weighty  cares  of  government  upon  him,  — he  needed 
the  support  and  comfort  which  another  marriage  could 
alone  afford  him.  And  so,  about  the  beginning  of  this 
year,  he  had  wedded  a sister  of  Increase  Nowell,  the  old 
Secretary  of  the  Colony,  and  the  widow  of  Mr.  Thomas 
Coytmore, — -“aright  godly  man,”  and  a gentleman  of 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


381 


good  estate,  who  had  been  a deputy  to  the  General 
Court,  from  Charlestown,  in  1640,  and  to  some  subse- 
quent Courts ; but  who  had  been  lost  at  sea  about  three 
years  before.  The  indentures  of  the  marriage  covenant 
between  the  Governor  and  Martha  Coytmore  were 
deemed  important  enough  to  be  admitted  to  a place  in 
the  Colony  records,  where  they  are  spread  out  in  detail, 
with  many  curious  particulars  of  goods  and  chattels 
belonging  to  her.  The  Governor  himself  had  not  many 
goods  and  chattels  to  bestow.  On  the  contrary,  his  part 
of  the  covenant  contains  the  following  notable  passage : 
“ And  whereas  the  s’d  John  having  disposed  of  his 
estate  among  his  children,  and  such  persons  as  he  was 
engaged  unto,  so  as  he  hath  not  to  endowe  the  s’d  Martha, 
and  therefore  out  of  the  love  he  beares  to  her  is  careful 
to  have  her  owne  estate  so  secured  to  her  as  that  by  the 
blessing  of  the  Lord  it  may  be  preserved  and  remaine  to 
her  and  her  children,  after  the  death  of  the  s’d  John 
Winthropp  ; ” &c.,  &C.1 

But  here  are  five  more  letters,  — the  very  last  which 
are  left,  — full  of  interesting  details  of  domestic  occur- 
rences and  of  foreign  news,  by  which  it  appears  that 
the  Governor  had  been  ill  of  a fever ; that  the  wife 
of  his  son  Adam  had  died ; that  his  son  Stephen  had 
been  fighting  bravely  in  Scotland  ; and  that  his  son 
Samuel  had  taken  a Dutch  wife,  and  was  about  pro- 
ceeding to  Barbadoes  ; with  many  other  facts  of  more 
general  historical  importance.  The  two  longest,  it  will 
be  observed,  are  in  the  original  spelling,  and  are  now 

1 Joshua  Winthrop  was  bom  of  this  marriage,  12th  December,  1648 ; and  died  11th 
January,  1651. 


382 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


printed  for  the  first  time.  The  Governor’s  parenthesis 
about  Captain  Hawkins  — “(God  was  pleased  to  change 
his  voyage  and  send  him  to  heaven  by  the  way)”  — 
will  hardly  be  overlooked  by  those  who  have  a taste  for 
an  off-hand,  but  exquisite,  touch  of  the  old-fashioned 
devotional  sentiment : — 

John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

“ To  my  good  son  Mr.  Jo.  Winthrop,  at  Pequod,  d’d. 

"My  Good  Son,  — Returning  this  afternoon  from  Ipswich, 
I heard  of  this  opportunity  of  writing  to  you,  which  I would 
not  let  slip.  I have  been  ill  of  a fever  these  six  weeks,  yet  (I 
praise  God)  I have  been  able  to  go  abroad  every  day.  At 
Ipswich  they  are  all  in  health  (God  be  praised).  Your  sister 
Symonds  is  delivered  of  a daughter.  All  the  other  magistrates 
being  absent,  save  your  brother  Symonds,  there  was  some 
necessity  of  my  going,  and  (through  God’s  mercy)  it  was  not 
useless.  The  news  out  of  England  is  very  sad  ; all  tlw  counties 
are  for  the  king,  save  Yorkshire.  Kent  raised  about  20,000. 
The  general  went  against  them  with  about  10,000,  and  soon 
routed  them.  Cromwell  is  gone  against  them  in  the  west,  and 
carries  all  before  him,  and  will  give  no  quarter.  Some  ten  or 
more  of  the  parliament’s  ships  revolted  to  the  king. 

" Our  news  is  sad  at  home  also  : God  hath  visited  our  family 
and  taken  from  us  your  good  sister  Adam.1  She  died  at  the 
garden.  Divers  young  children  die  here.  Our  neighbor  Sher- 
man his  daughter  died  this  day.  They  are  well  at  Salem,  and 
your  uncle  is  now  beginning  to  distil.  We  have  looked  for 
you  long.  Mr.  Endecott  hath  found  a copper  mine  in  his  own 
p’round.  Mr.  Leader  hath  tried  it.  The  furnace  runs  8 tons 

O 

per  week,  and  their  bar  iron  is  as  good  as  Spanish.  The 
adventurers  in  England  sent  over  one  Mr.  Dawes  to  oversee 

1 Adam  Winthrop’s  wife,  Elizabeth  Glover,  daughter  of  Rev.  Josd  Glover,  died  Sep- 
tember, 1648 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


383 


Mr  Leader,  etc,  but  he  is  far  short  of  Mr.  Leader  for,  etc. 
They  could  not  agree,  so  he  is  returned  hy  Teneriffe. 

" I can  think  of  no  more  at  present.  I end  with  my  blessing 
to  you  and  my  good  daughter  and  all  our  children  and  my 
love  to  Mrs.  Lake.  My  wife  salutes  you  all.  So  I rest 

" Your  loving  father,  " Jo.  Winthrop. 

“ 30  (7)  48.” 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

“ To  my  good  Sonne  Mr.  Jo : Winthrop  at  Pequod. 

"My  good  Sonne,  — By  my  former  this  week,  I certified 
you  of  suche  newes  as  came  by  relation  from  N : fd.land  : We 

have  since  recd  llif  from  Maior  Bourne,  w give  full  Intelligence 
of  all  thinges  till  his  cominge  awaye.  The  Kentishe  men  beinge 
driven  from  their  ordinance  at  Dartford,  & so  marching  to 
Maydston,  there  they  resolved  to  defende  themselves  : the 
Gen11  (havinge  but  a small  pte  of  his  Army  wth  him)  assaulted 
the  Towne,  & was  repulsed.  He  beinge  in  his  Coache  lame  of 
the  gout,  gate  to  horse,  & led  his  men  to  a new  assault  & 
prevayled,  so  as  enteringe  the  Towne,  they  made  a great 
slaughter.  The  Lord  Goringe  wth  3000  : fledd,  upon  this  newes, 
& gate  over  into  Essex  at  Erith  (the  Londoners  denyinge  him 
passage  throughe  the  Cyttye)  & fortified  him  selfe  at  Bow.  The 
Gen11  sent  one  Beg4,  after  him,  but  many  of  Essex  ioyning  wth 
Goringe,  they  only  skirmished,  could  not  rayse  him,  till  the 
Gen11  came  himselfe  w!h  the  rest  of  his  forces,  then  Goring 
marched  awaye  to  Chelmsford,  & the  Gen"  after  him,  & so  to 
Colchester  where  the  Lord  Capell  & St  Charles  Lucas,  & many 
of  Essex  joyninge  w‘h  them,  they  fortified  the  Towne.  But 
the  Gen"  beleagured  it,  & Colonell  ITonywood  (whose  Lieut. 
Colonell  my  brother  Tindall  is)  brought  his  Reg*  to  the  Gen"’s 
ayde  & others  out  of  Essex  & Suffk,  so  as  they  had  them  close 
shutt  up,  wheras  before  they  made  some  Sallyes,  plundered  S* 
Harbotell  Grimston  his  house  & fetched  in  some  Cattle.  In 
one  Sallye  18  : of  their  Comd0rs  were  slayn  by  the  Gen"  soldiers 


384 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


& some  of  his,  as  Colonell  Yardham  (under  whom  Capt.  Cooke 
is)  ; the  Gen'1  could  easy  lye  storme  the  Towne,  but  he  is  very 
lothe,  for  the  poor  Townsmen’s  sake.  In  Devon  & Cornwall 
Si  Hardress  Waller,  w,h  another  pte  of  the  Army  earryes  all 
before  him  : & in  Wales  L.  G.  Cromwell  (wth  whom  yol  brother 
Steph  went)  hathe  subdued  all  p.sons  & places  that  made 
resistance.  There  was  a Risinge  in  Cheshire  & Lancashire, 
under  the  E : of  Darby,  but  they  are  scattered.  In  the  North, 
Sr  Marmaduke  Langdale  hathe  a considerable  Army  for  the  K. 
but  Colonell  Lambert  waytes  vpon  him,  untill  the  Gen"  can  be 
at  leysure  to  march  thither.  There  are  but  7 shippes  revolted, 
& they  are  willing  to  come  in  againe,  nowe  they  see  God  hathe 
frustrated  the  great  design,  wh.  was  for  all  the  King’s  p . tye 
throughe  Eng'd  to  rise  together,  & so  to  seize  upon  Parliment  & 
Army  etc  : when  Kent  did  rise,  Deale  Castle  was  surprized,  & the 
Vice  Admirall  putt  from  his  shipps,  & his  wife  & the  Maiors 
wife,  & my  poore  daughter  Steph,  & all  their  children  were 
turned  out  of  doores,  so  as  the  Vice  Adm"  was  forced  to  putt 
them  abord  a small  boat  of  20  : tuns,  & rune  over  to  Harwich 
wth  them  : & havinge  bestowed  them  there,  he  returned  & gott 
soldiers  & besieged  the  Castle,  & was  gotten  wthin  the  mote, 
so  as  it  was  conceived  the  Castle  could  not  hould  out  many 
dayes.  I am  suddenly  interrupted,  & the  messenger  is  readye 
to  departe.  I send  you  heerw'l  a pcell  of  wine  & a letter  wh. 
came  from  Newfdld.  So  I salute  & blesse  you  & all  yrs  & rest 

" Yr  lovinge  father  " J : W : 

“6  (8)  48. 

" My  wife  salutes  you  all.  Yol  brothers  are  not  heer.  I 
had  but  one  hours  notice  of  this  opportunity,  so  as  I could  not 
[torn.]  Capt.  Wall  came  this  day  from  Barbados.  Mr.  Allen 
& all  or  neighbors  were  safe  arrived.  Mr.  Allen  lost  but  10 
hogs  [?].  The  plague  is  still  hott  at  Barbados.  Mr.  Parker, 
the  Minr,  & Mr.  Longe,  who  married  Capt.  Hawkins  daughter, 
are  dead  there.” 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


385 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

“ To  my  good  son  Mr.  Jo.  Winthrop,  at  Pequod,  d’d. 

"My  Good  Son,  — I received  your  letter  by  Mr.  Brewster, 
and  am  glad  to  hear  of  the  welfare  of  all  your  family.  For 
that  which  you  write  about  a minister,  I understand  by  my 
brother  Dudley,  that  his  son  D.  finding  that  Mr.  B.  is  offended 
with  his  teaching  at  the  new  town,  is  now  resolved  to  remove, 
and  if  he  have  a call  from  your  people  and  assurance  of 
reasonable  maintenance  at  present,  and  what  likelihood  of  com- 
petency afterward,  he  will  come  to  you.  The  messenger  stays 
for  this,  therefore  for  other  things  I must  refer  you  to  my  other 
letter  by  the  Boxbury  butcher.  So  with  all  our  loving  saluta- 
tions to  you  all  and  mine  own  blessing  I rest 

“ Your  loving  father,  "Jo.  Winthrop. 

“16  (8)  48.” 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

"My  Good  Son,  — We  have  now  received  full  and  certain 
intelligence  from  England  by  Captain  Hawkins’s  ship,  (God 
was  pleased  to  change  his  voyage  and  send  him  to  heaven  by  the 
wray).  I send  you  herewith  some  books,  13  in  all.  I received 
also  a letter  from  your  brother  Stephen,  who  was  in  all  those 
northern  wars  against  the  Scots,  and  (I  perceive)  did  good 
service ; and  the  Lord  was  graciously  pleased  to  preserve  him, 
that  he  was  come  safe  to  London  7 (7),  and  I hope  his  heart  is 
with  the  Lord,  for  he  writes  christianly  ; and  he  and  his  wife 
sit  down  meekly  under  the  Lord’s  correction  in  taking  away 
their  two  children  by  the  small  pox  at  London,  after  they  had 
been  driven  from  Deal  to  Harwich  and  so  to  Ipswich  and  then 
to  London  for  fear  of  Goring’s  army.  I had  letters  also  from 
your  brother  Samuel,  wTho  is  married  in  Holland  to  a Dutch 
woman,  and  intends  to  come  this  way  and  so  to  Barbados. 

" Trerice  his  ship  was  taken  in  the  Downs  by  the  Prince  and 
carried  to  Holland,  with  other  merchants’  ships,  but  there  is 

49 


VOL.  II. 


386 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


hope  of  her  recovery.  Mr.  Fenwick  is*  made  a colonel  ana 
governour  of  Tinmouth  Castle.  The  books  will  tell  you  more. 
I am  in  much  streights  of  time.  The  Lord  bless  you  and  all 
yours.  My  wife  salutes  you  all.  So  I rest 

" Your  loving  father,  "Jo.  Winthrop. 

“7  (9)  48. 

"My  brother  Peter  took  the  Duke  of  Hamilton  prisoner.” 


John  Winthrop  to  his  Son. 

" My  good  Sonne,  — Yo?  severall  Li!,  by  this  Indian  New- 
come  I received,  wee  are  heartyly  glad  & blesse  God  for  yor 
healthe  & the  healthe  of  yor  family : nor  am  I greatly  sorry 
for  Uncas  his  outrages  (thoughe  I wish  the  Constable  had 
forborne  to  meddle  wth  them) . I hope  it  will  give  the  Comiss" 
occasion  to  take  some  stricter  course  w,h  him.  You  wrote 
to  Amos  about  prices  of  beife  & pork.  I thinke  he  will 
write  to  you  not  to  sende  any,  for  it  will  not  yield  above 
3d  the  lb.  at  most.  I sent  you  longe  since  by  Mf  Throck- 
morton all  of  newes  out  of  Engl?  in  13  : books.  The  Army 
hathe  prospered  beyond  all  expectation  in  Wales,  in  Kent 
at  Colchester,  & especially  a g*  the  Scotts  (where  yor  brother 
Stephen  was  in  the  van)  about  8000  men  were  routed,  30000 
fought  &c,  & in  3 dayes,  killed  about  5000  : & tooke  15000  : 
prisoners,  he  writes  a very  painstak?  relation  of  the  battayl 
& of  all  their  skirmishes,  etc : in  the  Northe.  I have  lent 
it  forth,  so  as  I cant  now  send  it  to  you.  Another  shipp 
arrived  heere  a week  since  (some  10  : weekes  from  Engl?)  wch 
reports,  that  the  treaty  is  like  to  come  to  nothinge,  that  the 
Army  requires  Iustice  ag‘  the  Kinge,  & all  other ; that  the 
Kingdom  is  nowe  for  the  Army ; that  the  present  States  of 
Scotland  called  in  Cromwell,  & disavowed  the  warre  a g*  Engdi, 
& have  surrendered  up  Barwick  & Carlile  & Appleby.  Sowl- 
by  was  taken  by  a Stratagem  by  yo.  brother  (who  hath  doone 
very  good  service,  throughe  the  Lords  assistance,  to  whom  he 
ascribes  all,  etc).  The  Prince  & the  Earl  of  Warwick  are  at 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


387 


the  Brill,  but  16:  (?)  of  the  States  Shipps  keepe  them  from 
fighting.  The  people  in  ffrance  stande  for  their  Lib,ye,  the  Paris- 
ians have  shutt  their  gates  ag*  the  kinge.  The  Ianyzarys  have 
s'aine  their  Sultan.  The  Spanyard  takes  the  opportunyty  & 
besiege th  Dunkirke.  Corne  is  plenty  in  Engld,  but  it  is  much 
growne  : these  are  all  the  pticurs  I can  think  off : Munro  being 
called  in  fledd  into  Ireland,  & was  there  taken  & sent  to  the 
Parlh  There  is  a new  & an  honest  Park  called  in  Scotland  & 
they  desire  complyance  wth  Engd,  & that  their  great  men  may 
be  still  kept  prisoners  thei’e.  The  Duke  of  Hamilton  was  my 
brother  Peters  prisoner,  he  came  wth  Cromwell  out  of  Wales,  & 
brought  the  Welshe  prisoners  wth  him,  and  intended  in  his 
returne  to  trye  them  at  New  Castle.  Collonell  Lilburne  betrayed 
Tinemouthe  Castle,  but  Sr  Arthur  Hasellricke  took  it  the  next 
night  by  Storm,  & made  Colonell  Geo  ffenwick  of  Saybrook 
his  Depty  Govf.  Sr  Matthew  Boynton’s  sonne  betrayed  Pomfrait, 
wch  is  now  beseiged  by  Coll  Raynborowe.  This  master  (who 
is  a member  of  a Congregationall  Churche  in  Dartmouthe,) 
affirms  that  in  their  County  there  are  100000  : men  readye 
upon  an  hours  warninge  to  assist  the  Army  whose  head  quarters 
are  now  at  S‘  Albans.  Jo  : Gallop  is  to  go  to  Conecticutt 
shortly,  by  him  I intend  to  send  y?  Rubila  ( ?),  so  w,h  yo.  moth- 
ers & mine  owne  salutations  & blessings  to  you  all,  in  haste  I 
rest 

"Yo?  lovinge  father  " Jo:  WTnthrop. 

“Boston,  3 (12)  48.1 

" I send  you  yo?  brother  Dudlyes  IPV’ 

The  religious  element,  always  sufficiently  pronounced, 
is  evidently  more  than  ever  predominant  in  the  Gover- 
nor’s character  at  the  period  we  have  now  reached.  It 
manifests  itself  especially  in  his  Journal,  where  it  seems 
almost  lik3  a premonition  of  the  event  we  are  so  soon 


1 This  letter,  of  which  the  date  in  modem  style  is  Feb.  3,  1649,  is  the  veiy  last  of 
Governor  Winthrop’s  letters  known  to  be  extant. 


388 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


to  record.  Here  is  a passage  or  two  from  the  Journal, 
belonging  to  the  general  date  of  August,  1648,  in  which 
the  hand  of  the  Lord  is  acknowledged  with  something 
more  than  the  usual  emphasis:  — 

"This  month,  when  our  first  harvest  was  near  had  in,  the 
pigeons  came  again  all  over  the  country,  but  did  no  harm, 
(harvest  being  just  in,)  but  proved  a great  blessing,  it  being 
incredible  what  multitudes  of  them  were  killed  daily.  It  was 
ordinary  for  one  man  to  kill  eight  or  ten  dozen  in  half  a day, 
yea  five  or  six  dozen  at  one  shoot,  and  some  seven  or  eight. 
Thus  the  Lord  showed  us,  that  he  could  make  the  same  creature, 
which  formerly  had  been  a great  chastisement,  now  to  become  a 
great  blessing. 

" About  the  midst  of  this  summer,  there  arose  a fly  out  of  the 
ground,  about  the  bigness  of  the  top  of  a man’s  little  finger,  of 
brown  color.  They  filled  the  woods  from  Connecticut  to  Sud- 
bury with  a great  noise,  and  eat  up  the  young  sprouts  of  the 
trees,  but  meddled  not  with  the  corn.  They  were  also  between 
Plimouth  and  Braintree,  but  came  no  further.  If  the  Lord  had 
not  stopped  them,  they  had  spoiled  all  our  orchards,  for  they 
did  some  few.” 

And  here  are  two  more  passages,  bearing  date  Nov. 
18,  1648,  in  which  the  “blessing  of  prayer”  is  particu- 
larly magnified : — 

" 18.]  One  Bezaleel  Payton  of  the  church  of  Boston,  com- 
ing from  Barbados  in  a vessel  of  60  tons,  was  taken  with  a 
great  storm  of  wind  and  rain  at  east  in  the  night,  between  Cape 
Cod  and  the  bay,  so  as  he  was  forced  to  put  out  two  anchors  ; 
but  the  storm  increasing,  they  were  put  from  their  anchors, 
and  seeing  no  way  but  death  before  their  eyes,  they  commended 
themselves  to  the  Lord,  who  delivered  them  marvelously,  for 
they  were  carried  among  Conyhasset  rocks,  yet  touched  none 
of  them,  and  put  on  shore  upon  a beach,  and  presently  there 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


y«9 

came  a imgnty  sea,  which  lifted  their  vessel  over  the  beach  into 
a smooth  water,  and  after  the  storm  was  over,  they  used  means, 
and  gate  her  safe  out. 

" The  like  example  of  the  blessing  of  prayer  fell  out  not  long 
after  in  saving  a small  open  vessel  of  ours,  wherein  was  one 
Richard  Collicut  of  the  church  of  Dorchester,  who  being  east 
ward  about  trading  was  carried  by  a violent  storm  among  the 
rocks,  where  they  could  find  no  place  to  get  out.  So  they  went 
to  prayer,  and  presently  there  came  a gi’eat  sea,  and  heaved 
their  vessel  over  into  the  open  sea,  in  a place  between  two 
rocks.” 

We  give  but  two  paragraphs  more,  in  immediate  con- 
nection with  each  other,  bearing  date,  Jan.  11,  16T9  ; 
and  then  our  citations  from  Winthrop’s  History  of  New 
England,  with  the  History  itself,  are  brought  to  an 
end : — - 

”11,  (11.)  About  eight  persons  were  drowned  this  winter, 
all  by  venturing  upon  the  ice,  except  three,  whereof  two  (one  of 
them  being  far  in  drink)  would  needs  pass  from  Boston  to 
Winisemett  in  a small  boat  and  a tempestuous  night.  This 
man  (using  to  come  home  to  Winisemett  drunken)  his  wife 
would  tell  him,  he  would  one  day  be  drowned,  etc.,  but  he 
made  light  of  it.  Another  went  aboard  a ship  to  make  merry 
the  last  day  at  night,  (being  the  beginning  of  the  Lord’s  day,) 
and  returning  about  midnight  with  three  of  the  ship’s  com- 
pany, the  boat  was  overset  by  means  of  the  ice,  they  guiding 
her  by  a rope,  which  went  from  the  ship  to  the  shore.  The 
seamen  waded  out,  but  the  Boston  man  was  drowned,  being  a 
man  of  good  conversation  and  hopeful  of  some  work  of  grace 
begun  in  him,  but  drawn  away  by  the  seamen’s  invitation. 
God  will  be  sanctified  in  them  that  come  near  him.  Two 
others  were  the  children  of  one  of  the  church  of  Boston. 
While  their  parents  were  at  the  lecture,  the  boy,  (being  about 
seven  years  of  age,)  having  a small  staff  in  his  hand,  ran  down 


390 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


upon  the  ice  towards  a boat  he  saw,  and  the  ice  breaking,  he  fell 
in,  but  his  staff  kept  him  up,  till  his  sister,  about  fourteen  years 
old,  ran  down  to  save  her  brother  (though  there  were  four  men 
at  hand,  and  called  to  her  not  to  go,  being  themselves  hasting 
to  save  him)  and  so  drowned  herself  and  him  also,  being  past 
recovery  ere  the  men  could  come  at  them,  and  could  easily 
reach  ground  with  their  feet.  The  parents  had  no  more  sons, 
and  confessed  they  had  been  too  indulgent  towards  him,  and 
had  set  their  hearts  over  much  upon  him. 

" This  puts  me  in  mind  of  another  child  very  strangely 
drowned  a little  before  winter.  The  parents  were  also  members 
of  the  church  of  Boston.  The  father  had  undertaken  to  main- 
tain the  mill-dam,  and  being  at  work  upon  it,  (with  some  help 
he  had  hired,)  in  the  afternoon  of  the  last  day  of  the  week, 
night  came  upon  them  before  they  had  finished  what  they  in- 
tended, and  his  conscience  began  to  put  him  in  mind  of  the 
Lord’s  day,  and  he  was  troubled,  yet  went  on  and  wrought 
an  hour  within  night.  The  next  day,  after  evening  exercise, 
and  after  they  had  supped,  the  mother  put  two  children  to  bed 
in  the  room  where  themselves  did  lie,  and  they  went  out  to 
visit  a neighbor.  When  they  returned,  they  continued  about 
an  hour  in  the  room,  and  missed  not  the  child,  but  then  the 
mother  going  to  the  bed,  and  not  finding  her  youngest  child, 
(a  daughter  about  five  years  of  age,)  after  much  search  she 
found  it  drowned  in  a well  in  her  cellar ; which  was  very 
observable,  as  by  a special  hand  of  God,  that  the  child  should 
go  out  of  that  room  into  another  in  the  dark,  and  then  fall 
down  at  a trap  door,  or  go  down  the  stairs,  and  so  into  the  well 
in  the  farther  end  of  the  cellar,  the  top  of  the  well  and  the 
water  being  even  with  the  ground.  But  the  father,  freely  in 
the  open  congregation,  did  acknowledge  it  the  righteous  hand 
of  God  for  his  profaning  his  holy  day  against  the  checks  of  his 
own  conscience.” 

And  thus,  with  this  double  warning  against  the  profa 
nation  of  “ the  Lord’s  day,”  following  in  ominous  sequence 


OF  JOHX  WINTHROP. 


891 


those  which  illustrated  his  trust  in  a special  Providence 
and  in  the  blessing  of  prayer,  Governor  Winthrop  closes 
the  book,  never  to  open  it  again.  “ Here  ends,”  says 
Mr.  Savage,  “the  MS.  History  of  the  venerable  Father  of 
Massachusetts.”  It  ends  abruptly  ; and  he  himself  had 
probably  no  idea  that  these  were  to  be  his  last  written 
words.  He  laid  aside  the  manuscript  for  a day  or  two, 
undoubtedly  with  an  expectation  of  resuming  it  again, 
and  of  continuing  it  during  his  life.  Undoubtedly,  too, 
he  anticipated  a leisure  time  when  he  might  review  and 
revise  the  whole,  and  put  the  last  hand  to  what  he  had 
written  for  the  benefit  of  posterity.  But  here  it  ends  ; 
and,  in  beautiful  consistency  with  his  whole  life,  the 
providence  of  God,  the  blessing  of  Prayer,  and  the  keep- 
ing holy  of  the  Lord’s  Day,  are  the  last  topics  which 
were  touched  by  his  pen. 

The  following  letter  from  the  Governor’s  son  Adam 
(the  only  one  then  at  home  with  him),  to  his  brother  in 
Connecticut,  will  prepare  us  for  what  is  to  follow : — 

Adam  Winthrop  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

To  his  honored  Brother  John  Winthrop,  Esq.,  at  Pequod,  these  present. 

“ Boston,  the  14  of  March,  48. 

" Heer  being  now  an  opportunity  I cannot  omitt  the  present- 
ing my  love  & servise,  with  thes  lines.  We  have  not  heard 
from  you,  since  we  heard  by  Providence  Indian,  but  hope  you 
are  in  health.  I am  sorry  I can  not  write  so  to  you  of  ourselves, 
for  my  father  indeed  is  very  111,  & has  bene  so  above  a monthe. 
He  hath  kept  his  bed  all  most  all  the  time,  he  hath  still  upon 
him  a feverish  distemper,  & a coughing,  & is  brought  very  low, 
weaker  than  ever  I knew  him.  The  Lord  only  knows  the  event. 
We  should  be  very  glad  if  you  could  be  heer.  My  father  not 


:J92 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


being  able  to  wright  himself  desired  me  to  remember  his  love  to 
you,  my  sister,  & the  children,  & although  he  hopes  God  will 
raise  him  up  againe,  yet  he  would  request  you  as  if  it  wear 
his  last  request,  that  you  wold  strive  no  more  about  the  Pequod 
Indians  but  leave  them  to  the  Commissioners  order.  My 
brother  Dudley  I hear  doth  intend  to  come  to  you  shortly.  — - 1 
cannot  resolve  now  about  any  time  to  visit  you,  in  regard  of 
my  father’s  sicknesse,  but  hope  we  shall  see  you  heer.  I pray 
remember  me  kindly  to  my  sister  Mrs  Lake  & all  my  nephews 
& neices.  I desire  to  contend  you  all  to  Gods  protection,  so 
desiring  your  praiers  I rest 

"your  brother  & servant 

"Adam  Winthrop.” 

Governor  Winthrop  was  taken  ill  of  “ a cold  which 
turned  into  a feaver,”  four  or  five  weeks  after  he  had 
made  the  last  entry  in  his  Journal.  He  “ lay  sick  about 
a month;”  and  during  that  sickness,  we  are  told,  he  was 
not  free  from  some  sharp  conflicts  and  disconsolate 
thoughts.  “ But  it  was  not  long  before  those  clouds 
were  dispelled,  and  he  enjoyed  in  his  holy  soul  the  great 
consolations  of  God.”  He  was  not  now  for  the  first 
time  to  meditate  upon  the  approaches  of  death,  or  to 
make  his  peace  with  Heaven.  Five  or  six  years  previ- 
ously, he  seems  to  have  anticipated  the  change  which 
now  awaited  him,  and  he  then  wrote  this  account  of  his 
condition : “ Age  now  comes  upon  me,  and  infirmities 

therewithal,  which  makes  me  apprehend,  that  the  time 
of  my  departure  out  of  this  world  is  not  far  off.  How- 
ever our  times  are  all  in  the  Lord’s  hand,  so  as  we  need 
not'  trouble  our  thoughts  how  long  or  short  they  may  be, 
but  how  we  may  be  found  faithful  when  we  are  called 
for.”  And  now,  as  the  time  of  his  departure  was  more 


OF  JOHN  WINTHKOP. 


393 


evidently  at  hand,  he  sent  for  the  elders  of  the  church,  it 
is  said,  to  pray  with  him;  and  “ the  whole  church  fasted 
as  well  as  prayed  for  him.”  During  that  fast,  the  vener- 
able Cotton  preached  a sermon  from  the  text,  “ When 
they  were  sick,  I humbled  myself  with  fasting  ; I behaved 
myself  as  though  he  had  been  my  friend  or  brother ; 
I bowed  down  heavily,  as  one  that  mourned  for  his 
mother.” 1 This  sermon  is  not  known  to  be  extant ; 
hut  the  following  extract  from  it  has  been  preserved  by 
Cotton  Mather:  “Upon  this  occasion  we  are  now  to 

attend  this  duty  for  a governour,  who  has  been  to  us  as 
a friend  in  his  counsel  for  all  things,  an  help  for  our 
bodies  by  physick,  for  our  estates  by  law,  and  of  whom 
there  was  no  fear  of  his  becoming  an  enemy,  like  the 
friends  of  David : a governour  who  has  been  unto  us  as 
a brother ; not  usurping  authority  over  the  church ; 
often  speaking  his  advice,  and  often  contradicted,  even 
by  young  men,  and  some  of  low  degree ; yet  not  reply- 
ing, but  offering  satisfaction  also  when  any  supposed 
offences  have  arisen ; a governour  who  has  been  unto  us 
as  a mother,  parent-like  distributing  his  goods  to  brethren 
and  neighbors  at  his  first  coming ; and  gently  bearing 
our  infirmities  without  taking  notice  of  them.” 2 

We  are  told  too,  that,  during  this  last  illness,  Win- 
throp  was  waited  upon  by  Thomas  Dudley,  the  Deputy 
Governor,  and  pressed  to  sign  an  order  for  the  banish- 
ment of  a person  who  was  deemed  heterodox ; but  that 
he  refused,  saying  that  “ he  had  done  too  much  of  that 
work  already.” 

1 Ps.  xxxv.  13,  14. 

2 Mather’s  “ Magnalia,”  book  ii.  chap.  4. 

50 


VOL  II. 


394 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


And,  finally,  it  is  related  of  him,  that  “ having,  like 
Jacob,  first  left  his  counsel  and  his  blessing  with  his 
children  gathered  by  his  bed-side ; and,  like  David,  served 
his  generation  by  the  will  of  God, — he  gave  up  the 
ghost,  and  fell  asleep  on  March  26,  1649.” 1 

A week  and  a day  intervened  between  the  death  and 
the  funeral  of  Governor  Winthrop  ; and  the  explanation 
of  so  long  an  interval  is  given  in  a letter  recently  foimd 
among  the  old  family  papers  at  New  London.  John 
Winthrop,  Jr.,  the  Governor’s  eldest  son,  being  in  Con- 
necticut, a special  Indian  messenger  was  despatched,  it 
seems,  to  inform  him  of  the  event,  and  to  secure  his 
presence  at  the  funeral.  This  messenger  bore  with  him 
the  following  letter  in  the  handwriting  of  the  Rev. 
John  Wilson,  and  with  the  additional  signatures  of 
Governor  Bellingham,  John  Cotton,  and  John  Clark.  It 
is  dated  from  the  very  house  in  which  Winthrop  had 
just  died,  in  conformity  with  “ a consultation  among  the 
principal  of  the  Towne,”  and  is  indorsed  by  the  younger 
Winthrop,  “ Mr.  Bellinga,  Mr.  Cotton  & Mr.  Wilson 
& Mr.  Clark  about  my  father’s  funerall.”  The  produc- 
tion of  the  original  draft  of  this  paper,  with  all  its 
signatures,  seems  to  bring  before  us  the  event  which  it 
announced,  with  a vividness  which  nothing  else  could 
do ; and  our  readers,  we  are  sure,  will  not  be  sorry  to 
see  a fac-simile  of  it  on  the  next  page : — ■ 

1 Hawthorne,  in  the  twelfth  chapter  of  the  “ Scarlet  Letter,”  introduces  some  inci- 
dents of  Winthrop’s  death-bed;  but  they  had  no  more  authority  than  the  other  incidents 
of  that  most  powerful  and  brilliant  Romance.  One  might  almost  *be  pardoned,  how- 
ever, for  believing  that  “ portent  in  the  sky  ” which  betokened  that  “ our  good  Governor 
was  made  an  Angel.” 


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OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


395 


John  Wilson  and  others  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr. 

* To  or  deare  & honoured  friend  John  Winthropp  Esqr. : at  Pequod 

these  dd. 

"Deare  Sir,  — It  having  pleased  God  to  take  home  vnto 
his  blessed  Rest  & Glory  his  most  deare  servant  our  Governor, 
(of  whom  we  have  bene  so  unworthie),  Ther  was  here  soone 
after  his  decease,  a Consultation  (among  the  principall  of  or 
Towne)  howto  order  his  ffuneralls  for  the  time,  & otherwise.  It 
being  the  desire  of  All  that  in  that  solempnity  it  may  appeare  of 
what  precious  account  & desert  he  hath  ben,  & how  blessed 
his  memoriall.  & the  time  agreed  upon  is  this  31  day  come  7 
night,  (wch  is  now  the  26  of  March)  wch  will  be  the  3d  day  of 
the  nevt  moneth  that  is  April.  & to  the  end  y‘  yorself  might 
have  opportunity  to  be  prsent  (as  one  above  others  Interested 
in  him)  if  God  shall  give  you  leave,  they  have  sent  Nahawton, 
whom  they  did  esteeme  a Trustie  & swift  messenger,  to  give 
you  notice  hereof.  Our  deepe  sorrow  is  not  a little  allayed 
by  the  Consideration  of  God’s  merciefull  dealing  wth  him  in  his 
sicknesse,  & the  maner  of  it,  as  well  in  regard  of  his  soule  & 
body,  besides  all  the  Assurance  we  have  otherwise  of  his  deare 
Indearement  to  or  God  in  Christ  Jesus,  wch  we  desire  may  be 


yor  Comfort  also,  & so 

do  rest 

your  most  loving 
brethren  & freinds 

“ 26.  of  the  this 

in  the  Lord 

first  mon.  cal’d 

March,  1649, 

Ri : Bellingham 

Boston. 

Ifrom  yoT 

John  Cotton  ; 

Gather's  parlor : 

John  Wilson. 

" Your  loving  frind 


"John  Clark” 


396 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


Nathaniel  Morton,  of  Plymouth,  in  his  “ New  Eng- 
land’s Memorial,”  has  the  following  entry  under  date 
of  1649  : — 

"This  year  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  Governour  of  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  Massachusetts,  deceased,  the  twenty-sixth  day  of 
March,  about  ten  of  the  clock.  He  was  singular  for  piety, 
wisdom,  and  of  a public  spirit.  He  brought  over  a great  estate 
into  the  Country,  and  partly  by  his  liberality,  and  partly  by  the 
unfaithfulness  of  his  baily,  spent  the  most  part  of  it ; so  that 
when  he  died,  he  was  but  low  in  that  respect ; and  yet  notwith- 
standing, very  much  honoured  and  beloved  of  the  most,  and 
continued  in  the  place  of  governour,  for  the  most  part,  until  his 
death,  which  was  much  lamented  by  many.  He  was  a man  of 
unbiased  justice,  patient  in  respect  of  personal  wrongs  and  inju- 
ries, a great  lover  of  the  saints,  especially  able  ministers  of  the 
Gospel ; very  sober  in  desiring,  and  temperate  in  improving 
earthly  contentments ; very  humble,  courteous,  and  studious  of 
general  good.  His  body  was,  with  great  solemnity  and  hon- 
our, buried  at  Boston,  in  New  England,  the  third  of  April, 
1649.”  1 

We  have  no  particulars  of  “ the  great  solemnity  and 
honour  ” with  which  the  Governor  was  buried,  save  such 
as  are  implied  in  the  following  passage  from  the  Rec- 
ords of  the  Colony,  setting  forth  the  proceedings  of  the 
General  Court  of  Election  held  at  Boston  on  the  2d  of 
May,  1649,  which  shows  that  no  inconsiderable  amount 
of  powder  was  used  on  the  occasion  by  “ the  Artillery 
Officers  of  Boston ; ” the  funeral  salutes  having  prob 
ably  been  fired  by  that  same  artillery  company  whose 
charter  had  been  signed  by  Governor  Winthrop  in  1638, 
and  which  has  long  rejoiced  in  the  title  of  “ The  An- 
cient and  Honorable  Artillery  Company  : ” — 


1 Davis’s  Morton,  p.  243. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


397 


'Whereas  the  Surveyer  genrall,  on  some  encouragements, 
lent  one  barrell  and  a halfe  of  the  countryes  store  of  powdr  to 
the  artillery  officers  of  Boston,  conditionally,  if  the  Genrall 
Corte  did  not  alowe  it  to  them  as  a gift  to  spend  at  the  funrrall 
of  or  late  honored  Govrnr,  they  should  repay  it,  the  powdr 
being  spent  on  the  occasion  above  said,  the  Cote  doth  think 
meete  that  the  powd  so  delivered  should  nevr  be  required 
againe,  and  thankfully  acknowledg  Bostons  great,  worthy,  due 
love  and  respects  to  the  late  hono'ed  Govrnr,  wch  they  mani- 
fested in  solemnizing  his  funrall,  whom  wee  accompted  worthy 
of  all  honr.” 

He  was  buried  in  what  is  now  known  as  King’s 
Chapel  Graveyard,  where  the  name  and  date  may  be 
seen  on  a simple  tablet,  placed  over  the  family  tomb 
(probably  as  a substitute  for  an  original  gravestone) 
more  than  half  a century  ago.1  “ Whatever  were  the 
sepulchre,”  says  an  old  historian  of  New  England,2 
“ wherein  his  body  was  entombed,  (not  royal,  like  that 
of  Jehoiada,)  yet  was  he  honoured  with  the  like  epitaph, 
engraven  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  as  a worthy  gentle- 
man, who  had  done  good  in  Israel,  having  spent  not 
only  his  whole  estate,  (which  at  the  first  was  consider- 
able,) but  his  bodily  strength  and  life,  in  the  service  of 
the  country,  not  sparing,  but  always  as  the  burning 
torch,  spending  his  health  and  wealth  for  the  good 
of  others.” 

In  the  same  tomb  were  afterwards  successively 
buried  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  the  Governor  of  Connecti- 

- The  inscriptions  on  the  Winthrop  Tomb  are  as  follows : “ John  Winthrop,  Governor 
of  Massachusetts.  Died  1649.  Major  General  Wait  Still  Winthrop.  Died  Sept.  7th  1717 
aged  76  years.  Ann  Winthrop  Sears,  the  wife  of  David  Sears,  Died  Octr-  2a-  1789  aged 
33  years.”  Mrs.  Sears  was  a sister  of  the  late  Lieutenant-Governor  Thomas  Lindall 
Winthrop,  and  the  mother  of  the  Hon.  David  Sears,  of  Boston. 

2 Hubbard’s  New  England,  p.  519. 


398 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


cut,  and  liis  two  sons,  — Fitz  John  Winthrop,  who  was 
also  Governor  of  Connecticut;  and  Wait  Still  Win 
throp,  the  Chief  Justice  of  Massachusetts.  On  the 
death  of  the  latter.  Cotton  Mather  prepared  an  epitaph 
for  the  tomb,  which  contained  the  following  passage-  — 

“ Palatium  est  hie  Locus,  non  Tumulus. 

Quatuor  conduntur  in  hoc  Tumulo  Winthropi, 

Qui  vel  quatuor  orbis  partes  ditare  sufficerent.”  1 

In  contemplating  such  a tomb,  so  tenanted,  one  can 
hardly  help  recalling  the  opening  lines  of  that  grand 
old  psalm  of  David,  as  versified  by  Tate  and  Brady : — 

“That  man  is  blest  who  stands  in  awe 
Of  God,  and  loves  his  sacred  law ; 

His  seed  on  earth  shall  be  renown’d, 

And  with  successive  honors  crown’d.” 

We  need  not,  however,  resort  to  the  Psalm-book 
for  lines  appropriate  to  Winthrop’s  death.  Elaborate 
verses  on  the  subject  were  composed  soon  after  the 
event,  according  to  the  fashion  of  the  times.  Here,  on 
an  old  original  broadside,  which  has  come  down  to  us 
with  the  family  papers,  is  — 

“A 

Funeral  Elegie 

On  the  Death  of  the  Memorable  & truly  Honourable 
John  Winthrope  Esq: 

Governour  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony  in  N — England, 

For  the  space  of  19  years,  who  died  in  the  63d-  year  of  his  age,2 
March  26,  1649.” 

A parenthesis  in  the  caption  of  this  elegy  states  that 


1 For  the  whole  of  this  remarkable  epitaph,  with  an  ancient  translation  of  it,  see 
the  Appendix  No.  XIII. 

2 The  poet  has  hardly  been  exact  in  his  figures.  Governor  Winthrop  was  sixty-one 
years,  two  months,  and  fourteen  days  old,  when  he  died,  having  been  bom  Jan.  12 
1688. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


399 


it  was  “ written  many  years  since,”  which  seems  to 
imply  that  it  was  not  printed  at  the  time  of  its  com- 
position ; but  no  date  is  given  except  that  of  the 
Governor’s  death.  It  is  signed  “ Perciful  Lowle,”  who 
could  have  been  no  other  than  Percival  Lowell,  the 
ancestor  of  a family  which  has  been  long  distin- 
guished in  New-England  history,  and  whose  name  is 
associated  of  late  years  with  poetry  of  no  common 
merit.  Its  quaint  opening,  and  a few  other  passages, 
will  suffice  here  as  a sample  of  its  quality ; but,  in  our 
Appendix,1  we  give  the  whole  production  as  we  find  it, 
from  a copy  which  is  undoubtedly  unique : — 

“ You  English  Mattachusians  all 
Forbear  sometime  from  sleeping, 

Let  every  one  both  great  & small 
Prepare  themselves  for  weeping. 

For  he  is  gone  that  was  our  friend, 

This  Tyrant  Death  hath  wrought  his  end, 

Who  was  the  very  Chief  among 
The  chiefest  of  our  Peers, 

Who  hath  in  peace  maintain’d  us  long 
The  space  of  nineteen  years. 

With  lines  of  gold  in  Marble  stone 
With  pens  of  steel  engrave  his  name, 

0 let  the  Muses  every  one 
In  prose  and  Yerse  extol  his  Fame, 

Exceeding  far  those  ancient  Sages 
That  ruled  Greeks  in  former  Ages. 

Time  and  Experience  the  best  tryal, 

These  two  admit  of  no  denial : 

Let  nineteen  years  then  witness  be 
Of  Wintrops  true  sincerity. 

Such  gifts  of  grace  from  God  had  he, 

That  more  than  man  he  seem’d  to  be.” 

It  is  not  surprising  that  the  death  of  Winthrop 
should  have  excited  a deep  feeling  in  other  colonies 

1 Appendix  No.  XIV. 


400 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


besides  Massachusetts.  He  had  been  relied  on  by  them 
all  for  advice  and  counsel.  Thus,  we  find  Theophilus 
Eaton,  the  Governor  of  the  New-Haven  Colony,  ex- 
changing expressions  of  sorrow  with  Stuyvesant,  the 
Governor  of  New  Netherlands,  on  the  event.  “ I have 
received  information,”  writes  Governor  Eaton  to  Stuy- 
vesant, under  date  of  “April  11,  1649,  st:  veter “of 
the  death  of  our  worthy  & much  honoured  friend,  Mr. 
Jo  : Winthrop,  late  Govern!-  of  the  Massachusetts  Collo- 
nye  ; he  departed  this  lyfe  the  26“!  of  March.  I am 
assured  he  is  a rich  gainer  by  his  remove,  the  losse  is 
ours,  and  accordinglie  I beleve  his  death  will  be  la- 
mented through  all  the  Collonies.  In  reference  to  this 
unexpected  & afflicting  providence,  I desire  to  under- 
stand yof  minde,  whom  you  will  choose  in  his  roome 
to  compose  & arbitrate  differences.”  — “Understanding 
by  the  latter  pte  of  yof  letter,”  says  Governor  Stuyvesant 
in  reply,  in  a letter  dated  Fort  New  Amsterdam,  May  4, 
“ of  the  death  of  that  ever  honoured  & worthy  Gent : 
Mr.  Winthrop,  I doe  reallie  condole  with  you,  we  being 
all  of  us  in  these  ptes  participants  in  the  sad  losse  of 
one  whose  wisdom  and  integritie  might  have  done  much 
m composing  matters  betweene  us.”  1 

The  character  of  Governor  Winthrop  has,  perhaps, 
been  sufficiently  unfolded  in  our  delineation  of  his  life. 
It  may  also  be  found  impartially  and  admirably  depicted 
in  the  briefer  narratives  of  his  career,  by  Dr.  Cotton 
Mather  in  his  “ Magnalia  Christ!  Americana,”  and  by  Dr. 
Jeremy  Belknap  in  his  “American  Biography.”  The 
former,  who  wrote  his  work  nearly  a hundred  and 
seventy  years  ago,  gives  us  a number  of  pleasant  per- 

1 See  letters  of  Govrs.  Haynes  and  Coddington,  App.  No.  XV. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


401 


sonal  anecdotes,  for  which  there  was  doubtless  sufficient 
authority,  and  which  throw  not  a little  light  on  the 
governor’s  disposition  and  domestic  life. 

"Being  the  governour  over  the  considerablest  part  of  New 
England,”  says  Mather,  "he  maintained  the  figure  & honour 
of  his  place  with  the  spirit  of  a true  gentleman  : but  yet  with 
such  obliging  condescention  to  the  circumstances  of  the  colony, 
that  when  a certain  troublesome  & malicious  calumniator, 
well  known  in  those  times,  printed  his  libellous  nick-names 
upon  the  chief  persons  here,  the  worst  nick-name  he  could  find 
for  the  governour,  was  John  Temper-well ; & when  the  calum- 
nies of  that  ill  man  caused  the  Arch-bishop  to  summon  one  Mr. 
Cleaves  before  the  King,  in  hopes  to  get  some  accusation  from 
him  against  the  country,  Mr.  Cleaves  gave  such  an  account  of 
the  governour’s  laudable  carriage  in  all  respects,  & the  serious 
devotion  wherewith  prayers  were  both  publickly  & privately 
made  for  his  Majesty,  that  the  King  expressed  himself  most 
highly  pleased  therewithal,  only  sorry  that  so  worthy  a person 
should  be  no  better  accommodated  than  with  the  hardships  of 
America.  He  was,  indeed,  a governour,  who  had  most  exactly 
studied  that  book,  which  pretending  to  teach  politicks,  did  only 
contain  three  leaves,  & but  one  word  on  each  of  those  leaves, 
which  word  was,  Moderation.” 

"To  teach  them,”  says  Mather,  in  another  place,  "the  frugality 
necessary  for  those  times,  he  abridged  himself  of  a thousand 
comfortable  things,  which  he  had  allowed  himself  elsewhere  : his 
habit  was  not  that  soft  raiment  which  would  have  been  disagree- 
able to  a wilderness ; his  table  was  not  covered  with  the  super- 
fluities that  would  have  invited  unto  sensualities  : water  was 
commonly  his  own  drink,  though  he  gave  wine  to  others.  But 
at  the  same  time  his  liberality  unto  the  needy  was  even  beyond 
measure  generous  ; & therein  he  was  continually  causing  the 
blessing  of  him  that  was  ready  to  perish  to  come  upon  him , & 
the  heart  of  the  widow  & the  orphan  to  sing  for  joy : but  none 
more  than  those  of  deceased  Ministers,  whom  he  always  treated 

51 


VOL.  II. 


402 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


with  a very  singular  compassion  ; among  the  instances  whereof 
we  still  enjoy  with  us  the  worthy  & now  aged  son  of  that 
reverend  Higginson,  whose  death  left  his  family  in  a wide 
world  soon  after  his  arrival  here,  publickly  acknowledging  the 
charitable  Winthrop  for  his  fostei’-father.  It  was  often  times 
no  small  trial  unto  his  faith,  to  think  how  a table  for  the  people 
should  be  furnished  when  they  first  came  into  the  wilderness  ! 
& for  very  many  of  the  people,  his  own  good  works  were 
needful,  & accordingly  employed  for  the  answering  of  his 
faith.  Indeed,  for  a while  the  governour  was  the  Joseph,  unto 
whom  the  whole  body  of  the  people  repaired  when  their  corn 
failed  them;  & he  continued  relieving  of  them  with  his  open- 
handed  bounties,  as  long  as  he  had  any  stock  to  do  it  with  ; 
& a lively  faith  to  see  the  return  of  the  bread  after  many 
days,  & not  starve  in  the  days  that  were  to  pass  till  that 
return  should  be  seen,  carried  him  chearfully  through  those 
expen  ces. 

" Once  it  was  observable,  that  on  Feb.  5.  1630,  when  he  was 
distributing;  the  last  handful  of  the  meal  in  the  barrel  unto  a 
poor  man  distressed  by  the  wolf  at  the  door,  at  that  instant  they 
spied  a ship  arrived  at  the  harbour’s  mouth  laden  with  provis- 
ions for  them  all.  Yea,  the  governour  sometimes  made  his 
own  private  purse  to  be  the  publiclc ; not  by  sucking  into  it, 
but  by  squeezing  out  of  it ; for  when  the  publick  treasure  had 
nothing  in  it,  he  did  himself  defray  the  charges  of  the  publick. 
And  having  learned  that  lesson  of  our  Lord,  that  it  is  better  to 
give  than  to  receive , he  did,  at  the  general  court  when  he  was 
a third  time  chosen  governour,  make  a speech  unto  this  purpose, 
' That  he  had  received  gratuities  from  divers  towns,  which  he 
accepted  with  much  comfort  & content ; & he  had  likewise 
received  civilities  from  particular  persons,  which  he  could 
not  refuse  without  incivility  in  himself ; nevertheless,  lie  took 
them  with  a trembling  heart,  in  regard  of  God’s  word,  & the 
conscience  of  his  own  infirmities ; & therefore  he  desired  them 
that  they  would  not  hereafter  take  it  ill  if  he  refused  such  pres- 
ents for  the  time  to  come.’  ’Twas  his  custom  also  to  send 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


403 


some  of  his  family  upon  errands,  unto  the  houses  of  the  poor 
about  their  meal  time,  on  purpose  to  spy  whether  they  wanted ; 
& if  it  were  found  that  they  wanted,  he  would  make  that  the 
opportunity  of  sending  supplies  unto  them.  And  there  was  one 
passage  of  his  charity  that  was  perhaps  a little  unusual : in  an 
hai’d  & long  winter,  when  wood  was  very  scarce  at  Boston,  a 
man  gave  him  private  information,  that  a needy  person  in  the 
neighbourhood  stole  wood  sometimes  from  his  pile  ; whereupon 
the  governour  in  a seeming  anger  did  reply,  'Does  he  so  ? 
I’ll  take  a course  with  him ; go,  call  that  man  to  me,  I’ll  war- 
rant you  I’ll  cure  him  of  stealing.’  When  the  man  came,  the 
governour  considering  that  if  he  had  stolen,  it  was  more  out 
of  necessity  than  disposition,  said  unto  him,  'Friend,  it  is  a 
severe  winter,  & I doubt  you  are  but  meanly  provided  for 
wood ; wherefore  I would  have  you  supply  yourself  at  my 
wood-pile  till  this  cold  season  be  over.  ’ And  he  then  merrily 
asked  his  friends, ' Whether  he  had  not  effectually  cured  this 
man  of  stealing  his  wood  ? ’ ” 

“ One  would  have  imagined,”  continues  Mather,  “ that 
so  good  a man  could  have  had  no  enemies  ; if  we  had 
not  had  a daily  & woful  experience  to  convince  us,  that 
goodness  itself  will  make  enemies.”  And  he  then  pro- 
ceeds to  inform  us  that  “ there  were  persons  eminent 
both  for  figure  & for  number,  unto  whom  it  was  almost 
essential  to  dislike  every  thing  that  came  from  him. 
And  yet,”  he  adds,  “ he  always  maintained  an  amicable 
correspondence  with  them ; as  believing  that  they  acted 
according  to  their  judgment  & conscience,  or  that  then’ 
eyes  were  held  by  some  temptation  in  the  worst  of  all 
their  oppositions.”  In  another  connection,  Mather  tells 
us  that  “ so  hard  was  the  measure  which  he  found  even 
among  pious  men,  in  the  temptations  of  a wilderness, 
that  when  the  thunder  & lightning  had  smitten  a wind- 


404 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


mill,  whereof  he  was  owner,  some  had  such  things  in 
their  heads  as  publmkly  to  reproach  this  chari tablest  of 
men  as  if  the  voice  of  the  Almighty  had  rebuked,  I 
know  not  what  oppression,  which  they  judged  him  guilty 
of ; which  things  I would  not  have  mentioned,  but  that 
the  instances  may  fortifie  the  expectations  of  my  best 
readers  for  such  afflictions.” 1 

But  we  gladly  turn  from  the  record  of  such  injustices 
on  the  part  of  some  few  of  his  contemporaries,  to  the 
judgments  which  have  been  pronounced  upon  Winthrop 
by  historians  and  statesmen  of  our  own  day. 

In  his  “ History  of  the  United  States,”  Mr.  Bancroft, 
describing  the  early  colonization  of  Massachusetts,  says 
of  him : — 

"It  was  principally  the  calm  decision  of  Winthrop  which 
sustained  the  courage  of  his  companions.  In  him,  a yielding 
gentleness  of  temper,  and  a never-failing  desire  for  unity  and 
harmony,  were  secured  against  weakness  by  deep  but  tranquil 
enthusiasm.  His  nature  was  touched  by  the  sweetest  sjunpa- 
thies  of  affection  for  wife,  children,  and  associates.  Cheerful  in 
serving  others  and  suffering  with  them,  liberal  without  repining, 
helpful  without  reproaching,  in  him  God  so  exercised  his  grace 
that  he  discerned  his  own  image  and  resemblance  in  his  fellow- 
man,  and  cared  for  his  neighbor  like  himself.  He  was  of  a 
sociable  nature,  so  that  ' to  love  and  be  beloved  was  his  soul’s 
paradise  and  works  of  mercy  were  the  habit  of  his  life.  Part- 
ing from  affluence  in  England,  he  unrep iningly  went  to  meet 


1 Mather  concludes  his  memoir  with  the  following  brief  epitaph,  translated  from  th© 
Greek  “of  i sephus  about  Nehemiah,  the  Governour  of  Israel:  — 

‘ Vir  fuit  indole  bonus,  ac  justus: 

Et  popularium  gloriae  amantissimus : 

Quibus  eternum  reliquit  monumentum, 

JXovanglorum  moenia.’  ” 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


405 


impoverishment  and  premature  age  for  the  welfare  of  Massa- 
chusetts. His  lenient  benevolence  tempered  the  bigotry  of  his 
companions,  without  impairing  their  resoluteness.  An  honest 
royalist,  averse  to  pure  democracy,  yet  firm  in  his  regard  for 
existing  popular  liberties  ; in  his  native  parish  a conformist,  yet 
wishing  for  ' gospel  purity ; ’ in  America,  mildly  aristocratic, 
advocating  a government  of  ' the  least  part,’  yet  desiring  that 
part  to  be  ' the  wiser  of  the  best ; ’ disinterested,  brave,  and 
conscientious, — his  character  marks  the  transition  of  the  ref- 
ormation into  virtual  republicanism,  when  the  sentiment  of 
loyalty,  which  it  was  still  intended  to  cherish,  gradually  yielded 
to  the  irresistible  spirit  of  civil  freedom.” 

Dr.  Palfrey,  in  his  “ History  of  New  England,”  says 
of  him : — 

" The  time  that  has  now  passed  since  Winthrop  lived  is  more 
than  a quarter  as  long  as  the  time  since  the  Norman  conquest 
of  England.  The  influence  of  his  genius  and  character  have 
been  felt  through  seven  generations  of  a rapidly  multiplying 
people,  and  of  those,  not  of  their  number,  whom  their  proceed- 
ings have  in  any  way  affected.  The  importance  which  his- 
tory should  ascribe  to  his  life  must  be  proportionate  to  the 
importance  attributed  to  the  subsequent  agency  of  that  com- 
monwealth of  which  he  was  the  most  eminent  founder.  It 
would  be  erroneous  to  pretend  that  the  principles  upon  which 
it  was  established  were  an  original  conception  of  his  mind  ; but 
undoubtedly  it  was  his  policy,  more  than  any  other  man’s,  that 
organized  into  shape,  animated  with  practical  vigor,  and  pre- 
pared for  permanency,  those  primeval  sentiments  and  insti- 
tutions that  have  directed  the  course  of  thought  and  action  in 
New  England  in  later  times.  And  equally  certain  is  it,  that, 
among  the  millions  of  living  men  descended  from  those  whom 
he  ruled,  there  is  not  one  who  does  not  — through  efficient 
influences,  transmitted  in  society  and  in  thought  along  the 
intervening  generations  — owe  much  of  what  is  best  within  him, 


406 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


and  in  the  circumstances  about  him,  to  the  benevolent  and 
courageous  wisdom  of  John  Wintheop.1 

" They  who,  to  make  up  their  idea  of  consummate  excellence 
in  a statesman,  require  the  presence  of  a religious  sense, 
prompting  and  controlling  all  public  conduct,  will  recognize 
with  admiration  the  prominence  of  that  attribute  in  the  charac- 
ter of  this  brave,  wise,  unselfish,  and  righteous  ruler.  His 
sense  of  religious  obligation  was  the  spirit  of  his  politics,  as 
well  as  the  spirit  of  his  daily  life.  It  had  pleased  God  to  place 
him  where  he  might  so  act  as  that  the  virtue  and  well-being 
of  large  numbers  of  men,  living  and  to  be  born,  might  be  the 
fruit  of  his  courage,  diligence,  steadiness,  and  foresight.  With 
clear  intelligence,  he  discerned  the  responsibilities  of  that  posi- 
tion, and  accepted  them  with  a cordiality  which  made  it  easy 
to  subordinate  every  less  worthy  object,  and  control  every 
meaner  motive  that  might  interfere  with  the  generous  task  he 
had  assumed.”  2 

The  late  venerable  Josiah  Quincy,  in  his  address  to 
the  citizens  of  Boston,  on  the  close  of  the  second  cen- 
tury from  the  first  settlement  of  the  city,  spoke  thus 
of  him : — ■ 

"For  years,  Winthrop,  the  leader  of  the  first  great  enterprise, 
was  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  infant  metropolis.  His  pru- 
dence guided  its  councils.  His  valor  directed  its  strength. 
His  life  and  fortunes  were  spent  in  fixing  its  character,  or  im- 
proving its  destinies.  A bolder  spirit  never  dwelt,  a truer 
heart  never  beat,  in  any  bosom.  Had  Boston,  like  Rome,  a 

1 Dr.  Palfrey  adds  a footnote  as  follows  : “ All  great  effects  have  remote  and  slowly 
operating  causes.  I do  not  forget  that  various  agencies  must  he  combined  to  produce  an 
important  political  result;  but,  to  my  view,  the  New-England  campaign  of  1775-76, 
the  movement  of  John  Adams  and  his  compeers  for  independence  eighty-four  years 
ago,  and  — consequent  upon  those  transactions  — the  later  products  of  self-government 
in  America,  are  to  Winthrop’s  administration,  something  like  what  the  fruit  is  to  the 
blossom.” 

2 For  the  admirable  character  of  Winthrop,  of  which  this  is  hut  a small  part,  sea 
Palfrey’s  History  of  New  England,  vol.  ii.  pp.  264-272. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


407 


consecrated  calendar,  there  is  no  name  better  entitled  than  that 
of  Winthrop  to  be  registered  as  its  ' patron  saint.’” 

And,  finally,  the  late  Rev.  Dr.  Young,  in  his  “ Chroni- 
cles of  Massachusetts,”  says  of  him  as  follows : — 

" In  his  magnanimity,  disinterestedness,  and  moderation ; in 
his  mingled  firmness  of  principle  and  mildness  of  temper ; 
in  his  harmonious  character,  consistent  fife,  and  well-balanced 
mind,  — the  Father  of  Massachusetts  reminds  us  of  the  great 
'Father  of  his  Country,’  and  is  the  only  name  in  our  history 
worthy  to  stand  as  a parallel  to  Washington.”  1 

Such  tributes  as  these  come  less  suspiciously  from  the 
sources  to  which  we  have  credited  them,  than  they  would 
from  any  one  inheriting  his  name  and  blood  ; and  they 
are  willingly  left  to  rest  *on  the  authority  of  those  by 
whom  they  were  originally  paid. 

Nineteen  years  intervened  between  Winthrop’s  land- 
ing at  Salem  and  his  death.  During  that  period,  he 
had  seen  the  Boston,  which  he  founded,  grow  to  be  a 
thriving  and  prosperous  capital ; and  the  State,  of  which 
he  brought  over  the  charter,  extended  by  successive  set- 
tlements over  a wide  territory,  and  represented,  in  its  little 
legislature,  by  deputies  from  nearly  thirty  separate  towns. 
Other  colonies  had  planted  themselves  around  Massa- 
chusetts, and  a New-England  Confederation  had  been 
formed  under  his  auspices.  Free  Schools  had  been 
established,  and  a College  incorporated  and  organized. 
Above  all,  religion  had  taken  deep  root  in  all  the  settle- 
ments ; and  Churches  were  gathered  wherever  there  was 
an  adequate  population.  Few  persons  have  lived  in 


1 Young’s  Chronicles  of  Massachusetts,  p.  105,  footnote. 


408 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS 


these  later  ages  who  could  have  appropriated  to  them- 
selves, more  justly  than  John  Wintlirop  could  have  done, 
the  lines  of  the  old  Roman  Poet,  which  may  have  been 
familiar  to  him  in  the  schools,  — 

“ Vixi,  et  quem  dederat  cursum  fortuna,  peregi: 

Et  nunc  magna  mei  sub  terras  ibit  imago. 

Urbem  prseclaram  statui ; mea  moenia  vidi.” 

But,  while  he  labored  so  long  and  so  faithfully  for 
the  welfare  of  his  fellow-men,  he  looked  higher  than 
to  any  self-applause,  or  any  human  applause,  for  his 
reward.  Though  he  spent  his  strength  and  his  sub- 
stance in  budding  up  a city  and  a State  of  earthly 
habitations,  — sparing  nothing  for  his  famdy,  and  leav- 
ing but  a single  hundred  pounds,  out  of  his  whole 
estate,  to  be  the  subject  of  an  inventory  at  his  death, — 
he  was  ever  looking  forward  to  a “ city  which  hath 
foundations,  whose  builder  and  maker  is  God.”  An 
original  portrait  of  him,  said  to  have  been  by  Van- 
dyke,1 has  long  been  in  the  Senate  Chamber  of  Mas- 
sachusetts ; and,  within  a few  years  past,  a marble  statue 


1 This  was  probably  the  portrait  of  which  the  following  anecdote  is  found  among 
the  family  memoranda:  “One  of  the  Pequott  Indian  Sagamores,  who  knew  the  old 
Governor  Wintlirop,  coming  to  Boston  after  his  death,  and  going  into  the  room  where 
his  picture  was,  ran  out  very  much  surprised,  crying  out,  ‘ He  is  alive,  he  is  alive,  he 
is  alive!’”  Another  portrait  of  him  is  in  possession  of  my  cousin,  Thomas  Charles 
Winthrop,  Esq.,  of  New  York,  who  has  also  the  original  portraits  of  the  Governor’s 
grandfather,  Adam,  and  of  his  sons  John  and  Stephen,  and  of  his  grandsons  Fitz  John 
and  Wait  Still  Winthrop.  I may  be  permitted  to  remember,  that,  while  this  chapter  was 
in  hand,  I was  called  to  New  York  to  attend  the  funeral  of  the  young  and  gallant  Briga- 
dier-General Frederic  Winthrop,  a son  of  Thomas  Charles,  who  fell  in  the  very  last 
battle  of  the  War,  at  the  age  of  twenty-five,  after  a brilliant  service  of  four  years  in  the 
Union  army.  His  body  was  borne  out  (to  receive  the  funeral  honors  of  a brigade  of 
Volunteers  and  Regulars)  from  the  rooms  which  contained  these  portraits  of  his  ances- 
tors, and  no  one  could  help  feeling  that  he  had  reflected  new  distinction  on  their 
name  and  lineage.  Fie  was  an  own  cousin,  too,  of  Major  Theodore  Winthrop,  who  fell 
at  Big  Bethel  at  the  opening  of  the  War,  and  to  whom  a brief  allusion  was  made  in  our 
nrevious  volume. 


OF  JOHN  WINTHROP, 


409 

of  him,  by  Richard  Greenough,  has  been  placed  in  the 
chapel  at  Mt.  Auburn.  More  recently  it  has  been  pro- 
posed, by  the  Commissioners  to  whom  the  subject  was 
referred  by  the  legislature  of  the  State,  that  a statue  of 
him  should  be  placed  in  the  Capitol  at  Washington,  with 
one  of  John  Adams,  to  represent  Massachusetts  in  the 
Hall  of  Historical  Statues.1  Doubtless  it  would  have 
gratified  him  to  know  that  his  services  would  be  so  valued 
more  than  two  centuries  after  his  death.  But,  though  he 
could  not  have  been  indifferent  to  the  judgment  which 
should  be  pronounced  upon  him  by  posterity,  it  may 
safely  be  said,  that,  above  all  other  honors  which  could 
be  paid  to  his  memory,  above  monuments  or  statues 
or  memorials  of  any  sort,  he  would  have  appreciated 
the  casual  coincidence,  that,  on  the  very  site  of  his  resi- 
dence,2 or  certainly  within  the  inclosure  of  his  garden, 


1 The  Commissioners  appointed  by  Governor  Andrew  were  Hon.  John  G.  Palfrey, 
Hon.  Solomon  Lincoln,  and  Hon.  Richard  Frothingham.  Their  Report,  dated  Feb.  16, 
1866,  contains  the  following  passage:  — 

“ In  one  of  the  early  emigrants  to  Massachusetts,  their  acknowledged  chief,  all  their 
virtues  were  impersonated.  We  do  not  hesitate  to  advise,  that  one  of  the  statues  to  be 
set  up  in  the  national  hall  shall  commemorate  the  period  and  the  services  of  the  first 
John  Winthrop.  All  nations  have  reserved  peculiar  honors  for  their  founders:  John 
Winthrop,  rather  than  any  other  man,  represents  the  founders  of  Massachusetts.  It  is 
impossible  to  estimate  the  lasting  influence  of  a human  life ; but  nothing  can  be  more 
certain  than  that  the  beneficent  consequences  of  Winthrop’s  life  have  been  vast.  His 
mind,  more  than  any  other,  arranged  the  social  state  of  Massachusetts:  Massachusetts 
moulded  the  society  of  New  England.  1 The  principles  of  New  England,’  wrote  the 
philosophical  French  observer,  ‘spread  at  first  to  the  neighboring  States;  then  they 
passed  successively  to  the  more  distant  ones,  and  at  length  they  imbued  the  whole  con- 
federation.’ By  virtue  of  recent  events,  this  process  is  now  going  on  with  a new  activi- 
ty, which  is  destined  still  to  grow ; and  this  nation,  as  long  as  it  continues  to  hold  up  a 
guiding  and  cheering  light  to  the  friends  of  liberty  and  law  in  all  parts  of  the  earth,  will 
be  carrying  out  the  work  of  John  Winthrop,  and  of  his  associate  colonists  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay.” 

2 “ The  house  in  which  he  lived  remained  till  1775,  when,  with  many  other  old  build- 
ings, it  was  pulled  down  by  the  British  troops  for  fuel.” — Belknap's  Am.  Biog.  vol.  2. 
p.  357.  It  had  been  occupied,  for  some  years  previous  to  his  death  in  1758,  by  the  Rev. 
Thomas  Prince,  for  forty  years  the  pastor  of  the  Old  South,  and  the  learned  author  of 
the  “ Chronological  History  of  New  England.” 

vol.  ii.  . 52 


410 


LIFE  AND  LETTERS  OF  JOHN  WINTHROP. 


should  stand  a consecrated  edifice,  in  which,  through  a 
long  succession  of  generations,  should  be  gathered  one 
of  the  chosen  churches  of  Christ,  worshipping  God 
according  to  the  faith  and  the  forms  which  had  been 
dearest  to  his  own  heart  in  his  mature  New-England  life. 
The  Old-South  Church  in  Boston,  as  it  is  called,  has 
many  hallowed  and  many  patriotic  associations  ; but  it 
may  be  doubted  whether  any  of  them  are  more  congenial 
with  its  sacred  uses,  or  will  be  more  cherished  hereafter 
by  its  devout  frequenters,  than  that  it  marks  the  Boston 
home  of  John  Winthrop,  — its  foundations  resting  upon 
the  spot  on  which  he  dwelt  in  life,  its  steeple  pointing  to 
the  brighter  abode  to  which  he  ever  aspired  in  the 
skies. 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX 


I. 


LETTER  OF  ARTHUR  TYNDAL. 

(Referred  to  on  p.  36.) 

To  his  worthy  Brother  John  Winthrope  Fsqr.  at  Mr.  Downinge  his 
house  in  Byshops  Court  neer  the  Conduit  in  Fleet  Street. 

Mr  yerie  GOOD  Broth®,  — After  my  returne  home  from  yon,  I 
fell  into  disquiett  w‘.h  my  selfe,  thinkinge  that  I came  short  in  givinge 
you  satisfacon  concerninge  that  poynt  propounded  by  yon  of  so  maine 
importance  (viz*)  whether  I had  absolutelie  resolued  to  master  my 
desires,  and  conuTacon  1 & to  liue  under  the  Hierarchie  of  yoT 
church  & civill  gouTm*.,  purposed  & concluded  among  yorselues. 
Wch  consideration  hath  principallie  urged  these  troblesome  lines,  to 
give,  under  my  owne  hand,  a testimonie  of  myselfe ; That  from  the 
verie  first  birth  of  my  resolution  to  serve  in  this  busines,  I firmelie 
& unmoueablie  determined,  & still  & ever,  (the  grace  of  God  assist- 
inge  me)  shall  determine,  to  giue  vp  all  my  faculties  & powers  both 
of  soule  & bodie,  instrum*3,  weapons,  & ministers,  to  serve  you  in  that 
unitie,  bond  & waie  of  pietie  and  devocon,  wch  yorselves  shall  imbrace 
& insue : And  so  farr  I besiche  you  let  me  be  from  beinge  suspected 
of  obstinacie  or  non  conformitie,  that  you  would  be  pleased  to  undrstand, 
that  I much  comfort  my  selfe,  in  the  grace  of  him  that  is  master  & giuer 
of  all  grace  & power,  that  I shall  be  an  example  & true  light  to  con- 
tinue manie  refractaries  in  flexibilitie  & obedience.  Oh,  if  I obtaine 
the  happiness  to  laye  but  one  stone  in  the  foundation  of  this  new  Syon, 
I shalbe  ravished  with  high  content.  And  for  the  sinceritie  of  my  heart 
in  these  conclucons,  I appeale  not  onlie  to  earth,  but  to  him  that  made 


1 Conversation. 


[413] 


414 


APPENDIX. 


both  heauen  & earth.  Sr  we  haue  been  much  startled  wth  the  uncer- 
taine  report  of  the  restraint  of  diu’  most  hobl°  psonages,  the  cause  not 
know[n]e, — if  it  shall  please  you  to  disperse  this  mist  for  us  (if  yon 
cann)  or  if  tyme  hath  brought  it  to  light,  wee  shall  thankfully  feede 
vppou  yor  curtesie.  My  brother  & sister  lovinglie  salute  you.  And  I 
the  unworthiest,  wtb  ardent  prayer  to  God,  for  a full  gale  of  blessings 
uppon  yor  pious  & hoble  designem*8  & wth  the  free  offer  of  my  poore 
abilities  a sacrifice  to  yor  service,  humblie  rest 

Yor  most  obliged  ffreind  & Brother  Arth  : Tyndale. 

Chelmeshoes, 

10th  of  No:  1629. 


LETTER  OF  DEANE  TYNDAL. 

To  the  worpu  my  verie  loving  Brother  John  Winthrop  Esq  att  Mr. 
Downing's  house  in  Bishops  Court  in  ffleet  Streete  give  these. 

Loving  Brother,  — When  I remember  your  curtesies  wcb  are  not 
a few,  and  how  loving  and  faithfull  a friend  you  haue  been  to  me,  I can 
not  but  lament  when  I thinke  of  your  iourny,  for  though  the  bond  of  love 
still  contineues,  yet  the  distance  of  place  will  not  let  us  be  so  usefull  and 
comfortable  one  to  an  other  as  now  we  are,  wch  makes  me  still  desier 
your  stay  here,  if  it  may  be  for  God’s  glory,  and  your  owne  good.  M' 
Rogers  of  Weathersfielde  is  agaynst  your  goeing,  and  would  fayne 
meet  wth  you,  for  your  reasons  doe  not  satisfie  him.  S.r  Dru  Deane  is 
not  att  home,  but  I sende  your  writings  by  his  appoyntment  to  Mr. 
Briges  whoe  sayd  he  would  send  doune  a Deds  Pot  this  terme.  The 
Ladie  Deane  who  remembers  her  love  to  you,  would  desier  you  to 
leaue  the  writinges,  and  the  other  thinges,  you  haue  of  hers  conserning 
Si  Henery  Manwarings  businesse  wtb  som  of  your  friends  in  London, 
and  to  send  her  word  where  you  left  them,  for  she  intends  to  send  up 
to  London  this  next  weeke.  And  now  my  wives  and  my  owne  faith- 
full  loue  being  remembred  to  you,  desiering  the  Lord  to  direct  you  in 
your  courses,  I take  my  leaue,  and  rest 

Your  assured  loving  Brother  Deane  Tyndale. 

FFROM  MaPLSTED 

this  23  of  October 


JOHN  WINTHROP  TO  HIS  SON. 


415 


II. 


JOHN  "WINTHROP  TO  HIS  SON. 

(Referred  to  on  p.  112,  footnote.) 

To  my  verye  lovinge  sonne  Mr.  Winthrop  iunr  at  Passamuckett ,J  dd. 

Sonne  [torn],  — I received]  3 : Lres  from  you,  but  had  no  oppor- 
tunitye  to  sende  any  to  you.  I blesse  the  Lord  for  the  Continuance  of 
yor  healthe,  & of  yor  Companye,  but  I am  sorye  to  heare  yor  house  is 
in  no  more  forwardnesse.  I doubt  you  will  not  have  it  fitt  for  habita- 
tion this  winter. 

Concerninge  Mr  Leveredge,  I knowe  how  you  can  seeme  to  desire 
him,  wthout  offence  to  the  Lords  who  have  sent  him  over,  though  he 
may  be  free ; neither  doe  I see  how  you  are  able  at  present  to  main- 
taine  him  and  his  familye,  hut  that  you  must  waite  till  the  springe ; 
yet  what  lyes  wthin  my  power  to  helpe  you  herein,  I shalbe  readye. 

ffor  the  steeres  I sent,  I had  worde  from  you  by  Mr.  Clerke,  to  sende 
one,  & I knewe  you  might  more  easyly  make  vse  of  2 : then  one : 
if  none  of  yr  neighbors  can  or  will  fitt  them  for  yr  owne  & their  vse,  I 
will  sende  for  them  againe : if  you  make  but  a slead,  you  may  drawe 
wood  & timber  enough  wth  them. 

ffor  the  olde  Come  you  desire,  I caiiot  helpe  you  wth  aboue  one  hhd 
(for  I have  not  2 : lefte)  but  I have  bought  a hhd  of  Englishe  meale 
for  you ; wch  I will  sende  you  by  the  nest  Conveyance  (if  you  resolve 
to  winter  there.) 

There  was  a Sowe  of  Lead  sent  at  first,  wch  you  had  best  to  enqrc 
after,  yet  you  may  have  another,  for  other  things,  yor  wife  will  write 
to  you.  I meet  wth  so  many  letts,  as  I doubt  I shall  not  see  you  at 
Ag  : till  the  Court  be  passed.  The  messinger  is  readye  to  depte,  so 
as  I must  ende,  & wth  mie  and  yor  mothers  most  hearty  Love  & 
prayers  to  the  Lord  for  yr  wellfare,  I comende  you  to  the  good  provi- 
dence & blessinge  of  the  Lord,  & rest 

Yor  loving  father,  Jo  : Winthrop. 

Octob  : 24  : [1633.1 


1 The  younger  Winthrop  was  engaged  in  settling  Agawam  (Ipswich)  when  this 
letter  was  written,  hut  I know  not  the  precise  locality  of  Passamuckett. 


116 


APPENDIX. 


III. 


ROUGH  DRAFT  OF  A LETTER  FROM  GOVERNOR  WINTIIROP 
TO  THE  REV.  HENRY  PAINTER.1 

(Referred  to  on  p.  141.) 

Rev1?  Sr  & my  good  Brother,  — My  selfe  & wife  doe  most 
heartyly  salute  you,  or  deare  sister  & all  or  Cosins. 

Si  I recd.  yor  loving  Lre  dat.  9ber  15,  ’35  this  present  daye  in  a shippe 
wch  now  arrd  from  the  He  of  Maye : I am  very  gladd  to  heare  from 
you,  & of  yo*  heal  the  & welfare ; & yor  good  inclinatio  towards  N : E : 
wch  gives  vs  hope,  we  shall  one  day  see  you  heere,  where  you  may  he 
assured  of  most  kinde  Wellcome,  wch  (I  hope)  you  doubt  not  off.  & 
thoughe  I will  not  vse  any  Arguments  to  pswade  you  (for  I have  been 
allways  slowe  in  that  exercise)  I would  gladly  remove  one  block,  wch 
seemes  to  lye  in  yr  waye,  & that  is  about  or  Church  Coven*.  Yor  Lr6 
comes  so  late  to  my  hande  as  I shall  not  have  opportunytye  to  have 
answer  from  Mi  Hooker  (beinge  100  miles  from  vs)  tyme  enoughe  to 
certifie  you  of  it  this  yeare : but  I will  tender  you  mine  owne  thoughts 
aboute  it:  & I suppose  I may  saye  to  you  as  experience  bathe  proved 
in  many  other  bothe  learned  & godly  tu  si  Me  esses  aliter  sentires : It 

cant  be  that  the  Covenant  (if  it  be  rightly  knowne)  should  give 
offence,  if  it  did  not  seem  to  strike  at  the  founclatio  of  the  Churches  in 
England,  wch  (as  we  heere  conceive)  is  but  in  semblance  only,  for  we 
acknowledge  many  true  Churches  in  England  wch  are  ioyned  onely  by 
an  implicate  Coven*:  but  let  the  Coven*  be  examined  woh  is  this  : I doe 
renounce  all  former  corruptions  & polutions,  I doe  promise  to  walke 
togither  wth  this  Church  in  all  the  ordinances  of  Religio  according 
to  the  rule  of  the  Gospell,  & w*h  all  the  members  heerof  in  brotherly 
love./  This  is  the  substance  of  the  Coven*.  Now  if  a father  should 
require  this  of  his  child  or  a master  of  every  servn*  he  receives  into  his 
house,  or  a Company  of  Christian  neighbors  in  England  of  suche  as 
they  receive  into  their  private  comunion,  what  offence  were  here  ? 
seeing  heere  is  nothing  required  of  the  ptye  but  what  he  is  bound  vnto 
by  the  worde  of  God  : Besides  it  is  of  the  nature  & essence  of  every 
Society  to  be  knitt  togither  by  some  Covenant,  either  expressed  or  im- 


1 Rev.  Henry  Painter,  one  of  the  Westminster  Divines,  who  had  married  the  widow 
of  Governor  Winthrop’s  brother-in-law,  Thomas  Fones. 


LETTER  TO  KEY.  HENRY  PAINTER. 


417 


plyed : now  to  leave  it  vncertaine,  where  men  have  opportunity^  to 
expresse  & cleare  it,  were  a faylinge  (at  least.) 

But  it  is  obd:  y*  there  is  neither  precept  nor  patterne  of  any  suche 
Covenant  in  Scripture : — 

Answ : Admitt  there  were  none,  yet  there  is  warrant  sufficient  for 
gatheringe  of  Churches,  & therefore  all  things  necessaryly  incident 
therto  are  warrantably  implied.  What  other  warrant  had  Neh : 5 : 
12  : to  binde  the  people  by  an  oathe,  To  release  their  vsurious  gaine  ? 
or  the  people  at  his  capital  to  bind  themselves  by  an  oathe  & a Curse 
to  walk  in  the  Lawe  of  God  ? wch  example  may  be  warrant  sufficient 
for  Chms  when  they  enter  into  Churche  fellowshipp  to  binde  themselves 
by  p-mise  to  walke  accordinge  to  the  rule  of  the  Gospell,  & what  evill 
can  be  in  it,  if  the  Church  require  suche  a promise  of  them  ? Let 
that  place  in  Neh:  10:  1:  24:  &c.  be  well  considered.  I sujipose  it 
may  satisfie  any,  that  is  not  vnder  temptation,  of  the  warrantablenesse 
of  such  a Churche  Coven!  as  ors  is. 

Again  leave  out  the  Coven*  & let  vs  see  what  manner  of  Churches 
you  will  constitute : Suppose  10  or  20  Christns  were  desirous  to  consti- 
tute a Churche,  these  being  mett  togither,  every  of  them  makes  con- 
fession of  his  faith,  will  this  make  them  a Churche  ? I conceive  it 
will  posle  a good  logitian  to  make  these  a Churche,  wthout  some  Contract, 
or  agreem*  such  as  will  amount  to  a Covenant. 

Again  if  a man  enters  no  coven*,  then  is  he  not  tyed  to  one  Churche 
more  then  to  another,  & then  may  he  depte  w*hout  leave  or  offence, 
nor  can  he  be  reputed  to  be  of  that  Churche  any  longer  then  while  he 
is  in  the  Assembly,  & so  consequently,  vpon  the  dissolving  of  the 
assembly,  the  Church  hath  no  being  till  they  assemble  again. 

Now  whereas  I expresst  my  feare  of  temptatio  in  suche  as  scruple 
of  coven!,  so  far  as  for  that  verye  Cause  to  shune  Comunio  wth  vs,  I doe 
it  not  wthout  good  grounde,  for  when  I see  them  leape  over  greater  mat- 
ters, as  cohiunicatinge  w*h  all  parochiall  members,  whereof  many  are  no 
Saints  either  by  callinge  or  professio,  submitting  themselves  to  Canon- 
ical! obedience,  whereby  they  evidently  betraye  the  libertye  of  the 
Gospell,  & enervate  the  power  of  Ch!  Hh  holy  ordinances,  of  ordinatio, 
Admonitio,  excorn,  &c.  Putt  the  case  alLo  (as  it  often  falls  out)  that 
a godly  patron  when  he  bestowes  a benefice  vpon  a min*  takes 
a solemne  promise  of  him  to  be  resident  vpon  it,  to  teache  dilli- 
gently,  &c.  who  is  there  amonge  you  that  will  scruple  to  accept 
a livinge  vpon  suche  a Coven!  as  this,  wch  hathe  neither  precept  nor 
patterne  in  Scripture  ? So  when  the  Clercke  comes  to  the  Bpp  for 

53 


VOL.  II. 


418 


APPENDIX. 


admission,  if  he  requires  a promise  (nay  an  Oathe)  of  him  to  doe  that 
wch  the  duty  of  his  place  requires,  none  of  you  would  sticke  at  such  a 
Coven*  as  this.  Besides  there  is  a great  mistake  in  the  order  of 
of  Covenant,  for  it  passeth  for  granted  everywhere  that  none  can  be 
admitted  heere  before  they  enter  into  this  Covenl,  whereas  in  very 
truth  they  are  tryed  & admitted  by  the  vote  of  the  wholl  Churche 
before  any  Coven*  be  tendered  or  mentioned  to  them.  Lastly,  it  is 
sometimes  tendered  to  them  as  a declaration  of  their  purpose  & inten- 
tion only  & not  in  the  words  of  a Coven*  or  promise,  so  willinge  are 
of  Churches  to  please  or  brethren  in  all  things  to  or  mutuall  accord  & 
edificatio. 


IV. 

JOHN  WINTHROP  TO  HIS  SON. 

(Referred  to  on  p.  218.) 

To  my  lovinge  Jonne  Mr.  Jo  : Winthrop , at  his  howse  in  Ipswch,  dd. 

Deare  [sonne], — I wrote  [to]  you  last  w[eeke]  by  Rob*  [torn] 
& therewth  sent  you  2:  warr*9  for  [torn]  Court  there  the  12 : of  the 
first  month,  one  for  yor  towne  & the  other  for  Newberye.  I desire 
to  knowe  whether  they  came  to  you,  because  otherwise  I would  sende 
newe.  Mf  Endecott  & my  brother  Peter  are  now  wth  vs : we  are  all 
in  health,  I prayse  God,  & hope  to  hear  the  like  of  you  & yors : & 
shall  long  to  heare  of  o*  good  daughters  safe  delivery,  wch  we  seriously 
comende  to  the  Lord. 

Salute  all  or  good  frinds  wth  you,  & pticularly  yor  Reverend 
minrs ; & desire  them  all,  from  me,  to  be  verye  carefull  in  admission 
of  members,  for  there  be  some  of  these  newe  opinions,  y*  will  simulare 
& dissimulare  beyond  expectation,  to  gett  into  or  churches : & when 
they  are  once  in,  then  will  they  goe  to  worke,  thoughe  they  never 
stirred  before : I hope  the  sad  experience  of  the  effects  of  such  spirits 
in  other  churches  wilbe  caution  enoughe  to  them  & others,  to  beware  & 
knowe  men  well  ere  they  admitt  them ; but  enoughe  of  this.  We 
salute  you  & yrs,  yor  brothers  & siste  [torn] re  well. 

Yr  loving  father,  Jo  : Winthrop 

I sende  you  [torn] 

XI*  31 : 163  [torn] 


JOHN  WINTHROP  TO  THOMAS  PRINCE. 


419 


y. 

JOHN  WINTHROP  TO  THOMAS  PRINCE. 

(Referred  to  on  p.  238.) 

To  Tiii  verye  worthy e Sf  lovinge  freinde  Mr.  Prence,  Govr.  of  Plim- 

outh,  d.d. 

SE,  — This  Lre  inclosed,  beinge  deliuered  to  me  by  a mistake,  was  by 
the  like  mistake  opened  by  me,  but  havinge  read  3 : or  4 : lines  I 
reveiwed  the  supscriptio  & founde  my  error,  wherevpon  I layd  it  by : 
& (consideringe  how  I would  have  another  in  like  case  to  have  dealt 
wth  me)  I read  no  further  of  it,  so  as  you  may  rest  assured  that  neither 
myselfe,  nor  any  other,  since  it  came  to  my  hands  is  privye  to  the  con- 
tents of  any  more  then  the  first  4 : or  5 : lines.  So  w,h  my  lovinge 
salutations  to  yourselfe  & all  or  worthye  & revered  frends,  wth  you, 
Mr.  Bradford,  Mr.  Winslowe  &c : I comend  you  to  the  Lord  & rest, 

Yor  verye  lovinge  friend  Jo  : Winthrop. 

Boston,  this  10th  : of 
the  Xth  mo  : 1638 

This  other  Lre  to  Mi  Winslowe  came  wth  it. 


VI. 


ROUGH  DRAFT  OF  A LETTER  OF  GOVERNOR  WINTHROP 
TO  REV.  EZEKIEL  ROGERS.1 

(Referred  to  on  p.  254.) 

Rev?  & Deare  Sf,  — I received  yol  lovinge  Lrf,  for  wh.  & all 
other  fruits  of  yol  Love  I kindly  thanke  you,  espec.  for  yol  prayers, 
wh.  (I  hope)  shall  not  be  lost  upon  me.  Mr.  Nelson  & Mr.  Carlton 
haue  been  wth  me,  & I haue  given  them  what  satisfaction  I can  for 
the  present : I prayse  God,  it  dothe  not  grieve  me  to  depte  with  any 
thinge,  to  paye  my  debts.  Yet  there  is  somethinge  troubles  me  a 
little,  that  some  of  my  Christian  friends  should  take  advantage  of  my 
servants  unfaithfullnesse  to  gett  suche  bargains,  as  some  of  them  haue 
(upon  better  consideration)  been  sorrye  for,  and  haue  released  them, 
& wthall  holpen  to  ease  my  burden,  by  lending  me  freely : but  others 
call  strictly  & hastyly  for  the  like,  wh.  thoughe  I looke  at  it  as  an 
Injury  yet  I haue  not  complained  of  it  to  any  nor  doe  I intende  to 


1 Indorsed  by  Gov.  Winthrop,  “ To  Mr.  Ez:  Rogers  not  sent.’ 


420 


APPENDIX. 


doe,  being  p-suaded  that  they  are  suche  as  doe  abhorre  all  oppressinge 
practizes,  (thoughe  a good  man  may  steppe  aside  that  waye  unawares 
espec.  in  N : E :)  & knowinge  yol  wisdome  & integritye,  I will  make 
you  Iudge  in  the  case:  it  may  be  you  will  not  meet  wth  the  like 
(all  circumstances  wayed)  & thus  it  stands  : Some  of  them  let  my 
servant  liaue  moneye  w,hout  my  desire  or  privitve,  till  they  came  to  me 
for  their  security  & they  acquaint  me  w‘.h  it  in  such  rnaher,  as  I could 
appreheude  no  other,  but  that  they  lent  it  freely  to  doe  me  a Courtesye, 
(having  then  no  present  occasion  to  make  use  of  it  themselves)  so  now 
they  haue  engaged  me  to  requite  this  kindnesse  some  other  waye,  but 
w’j’all,  they  privately  contracte  w‘?  my  servant  for  large  interest,  & 
take  a bill  of  him  for  delivery  of  so  much  Corne  at  an  under  rate, 
but  no  mention  for  what  consideration : nor  was  I ever  like  to  haue 
knowne  it  either  from  them  or  from  my  servant,  had  not  a stranger 
(grievinge  (as  he  sayd)  to  see  how  my  estate  went  awaye)  given  me 
notice  thereof  lately,  whereupon  I examined  my  servant  who  then 
confessed  it  to  me : Otherwise  I had  payd  interest  for  money,  & yet 
been  engaged  to  them  for  that,  wb,  it  seems  now,  they  lent  for  their 
owne  advantage ; for  why  would  they  not  else  haue  acquainted  me  wth 
the  Interest  as  well  as  the  principall  ? except  they  held  it  either  not 
to  be  so  lawfull,  or  not  of  so  good  reporte  to  take  interest,  as  to  lende 
money.  Thus  my  Corne  that  I had  provided  for  the  food  of  my 
familye  is  sould  awaye  wthout  my  privitye  (thoughe  I was  neere 
enoughe  to  haue  been  spoken  wth)  some  at  29  the  IS z under  the  market, 
some  12d,  some  more,  some  lesse,  whereas  if  they  had  tould  me  when 
they  took  securitye  for  their  money,  that  I must  haue  payd  suche 
rates  for  it,  I could  haue  served  my  occasions  otherwise  & could  as 
well  have  made  use  of  my  funds  or  other  means  then  for  2 : or  3(X),b 
as  I am  forced  now  to  doe  to  paye  their  principall  & use  wth  all : 
Now  thoughe  my  purpose  be  (God  inablinge  me)  to  satisfie  all  so 
fast  as  I can  raise  money  & provide  Corne,  yet  I thinke  it  but  reason- 
able that  suche  as  haue  bargained  for  Corne  at  such  under  rates, 
should  staye  till  others  (whose  bargains  are  more  equall)  be  first  satis- 
fied, so  I leaue  this  matter  to  yorselfe  to  judge  off.  P'or  yol  owne  debt, 
I suppose  you  intended  me  a Courtesye  in  offeringe  to  accept  a 
heifer  fur  yol  2 Calves  & 4U  & accordingly  I desired  Mr.  Carlton  to 
choose  one  for  you : & I think  if  you  value  your  Calves  viz : a Bull 
& Cow  calf  of  a weeke  old  at  5 : or  6U  (wh  is  the  most  they  can  be 
worth)  & my  heifer  (as  I soul:  her  fellowes  before  winter)  at  13u> 
you  will  finde  yorSelfe  mystaken,  but  that  is  a small  matter  between 
yo'selfe  & me. 


LETTER  TO  REV.  THOMAS  HOOKER. 


4^1 


VII. 

ROUGH  DRAFT  OF  GOV.  WINTHROP’S  LETTER  TO  REV. 

THOMAS  HOOKER,  EH  1638. 

(Referred  to  on  p.  236.) 

I reca  yr  large  & lovinge  Lre.  I am  sorry  to  have  putt  you  to  so 
muche  trouble,  consideringe  yf  imploymts,  & little  leysure  to  attend  such 
extravagants  as  my  selfe.  I observe  what  you  write  in  2 pts.  The  1 : 
makes  me  a little  merrye,  the  other  calls  me  to  more  searious  consid- 
eration. In  the  1 : you  complain  of  the  slanderous  & reproachfull 
speeches  of  some  of  ors ; they  report  that  yor  cattle  doe  not  thrive,  that 
yr  ground  is  barrin  &c : these  are  more  like  the  speeches  of  a prophet. 
\_Ulegible,  a whole  line.~\  I know  you  trouble  not  yor  thoughts  wth  these 
things,  except  it  be  for  recreation,  it  is  well  they  have  no  worse  matter 
to  laye  to  yor  charge ; if  they  had  added  that  you  had  kept  polluted 
night  assemblys,  & worshiped  the  head  of  an  asse  &c : then  they  had 
sett  on  wth  the  weight  of  the  old  current  stampe. 

Yet  if  you  could  shewe  us  the  men  that  reproached  you,  we  should 
teache  them  better  manners,  than  to  speake  evill  of  this  good  land  God 
hath  brought  us  to,  & to  discourage  the  hearts  of  their  brethren : only 
you  may  beare  a litle  wth  the  more  moderate  of  them,  in  regard  that 
one  of  yor!  opened  the  doore  to  all  that  have  followed  & for  that  they 
may  conceive  it  as  lawfull  for  them  to  discourage  some  wth  us  from  for- 
sakinge  us  to  goe  to  you,  as  for  yors  to  plott  by  incouragmts  &c.  to  drawe 
Mi  Shepherd  & his  wholl  church  from  us.  Sic  fama  est.  For  mine 
owne  pte  I knowe  you  have  a most  fatt  & pleasant  country,  wch  you 
will  finde,  when  experience  (wh  ushally  costs  deare)  teaches  you  to  im- 
prove it  in  the  right  kind  ; for  (as  I sayd  to  some  of  yors  longe  since) 
you  must  turne  yor  Corne  into  flaxe  & hempe,  by  wh  Course  you  may 
soone  outstrippe  us,  for  that  is  a merchantable  Comodity,  & one  acre 
wth  you  will  yield  more  then  4 : wth  us.  (Provided  alwayes  that  you 
secure  Say  brook.) 

ffor  the  other  pte  of  yor  Lre  wh  concernes  the  differences  between 
us,  I confesse  1 have  sadd  thoughts  about  i wch  come  to  this  issue,  that 
seeing  we  are  brethren,  one  in  consotiation,  in  the  same  worke  of  God, 
in  the  same  Community  of  perill,  under  the  same  external  observation,  in 
the  same  relation  for  mutuall  succour  & incouragem*  in  of  waye,  they 
must  be  composed : & if  of  feares  prove  true  (for  as  yet  we  have  not 


±22 


APPENDIX. 


one  shipp,  no  not  for  the  fishinge)  ere  the  3 : months,  be  gone,  it  wilbe 
no  hard  taske  to  reconcile  us,  the  fight  will  then  he  wh  shall  have  the 
comfort  of  yieldinge  most.  But  howso  ever  it  fall  out,  yet  we  must 
labor  in  peace  & love,  & blessed  be  God  that  hath  fixt  us  in  one  minde 
in  the  trueth,  wh  will  make  the  matter  the  more  easy.  We  all  professe 
Christianity,  we  are  now  putt  upon  some  tryall  for  the  practice  of  it. 
You  knowe  we  have  rules  to  walk  by : one  is  that  we  should  let  the 
Cloke  goe  after  the  Coat ; but  (1  suggest)  you  will  not  tye  us  to  that, 
neither  will  we  require  it  of  you.  We  have  another  rule  from  the  ex- 
ample of  Ab : who  in  the  division  gave  Lott  the  choyse  (yet  me  thinks 
it  had  better  become  Lott  to  have  yielded  that  to  his  elder).  If  this 
will  not  serve  our  turn,  then  we  have  a 3 : rule — Thou  shalt  bringe  it 
to  the  Judges,  if  there  be  none  copetent,  then  thou  shalt  set  up  Judges, 
&c : I should  be  very  lothe  it  should  come  to  this  as  being  too  public, 
& too  violent  a remedye  in  o!  case.  I have  thought  of  a 4th  (wch  I 
count  lawfull  thoughe  I finde  it  not  prescribed)  viz : that  you  should 
yield  in  some  thinges  & we  in  the  rest ; but  it  is  like  you  may  prescribe 
some  other,  therefore  I desist  of  musinge.  Truly  Sr  you  have  my 
naked  thoughts  of  this  matter,  so  farre  as  the  Lord  letteth  me  see  mine 
owne  heart,  wch  I find  very  deceitfull  when  it  is  at  best. 

I would  not  meddle  wth  the  pticrs  for  I had  rather  they  had  been 
buried  then  aggravated ; but  if  matters  must  come  to  be  scanned,  I 
doubt  not  there  will  appear  some  reasons  on  ol  part,  & that  the  occa- 
sions of  yol  greatest  grief  arise  wholly  from  your  owne  Comission  w4 
out  any  thought  of  of8  touchinge  that  course,  &c.  &c. 


vni. 

LETTER  OF  LORD  SAY  AND  SELE  TO  JOHN  WINTHROP. 

(Referred  to  on  p.  249.) 

Worthy  S?,  — I receaved  a letter  from  you,  dated  the  20th  of  March, 
whearin  vppon  hearsay  you  fall  into  a reproffe  of  me,  backed  with  inti- 
mations that  I may  expect  and  fear  judgements,  as  the  10  princes  of 
I[s]rael  founde,  for  bringinge  vp  an  ill  report  vppon  your  lande,  and 
diverting  mens  intentions  from  cominge  to  you  as  they  did  discorage  the 
Israelites  from  goinge  into  the  lande  of  Canaan.  & as  befell  Moyses  and 


LETTER  OF  LORD  SAY  AND  SELE. 


423 


Aron  for  [torn]  God’s  people  to  have  ielovs  thoughtes  of  his  goodnes  to 
them,  thorough  there  owne  unbeleefe : and  that  you  may  fix  it  deeper, 
you  desire  me  to  consyder  the  4 of  Nehemiah,  1.  2.  3.  4.  5,  whearin  the 
example  of  Sanballat  and  Tobiah  are  sett  before  me  to  fright  me : and 
indeade  good  cause  had  I to  be  frighted,  and  much  humbled,  if  any  of 
these  wear  iustly  applyed  to  me,  or  theyr  actions  and  myne  in  this 
pticular  of  like  nature  and  consequence,  & soe  rightly  paralelled.  But 
whearas  you  speake  in  your  letter  of  taking  the  name  of  God  in  vayne, 
I pray  consider  seriously,  & lett  our  frendes  thear  be  judges  be- 
tvveene  vs,  wheather  this  be  not  a taking  of  Godes  name  in  vayne,  to 
misaply  scriptures  in  this  maner  (a  thinge  that  when  I have  heard  of 
it  elswhear  in  speaches  and  letters  hath  greaved  me)  by  assuminge  (for 
that  must  be  granted  you)  that  thear  is  the  like  cal  from  God  for  your 
goinge  to  that  part  of  America  and  fixinge  thear,  that  thear  was  for 
the  Israelites  goinge  to  the  Land  of  promise  and  fixinge  thear : the  like 
grownde  for  your  stayinge  in  that  place  & others  cominge  theather  to 
you,  that  thear  was  for  Nehemiah’s  buildinge  the  walls  of  Jerusalem ; 
and  for  you  to  plant  thear,  and  noe  whear  else,  is  as  much  a woi’ke  of 
God  as  his  building  Jerusalem  in  that  place  and  noe  whear  else,  al- 
though the  meanes  and  probabylities  in  humane  reasone  for  youre  owne 
good,  and  inablinge  to  doe  much  more  good  for  the  advancement  of  the 
gospell,  wear  surpassinge  what  is  thear  neaver  so  much.  Is  this  to  be 
offered  unto  men  of  judgement  ? Whoe  knoweth  not  that  in  the  one 
case  fayth  only  was  to  be  used,  and  reason  layd  aside  ; but  in  this  of 
yours  it  will  on  the  other  syd  be  a want  of  fayth  and  tempting  of  God 
not  to  exercise  reason  in  the  consyderation  of  possibylyties,  yea,  and 
probabylyties.  — Thus  much  to  your  instances  out  of  Scripture,  woh 
give  me  leave  to  intreat  you  to  vse  with  more  care.  For  the  matter  it 
selfe,  the  substance  of  what  you  charge  me  with  is,  that  my  authorytye 
(wch  you  advance  as  very  effectual)  hath  diverted  many  from  coming  to 
you,  and  cast  theyr  affections  another  way : this  you  say  you  envy  not, 
but  wish  they  may  speed  well  in  a better  choyse ; and  yet  presently 
add  that  this  hath  caused  many  a hart  to  be  trobled  and  greaved,  and 
aho  this  causeth  you  to  lay  this  charge  vppon  me.  Why  should  jou 
or  any  other  man  be  greaved  that  men  folio  we  theyr  judgements  in 
transplanting  themselves  when  it  is  free  for  them  soe  to  doe  ; & when 
they  think  another  place  more  coihodious  then  that  for  them,  thearfore 
pitch  vppon  it  rather  ? and  if  I think  soe  too,  why  am  I soe  sharpely 
dealt  withall,  only  for  speakinge  that  wch  is  a truth,  in  my  judgement,  to 
any  that  shall  advice  with  me  ? But  you  will  say  I disparrage  that 


424 


APPENDIX. 


plantation  to  advance  another:  it  is  meet  for  him  that  will  judge  to 
hear  both  sydes  fyrst,  & to  be  sure  of  his  groundss : if  you  knewe  how 
basely  and  falsely  that  other  plantation  of  Provydence  hath  bin  dis- 
parraged  by  those  affected  to  yours,  for  the  ende  for  wch  you  suspect  I 
had  don  the  like  to  you,  then  you  would  better  knowe  whear  to  place 
and  apply  your  reproffes.  ffor  my  part,  my  prayers  and  [torn]  have 
bin  and  shall  be  for  the  good  and  advancement  of  those  faythfull 
people,  and  pure  churches  that  I know  to  be  thear ; and  to  that  very 
ende  have  I,  accordinge  to  my  judgement,  persuayded  men  to  thinke  of 
a more  southerly  part  of  that  continent,  whear  they  might  fitt  a coino- 
dious  place  for  such  a body  as  they  already  are,  and  are  likely  to  growe 
into  quickly  by  accession  of  those  whoe  would  thear  come  unto  them,  or 
they  would  be  able  to  bringe  vnto  them  if  poore,  by  the  abylytie  that 
such  places  would  afford  them  : whearas  nowe  they  are  soe  placed 
that  rich  men  grown  pore,  and  poore  men,  if  they  come  over,  are  a 
burthen,  the  rich  only  mayntayninge  the  market  for  a time,  untill  that 
be  spent  wch  they  bring  out  of  Englande,  wch  land-floude  will  have  an 
ende,  and  then  wanting  a springe,  and  havinge  a continual  wast  the 
water  will  all  ru  out  of  the  poole  ; in  a place  whear  staple  coihodyties 
already  are,  and  the  soyle  and  clymate  knowen  to  be  fitt  to  produce  the 
richest,  and  thearby  to  carry  on  soe  great  a worke  as  the  framinge  of  a 
comonwealth  & the  setlinge  thearof  for  posterytie,  thear  will  be  noe 
place  for  this  [torn]  and  by  this  I hope  alsoe  I shall  not  be  thought  to 
have  a little  Hand  and  the  advancement  thearof  only  in  my  contempla- 
tions in  all  this  proposition.  What  may  iustly  be  vrged  agaynst  me  by 
the  arguments  you  have  vsed  & pressed  wch  doth  not  as  much  concerne 
them  whoe  dayly  leave  you  att  the  Bay,  and  goe  many  miles  southward 
for  better  accomodations,  only  may  you  not  aske  them  wheather  they 
dowbt  the  worke  be  of  God  ? Wheather  his  gracious  presence  be  not 
amongest  you  ? &c. 

These  arguments  conclude  not  at  all  a condemnation  of  what  they 
have  don  : or  what  I desire  might  be  don  by  you  all,  when  it  shall  be 
soe  prepared  that  you  may  see  it  feaceable  & profitable,  not  for  out- 
ward thinges  alone,  (though  that  will  be  founde  necessary  as  I veryly 
think,)  but  most  of  all  for  the  advancement  of  the  gospell  & puttinge 
downe  the  great  adversary  thearof,  that  man  of  sin,  whearvnto  as  you 
are  now  you  neather  are  able,  nor  are  likely  to  be,  to  putt  your  handes 
to  the  least  wheele  that  is  to  be  turned  about  in  that  w'orke,  otherwayse 
then  by  well  wishinge  thearvnto.  All  the  rest  of  your  proffes  to  prove 
it  a worke  of  God  are  meerely  besydes  this  question,  & nothing  to 


LETTER  OF  LORD  SAT  AND  SELE. 


425 


the  pourpose : it  is  good  in  argumentation,  especially  when  you  will 
presse  judgements  vppon  any,  to  examine  first  — wheather  your  reasons 
conclude  the  poyut  in  question,  or  are  soe  fare  besydes  the  matter  as 
that  they  may  all  be  granted,  & yet  the  case  remayne  the  same 
it  was.  I will  grant  that  God  is  with  you,  that  you  are  glorious 
churches,  that  he  sent  you  theather  in  handfulls,  vntill  you  might  grow 
vnto  a body  fitt  to  doe  him  service  ; — that  he  hath  blessed  you  thear 
with  some  testimonyes  of  his  favour  vntill  you  wear  soe  augmented : 
will  it  att  all  be  concluded  fi'om  thence  that  you  are  bounde  to  stay 
thear,  or  that  that  is  the  place  wch  he  hath  designed  out  for  you  : and 
whosoever  discorageth  others  from  cominge  to  you  fighteth  agaynst 
God  ? Noe  such  thing®  : I will  more  probably  argue  the  cleaue  con- 
trary ! God  hath  carryed  you  together  in  parts,  one  company  after 
another,  whear  you  might  be  gathered  togeather  in  safty,  vntill  you 
wear  grown®  vnto  such  a bodye  as  wear  able  to  doe  him  service,  and 
sitt  downe  in  safty  in  such  places  as  may  be  most  fitt  for  the  worke  he 
hath  in  hande,  and  for  your  owne  comfortable  eubsistinge : this  you 
coulde  not  have  don  by  handfulls  as  you  went  out,  thearfore  att  the 
fyrst  you  wear  cast  vpon  this  place,  and  caryed  out  into  this  wildernes  to 
be  increased  & fitted  for  the  worke  intended  for  you : now  you  are 
thear  you  fynde  it  but  a wildernes,  (wch  compels  many  of  you  to  strag- 
gle) that  soe  when  an  opportunity  is  offered  vnto  you  you  might  not 
neglect  it,  but  see  your  selves  called  to  it  as  you  have  bin  hear  shel- 
tred  by  a gracious  provydence  vntill  you  wear  growen  fitt  and  able  to 
vndertake  it ; wcl1  opportunity  if  you  neglect  by  pretence  [ words  de- 
stroyed] while  you  neglect  to  serve  Provydence,  wch  offereth  you 
meanes  another  way,  and  discovereth  to  you  the  want  of  meanes  wheare 
you  are  : you  will  doe  noe  other  then  cast  your  selfe  downe  from  the 
pynacle,  and  refuse  the  stayres  wch  are  before  you.  Thus  may  I ai’gue 
with  as  much  probabylytie  as  you  ; for  it  is  as  likely  that  you  have  in 
provydence  bin  cast  vppon  that  place,  to  remove  from  thence  vppon 
due  occasion,  as  to  stay  thear,  and  much  more  likely,  when  in  some 
other  you  may  doe  more  service,  and  receave  more  meanes  by  much 
of  comfortable  subsistence.  Hear  you  see  wch  way  all  your  arguments 
may  be  turned,  with  as  much  convincinge  evydence,  as  to  conclude  that 
you  bringe  them  for.  ffor  the  barrenes  of  the  lande,  and  the  coldnes  of 
the  ayre  in  the  winter,  it  will  be  testyfyed  from  those  whoe  have  had 
experience  of  it,  your  owne  losses  may  be  sufficient  vvitnes  of  it,  but  I 
pray  tell  me,  be  it  as  it  is,  is  thear  any  impiety  in  me  to  move  men  to 
live  in  a warmer  clymate  & in  a more  frutefull  soyle,  when  it  is  fre  for 
voi,.  ii.  5f 


426 


APPENDIX. 


them  to  make  theyr  choyse  ? Why  are  you  angry  with  me  for  this  ? 
As  for  your  government,  it  is  a very  plausible  way  to  win  vppon  the 
[torn]  that  affecteth  popularyty,  to  persuayd  them  that  other  men  goe 
about  to  enthral  them  and  theyr  posterytie,  but  he  standeth  for  theyr 
libertye  ; -when  it  may  be,  neather  he  nor  they  rightly  vnderstande 
what  true  goverment  is  and  desyrable  liberty,  such  as  wise  men  would 
wish  to  inioy  and  live  vnder.  I wonder  you  should  conceave  any  man 
woud  desyre  to  advance  his  owne  posterytie,  by  enthraling  other  mens, 
wlioe  have  moved  any  alteration  of  goverment  with  you  ; and  theyr 
posterytie  with  you,  or  like  to  be  wth  you,  or  to  be  advanced  by  beinge 
thear  ? Hath  any  gon  about  to  inslave  you  ? You  say  your  forme  of 
goverment,  you  hear,  is  much  blamed,  but  whearin  you  expresse  not, 
only  you  ende  with  this,  that  you  woude  not  be  enthralled  to  advance 
other  mens  posterytie : and  I say  agayne  noe  wise  man  shoud  be  soe 
folish  as  to  live  whear  every  man  is  a master,  and  masters  must  not 
correct  theyr  servants ; where  wise  men  propound  and  fooles  deter- 
mine, as  it  was  sayde  of  the  citties  of  Greece.  For  my  part,  if  you 
ayme  att  me,  I doe  judge  and  thinke  I can  mayntayne  by  good  reason, 
that  to  be  the  best  forme  of  goverment  wch  hath  in  it  the  good  of  all 
there,  so  fittly  limitinge  each  other,  and  thearby  preventinge  the  evills 
of  eather,  that  beinge  equally  poysed  one  by  the  other,  they  shall  all 
yealde  forth  what  is  good,  in  eather,  for  the  settlinge  and  preservinge 
of  cordon  right  and  liberty,  to  all  & every  pticular.  It  may  be  you  ayme 
att  this,  that  some  ranckes  shoud  be  hereditary,  & that,  you  think, 
woude  enthrale  others.  Not  att  all,  when  it  shoud  be  in  theyr  giftes 
vppon  meritt  & well  deservinge  of  the  coinon  wealth,  and  in  theyr 
power  to  resume  vppon  demerritt ; that  thear  is  power  in  a state  to  re- 
ward virtue  hereditaryly,  & for  disservice  to  lay  a punishment  that 
shall  extende  to  posterytie,  this  constitution  doth  not  abridg  power  in 
those  that  giue  it,  though  they  inioy  it  not  themselves  ; but  advanceth 
their  liberty  to  theyr  owne  good.  Thear  is  noe  danger  in  such  dif- 
ferent degrees  (wch  will  be  founde  necessary),  so  longe  as  they  are  all- 
wayes  accomptable  to  parliaments  consisting  of  all  estates  vnited  yearly, 
and  having  in  that  vnion  supremam  potestatem.  — For  what  you  say  of 
the  church  not  compatable  with  another  frame  of  goverment,  I pray 
putt  away  that  error : these  govermentes  must  be  as  in  theyr  owne 
nature  they  are  keapt  and  exercised,  soe  distinct,  as  that  movinge  wthin 
theyr  owne  spheres,  the  church  goverment  beinge  wholly  spirritual,  can 
consist  with  any  forme  of  outward  goverment,  good  or  bad.  Soe  did 
they  in  the  time  of  the  hethen  tyrants.  I have  trobled  you  with  a 


REPLYE  ON  THE  NEG  : VOTE. 


427 


tedious  and  scribled  letter,  you  must  excuse  me,  I cannot  for  the  hast 
of  the  bearer  whoe  stayeth  for  it  while  I write  it,  transcribe  it,  my  hast 
also  may  cause  me  to  give  you  lesse  satisfaction  then  otherwise  I]  might. 
You  may  please  to  make  ye  best  interpretation]  of  all,  & to  accompt 
of  me  as  one  that  wisheth  all  happynes  to  your  plantation,  & to  your 
selfe  shall  remayne 

Your  very  lovinge  frende  , W : Sat  & Seale. 

July  9,  1640. 


IX. 

A REPLYE  TO  THE  ANSW:  MADE  TO  THE  DISCOURSE 
ABOUT  THE  NEG:  VOTE. 

(Referred  to  on  p.  293.) 

Vpon  Consideratio  of  the  substance  of  the  Answ : I finde  that  the  main 
difference  will  fall  into  these  4.  questions 

1 : Whither  a Neg : vo  be  reserved  to  the  magistrats  by  the  Lres  Pa- 
tents 

2 : Whither  it  be  a fundamental!  pt  of  or  Govern*. 

3 : Whither  it  be  Lawfull  & expedient  for  vs. 

4 : What  is  the  prop  place  & power  of  the  Deptyes. 

Then  I shall  cleare  some  of  the  Answearers  mistakes.  And  in  this 
Replye  I shall  still  retaine  the  title  of  Magistrate,  woh  the  Answ : De- 
clines, & that  professedly,  wch  I knowe  no  reason  off,  seinge  the 
Patent  allowes  it,  & himselfe  invests  the  Deptyes  wth  it.  (18) 

The  1 : Qu  : wilbe  best  cleared  by  the  Patent  itselfe,  wherein  I will 
sett  downe  the  verye  words  thmselues  (so  far  as  concernes  the  state 
of  the  Questio)  & not  leave  out  what  may  make  ag*  me,  as  the  Answr 
often  doth. 

The  Patent  runes  thus. 

Any  7:  or  more  psons  of  the  Assistants,  togither  w*11  the  Govern1  or 
Depty  Gour  so  assembled  &c : shalbe  a full  & sufficient  Court  &c ; 
And  the  sd  Govf,  or  Deptye  & 7 : or  more  Assist9 : may  hould  4 : genii 
Courts  &c : And  the  sd  Gov*  or  Depty  Assistants  & freemen,  or  the 


42b 


APPENDIX. 


greater  number  of  them  &c.  wberof  the  Govr  or  Deptye  & 6 : of  the 
Assist8  to  be  allways  7 : may  admitt  freemen  & make  Lawes  &c : 

And  it  shall  & may  be  lawfull  to  & for  the  Gov'  & suche  of  the 
Assist8  & freemen  &c:  as  shalbe  so  Assembled  &c:  or  the  greater 
pte  of  them,  whereof  the  Gover  or  Deptye  Govr  & 6 : of  the  Assis'8 
to  be  allwayes  7 : to  make  &c  : all  maner  of  whollsome  Orders  &c : not 
contrary  to  the  Lawes  of  Eng1 : as  well  for  setlinge  the  formes  & 
Ceremonies  of  Governf  & magistracie  fitt  & necessary  &c.  willinge 
& comandinge  &c : that  all  suche  Orders  Lawes  &c:  as  shalbe  so  made 
by  the  Goffi  or  Deptye  &c : & suche  of  the  Assis‘s  & freemen  as 
aforsd  &c  shalbe  observed  &c : 

From  these  seuerall  branches  of  the  Patent  it  appeares,  that  the  con- 
sent of  such  7 : magistrs  is  required  to  euery  Lawe  &c : & not  their 
presence  onely  to  make  a Court,  as  the  Answ : pretends : & that  for 
these  Reasons 

1 : Because  in  the  1 : Branch  8 : such  magistrs  are  required  to  be 
present  for  the  Being  of  a Court,  & not  7 : 

2 : Because  in  this  & the  other  Branche,  where  it  declarethe  their 
Actinge  power  & not  their  capacitye,  as  in  the  1 : Branche,  it  requires 
the  Consent  of  7 : onely 

3 : This  proviso  beinge  expressed  in  bothe  those  Branches,  where  all 
the  Acting  power  is  given  to  the  Court  it  must  needs  be  intended  to  be 
for  some  vse  : but  if  it  be  not  to  give  a Neg : vo : to  those  magistrs  it  is 
vaine  & vseless,  nay  contradictory  to  the  form1  wch  requires  the  pres- 
ence of  8 suche  magist8  to  make  suche  a Court 

4 : It  sayth  that  the  Court  being  so  Assembled,  they  &c : whereof  the 
Gour  or  Depty  & 6 : assis48  to  be  allwayes  7 : may  make  Lawes  &c:  so 
that  it  dothe  not  speake  heer  of  constitutinge  a Court  (for  that  is  taken 
as  in  beinge  now)  but  of  what  powr  they  shall  have  in  this  Court. 

5 : The  like  proviso  will  admitt  no  other  interpretatio  in  any  like 
case : As  if  this  Court  should  Decree  that  the  Govrs  of  the  Colledge  or 
the  greater  pte  of  them  (whereof  the  President  sd  be  all  wayes  one) 
may  make  orders  &c.  heer  the  Presidents  consent  is  required  as  well 
as  his  presence.  So  if  an  Order  were,  that  the  milit"  Companye  &c, 
whereof  the  Captaine  or  Leutt  & 2 : other  of  the  Officers  to  be  allwayes 
3 might  receive  in  any  to  their  Company : this  gives  those  Officers  a 
neg : vo : wdiout  all  Questio. 

6 : This  forme  of  proviso  & no  other  is  vsed  in  all  Commissions  or 
Patents  where  a Neg : vo : is  granted,  as  in  the  Comifsions  of  Oyer  & 
Terminer,  where  thoughe  there  be  vsually  aboue  20 : ioyned  wth  the 


REPLYE  ON  THE  NEG  : YOTE. 


429 


Judges  of  Assise,  (who  are  onely  of  the  Quor)  yet  they  all  can  doe 
nothinge  in  the  Court  wthout  the  Judges  consent  So  it  is  in  many  like 
cases,  if  it  were  needfull  to  recite  them : so  it  is  in  the  Comifs'  of  the 
Peace,  where  vpon  20 : yeares  experience,  I never  knew  any  Cause 
Carried  by  vote  ag*  suche  as  were  of  the  Quor : if  the  Answ : hathe 
knowne  any  I wishe  he  would  produce  it.  It  is  time,  that  the  Judges  in 
every  Court  are  all  of  equall  power  by  the  first  Afsignauimus  in  their 
comifsio,  yet  where  the  Kinge  or  the  Lawe,  shall  in  some  Cases  enlarge 
the  power  of  some,  & restraine  others,  by  the  same  Coihfsio,  their 
power  must  be  exercised  accordingly,  whence  I must  Conclude,  that 
either  these  words  in  or  Patent  doe  give  the  magistral  a Neg:  vo  : or 
els  there  was  never  any  Neg : vo : granted  by  any  Patent  or  Comisso  by 
any  kinge  of  England  since  Edw  : the  3ds  tyme : let  the  Answr : shewe 
some  other  forme  of  words  vsed  to  that  purpose,  or  he  must  yeild  the 
Cause. 

As  for  that  wch  he  alledgethe  out  of  the  stat’  of  33  : H : 8 : it  is  noth- 
inge to  the  purpose : beinge  made  for  Colledgs  Deaneryes  &c : & ex- 
tends onely  to  suche  Affaires,  wherein  they  Acte  meerly  as  Corpora- 
tions, as  Leasinge  their  lands  &c : but  it  extends  not  to  the  Acts  of 
Courts  in  Corporations : for  then  it  had  taken  awaye  the  Neg : Yo : 
from  the  Houses  of  Parlm4,  for  these  are  allso  a corporatio  (as  mr  Prine 
shewes  in  his  late  booke  in  defence  of  the  Parliam4)  And  besids,  the 
Statuts  of  England  doe  not  binde  in  any  other  pt8  out  of  that  king- 
dome,  So  as  the  kings  Lres  Patents  are  not  included  in  that  Statute. 

The  2 : Questio  is,  whither  this  forme  of  Gouerm4  be  fundamentall 
in  or  Com  : w : 

That  it  is  such  thus  I proue. 

1 : Such  forme  of  Gouerm4  as  is  rightly  built  vpo  the  first  foundatio, 
is  fundamentall : But  this  is  so : therefore  it  is  fundamentall. 

The  propositio  is  vndenyable. 

The  Assumptio  I proue  by  the  words  of  the  Patent  & the  Order 
of  or  Court  made  An0  1634. 

2 : That  wch  makes  a specificall  difference  betweene  one  forme  of 
Goverm4  & another  is  essentiall  & fundamentall  But  the  Neg : vo  : in 
the  magist68  dothe  so  in  or  Goverm4  therefore  it  is  essentiall  and  funda- 
mentall. 

The  Assumptn  is  proved  by  this,  that  if  the  Neg : vo : were  taken 
awaye  or  Governm4  would  be  a meere  Democratie  whereas  now  it  is 
mixt.  This  I proue  thus  : 

Where  the  Chief  Ordinary  power  & administratio  thereof  is  in  the 


130 


APPENDIX. 


people  there  is  a Democracie:  This  I prove  thus,  If  it  be  in  the 

Deptyes  it  is  in  the  people,  but  it  wilbe  in  the  Deptyes : g°  &c,  for  they 
are  but  the  representative  bodye  of  the  people,  & the  matter  lyes  not 
in  the  number  of  the  people  Afsembled,  but  in  their  power : Againe 
the  people  are  not  bounde  to  sende  their  Deptyes,  but  they  may  come 
themselues,  if  they  will  And  thoughe  the  magistrats  be  ioyned  wth 
them  in  the  Court,  as  they  were  in  Athens  & other  popular  stats  in 
Greece  &c:  yet  they  serve  but  as  Councellors,  seinge  they  shall  haue 
but  their  single  votes,  as  every  one  of  the  people  hathe.  Lastly  the 
Answ  : himselfe  confessethe,  that  the  Deptyes  are  the  Democraticall 
pte  of  or  Gouerm!  (19) 

Now  if  we  should  change  from  a mixt  Aristocratie  to  a meere  Demo- 
cratic : first  we  should  haue  no  warrnt  in  scripture  for  it : there  was 
no  such  Goverm*  in  Israeli. 

2 : we  should  heerby  voluntaryly  abase  or  selues,  & deprive  or  selues 
of  that  dignitye,  wch  the  providence  of  God  hath  putt  vpon  vs  : wch  is  a 
manifest  breach  of  the  5th  Com4:  for  a Democratic  is,  among  most 
Civill  nations,  accounted  the  meanest  & worst  of  all  formes  of  Gov- 
erm4:  & therefore  in  writers,  it  is  branded  wth  Reproachfull  Epithits 
as  Bellua  mutoru  capitu,  a monster,  &c : & Historyes  doe  recorde, 
that  it  hath  been  allwayes  of  least  continuance  & fullest  of  troubles. 

And  whereas  the  Answr : would  helpe  this  by  investinge  the  Deptyes 
w4h  office  & magistracy e (18)  I shall  shewe  his  mistake  heerin  in  its 
pp  place,  & wth  all  how  it  would  overthrow  the  power  of  the  Deptyes, 
& so  of  the  genii  Court,  if  suche  an  opinion  should  be  allowed. 

To  the  3 : Qu  : whither  the  Neg : vo : in  the  magistr8  be  lawfull,  & 
expedient  for  or  State,  I shall  referre  the  reader  to  what  is  allreadye 
written  in  the  Discourse  &c : for  I conceive  the  Argum48  there  are  not 
weakened  by  any  thinge  in  the  Answ  : Seinge  the  maine  strengthe  of 
all  that  is  obiected  depends  vpon  his  misinterpretatio  of  the  Patent,  & 
of  the  Order  of  34:  wch  (I  hope)  wilbe  sufficiently  cleared  in  this 
Replye:  & for  what  may  need  any  further  light,  I shall  afforde  a 
word  or  2 : about  it,  in  its  pp  place. 

The  4th  Qu : is  about  the  pp  place  & power  of  the  Deptyes. 

ffor  clearinge  of  this  I shall  need  onely  to  explaine  more  fullye, 
what  I wrote  in  the  Discourse  : least  some  others  might  fall  into  the 
same  mistakes  wch  the  Answr:  hathe. 

Thus  therefore  I laye  it  downe. 

1 : They  haue  the  same  place  & power  w1*  the  ffreemen  assembled 
in  a Gen11  Court  ought  to  have:  according  to  the  Order  of  34: 


REPLYE  ON  THE  NEG  t VOTE. 


481 


2 : These,  ioyned  wth  the  magistrats  in  any  genii  Court  have  (to- 
gether wtt  them)  all  the  power  legislatiue,  & the  cheife  power  Juditiall, 
of  this  bociye  Politick 

3 : Neither  the  Magistr*3  alone,  nor  the  Deptyes  alone  wthout  the 
consent  eache  of  other,  in  any  gen"  court,  have  any  power  at  all. 

4 : The  Deptyes  are  no  magistr48  nor  (considered  alone)  haue  any 
iudiciary  power,  this  Js  proved, 

1 : By  the  Patent  wch  gives  the  freemen  (whom  they  represent)  no 
suche  power,  in  any  gen11  Court.  It  allso  provids  that  every  magistrate 
or  officer  of  the  Court,  before  he  exercise  his  office,  should  take  the 
Oathe  therevnto  belonginge : but  neither  the  ffreemen  in  Engld,  nor 
the  Deptyes  heer  haue  vsed  to  take  any  suche  Oathe,  nor  is  there  any 
Oathe  appointed  for  them  by  Lawe : nor  is  there  any  power  in  this 
Goverm*,  to  administer  an  Oathe  to  them,  in  suche  maner  as  the  Patent 
prscribes,  for  it  must  be  administred  to  them,  before  they  exercise  any 
Autye,  & then  there  is  not  any  Autye  sufficient  to  give  it  them : & let 
any  indifferent  man  Judge  whither  the  Patent  (wch  looked  at  the  wholl 
bodye  of  ffreemen)  did  ever  intende,  that  they  should  take  an  Oathe  as 
Officers  in  the  Court : woh  if  it  had,  it  would  sure  have  been  putt  in 
practice,  in  the  first  Courte  in  London,  when  they  did  all  things  by 
learned  Counsell  in  Lawe,  there  would  haue  been  an  Oathe  framed  for 
them,  as  well  as  for  the  Govr  Deptye  & Assisfs.  or  there  would  haue 
been  some  suche  Clause  incerted  to  the  Oathe  of  freem11,  so  as  it  is 
plaine,  that  by  the  Patent,  there  was  no  suche  office  or  Juditiary  power 
given,  or  intended,  to  them,  as  the  Answ : pretends,  but  onely  that  they 
should  Acte  as  ffreem6  &c. 

And  if  the  Answr  had  considered,  what  would  necessarily  followe 
vpon  this  newe  office  & magistracye,  to  wch  he  would  have  the  Dep- 
tyes to  be  sett  apte  from  the  bodye  of  ffreemen  (as  well  as  the  magistrs) 
he  would  rather  have  lefte  them  still  in  their  prop  place : ffor  whereas 
the  Patent  allowes  none  to  be  members  of  the  genii  Court,  but  the 
Govr  Deptye,  Assist3  & company  of  ffreemen,  if  the  Deptyes  be  in- 
vested wth  any  other  Office  (as  the  Answ  : would  have  them)  they  can 
be  no  members  of  that  Court,  nor  haue  any  vote  there, 

But  leavinge  him  to  retracte  this  error,  amonge  many  others  (as  1 
shall  manifest  heerafter)  it  is  w4hout  controversye,  that  the  Deptyes 
are  the  same  company  of  freemen  whom  the  Patent  intends,  & nei- 
ther haue,  nor  (I  suppose)  doe  seeke  any  other  office  or  power,  then 
what  belongs  to  the  ffremen,  bothe  by  the  Patent,  & by  the  orders  of 
or  Court. 


432 


APPENDIX. 


This  shall  suffice  in  waye  of  Replye  to  the  substance  of  the  An- 
swear.  I would  haue  stayd  heer,  but  that  I finde  (amonge  his  many 
mistakes)  some,  wch  for  want  of  clearinge,  may  pchance  mislead  the 
reader  for  the  readye  findinge  of  them  I haue  put  to  them  such  figures 
as  I haue  noted  them  by  in  the  Answr : 

(1)  In  the  Discourse  I bringe  an  Instance  of  the  Elders  Judgm*  in 
a like  case,  to  this  effecte,  that  the  choosing  of  a man  to  the  office  of  a 
Councellor  do  the  not  make  him  a magist*  from  whence  he  inferres  (not 
observinge  the  similitude)  that  I make  the  Deptyes  to  be  no  more  but 
Councellors. 

(2)  When  I saye,  that  the  foundatio  of  the  peoples  power  is  their 
libtye,  he  inferres,  that  I denie  them  to  have  any  power : whereas  my 
meaige  appeares  clearly  to  be  onely  this,  that  their  freedome  from  any 
other  power,  makes  them  no  otheruise  subiecte,  then  accordinge  to 
their  will,  & Covenant. 

(4)  He  demands  what  will  become  of  those  Lawes,  to  wch  the  maior 
pte  of  the  Assist9  have  not  agreed  ? I Answ : If  they  have  not  ex- 
pressed their  Consent  to  every  Lawe,  yet  seeinge  there  is  no  recorde 
of  their  dissent  it  is  enoughe,  & this  qr  might  have  been  spared. 

(5)  He  reproues  vs,  that  in  or  begininges  we  sware,  suche  as  we 
Admitted  to  freedome,  to  the  Autye  of  the  Govr  & other  the  magisti-43 
&c,  & not  of  the  Govr  &c  & companye  &c : 

I answ  : 1 : we  did  not  sweare  them  to  the  psons  but  to  their  Autye 
wch  was  no  other  (nor  was  any  other  challenged)  then  what  was  estab- 
lished by  Patent,  & every  man  that  tooke  the  Oathe,  could  vnderstand 
it  no  otherwise,  though  the  expresse  words  of  the  Patent  were  not 
observed,  nor  Could  so  proply  be  at  or  first  cominge,  when  we  had  no 
freemen,  besids  the  magistr1  (that  I remember)  nor  were  there  any 
Considerable  company  of  them,  for  a good  tyme  after : 2 : those  who 
sawe  the  multitude  of  or  other  vrgent  Affaires  & difficultyes  we  encoun- 
tered wth,  & the  little  Court  businesse  we  had,  would  easyly  allowe  vs 
pardon  of  that,  or  greater  errors  (wch  are  incident  to  all  Plantations,  in 
their  begininges,  espec  seeinge  or  Readinesse  to  reforme  them,  & to 
conforme  to  the  right  Rules  of  or  Goverm*. 

(6)  He  denyethe  that  by  the  Order  of  34t0 : the  power  given  by 
Patent  to  7 : magf.  is  so  altered,  as  that  the  maior  pte  should  stand  in- 
stead of  the  7 : Ajisw  : It  is  true,  it  is  not  in  the  same  words,  but  the 
same  clearly  in  effecte : for  the  Patent  saythe  the  7 : must  be  allways 
a pt  of  the  maior  pte  &c : & the  Order  of  34 : saythe  that  no  Lawe 
&c : w,hout  consent  of  the  maior  pte.  such  content8  about  words  had 


REPLYE  ON  THE  NEG  : YOTE. 


433 


been  better  forborne,  he  that  will  nodum  in  stirpes  querere , may  finde 
himselfe  worke  enougke  but  to  little  purpose. 

(8)  Heer  is  another  obiects  eiusdem  farince  wth  the  former : about 
the  words  Neg : vo : not  beinge  expressed  neither  in  the  Patent  nor  in 
the  order  of  84 : wch  I shall  speake  more  fully  vnto  heerafter. 

And  heer  he  thrusts  in  an  Argum4  or  2 : ag4  the  Order  of  34 : in 
respecte  of  the  coinon  constructio  that  is  made  of  it,  for  the  Neg  : vo  : 

1 : That  (if  it  be  in  that  order)  it  was  so  involued  amongst  other 

things  that  the  intent  of  it  was  not  so  distinctly  discouered,  nor  so 
clearly  established : ffor  Answ : I will  sett  downe  the  words  of  the 
order;  No  Lawe  &c:  shall  passe,  as  an  Acte  of  the  Court,  w*hout 
the  Consent  of  the  greater  parte  of  the  magistrs  of  the  one  pte,  & the 
greater  nuber  of  the  Degtyes  on  the  other  pte : Now,  (to  cleare 

the  Court  of  that  ignorance,  or  vnwarinesse  wch  the  Answr  would  cast 
vpon  it)  I wishe  the  reader  to  Judge,  how  the  Neg:  power  of  the 
magistr8  could  have  been  more  distinctly  sett  downe,  or  more  clearly 
established. 

2 : That  by  the  Neg : vo : the  entire  vnion  would  be  dissolued. 
Answ : 1 : It  will  as  well  be  dissolued  by  the  Neg : power  of  the 
Deptyes  (wch  cahot  be  taken  from  them)  & then  disparitye  in  any 
societye  or  bodye  will  doe  the  like  : wch  is  a Tenet  ag4  all  experience. 
& the  verye  Course  of  Nature : for  heerin  would  the  Lord  or  God, 
have  his  excellent  wisdome  & power  appeare,  that  he  makes  (not  the 
disparitye  onely  but)  even  the  contrarietye  of  pts,  in  many  bodyes,  to 
be  the  meanes  of  the  vpholding  & vsefullnesse  thereof. 

3.:  suche  a vnion  as  he  aymes  at,  to  consist  of  Individualls  of  the 
same  kinde,  is  bothe  ag4  the  Patent  & the  Order  allso : for  bothe  doe 
expressly  distinguish  the  gen11  Court  into  severall  pts : as  the  words 
declare. 

(9)  He  denyes  the  Neg:  v:  to  be  a fundamentall  Lawe,  by  this 

Argum4  that  the  Court  in  34  wherein  this  Lawe  was  established 
restraines  the  4 : gen"  Courts  to  2 : Ans  : by  the  same  Reason  it 

would  followe,  that  one  Lawe  in  any  Court  beinge  void,  all  the  Acts 
of  that  Court  should  be  voyd  allso. 

(10)  He  denyes  the  Judgn4  of  the  Elders  about  the  changinge  any 
form  of  Goverm4  to  be  as  I have  reported  it : for  this  I referre  the 
Reader  to  their  Answeare. 

(11)  13)  He  saythe  that  we  may  not  imitate  the  Parliam4  of  Engld : 

1 : because  of  the  disproportio  betweene  that  Court  & ors. 

2 : bee  or  magistral  are  not  of  the  Nobility,  as  the  vpper  house 

von.  ix.  55 


434 


APPENDIX. 


there  is.  Answ : He  will  not  denye,  but  we  may  & must  imitate  or  Lord 
.Tesus  Christ,  where  there  is  a greater  disproportio : And  reason  will 
teach  vs  to  imitate  those,  in  whom  is  founde  the  greatest  measure  of 
wisdome  & vertue : & thoughe  or  Court  holde  no  proportio  wth  that,  in 
degrees,  yet  it  dothe  in  pts  : & so  a child  may  strive  to  imitate  a 
man  in  speakinge  walkinge,  tempance  &c,  But  the  Answr : forgatt  his 
owne  Rule,  when  he  holds  forthe  or  Court  in  imitatio  to  that  in  their 
Stile  of  High  & Eminent:  wch  is  too  far  aboue  or  Capacitye.  And  if 
he  would  yeeld  them  a Neg : v : in  respecte  of  their  Nobilitye : the 
reason  is  stronger  for  or  magistr : for  those  Nobles  represent  onely  their 
owne  familyes,  but  or  magist*9  doe  represent  the  Autye  of  all  the  people 
as  well  as  the  deptyes  doe  that  power  & Libtye  wch  they  have  reserved 
to  themselves. 

(12)  He  would  seeme  heer  to  Affirme  that  the  house  of  Comons  in 
Engfd  have  Ordinary  Juditiary  power : & sure  he  would  have  spoken 
it  out,  if  he  had  knowne  it  had  been  so,  but  he  would  haue  vs  shewe, 
that  ever  they  made  any  vniust  Lawe,  or  putt  any  inocent  pson  to 
deathe : Ans : when  he  shall  shewe  vs  any  Lawe  made  by  them,  (in 
ordinary  course)  or  any  pson  (inocent  or  nocent)  adiudged  to  deathe 
by  them,  I will  then  satisfie  his  demande : In  the  meane  tyme,  I am 
readye  to  shewe  him  some  vniust  Lawes  made,  & some  inocent  ptyes 
put  to  deathe  by  their  consent. 

And  whereas  he  dothe  taxe  me  wth  likeninge  that  High  Court  to  a 
grand  Jurye  because,  when  I speake  of  their  impeachinge  any  pson,  I 
explane  it  by  the  word  indite,  as  more  comonly  knowne,  & of  the 
same  significatio.  I leave  this  to  equall  iudgm*. 

ffurther  it  may  be  observed,  that  when  he  speakes  of  the  safetye  &c: 
in  the  Judgm*  of  the  Deptyes,  rather  then  in  the  magist18,  he  reckons 
them  40 : & these  onely  4 : or  sometymes  5 : whereas  he  knowes  the 
magistrals  are  10:  or  11 : & as  they  are  not  allwayes  present,  no 
more  are  the  Deptyes,  Beside  his  Argument  from  the  disproportio  be- 
tweene  40 : and  4 : is  a meere  fallacye : for  it  was  never  knowne,  that 
the  magist*8  have  stood  alone  in  any  opinio,  wthout  a considerable  pte 
of  the  most  able  Deptyes  concurringe  wth  them : Nor  have  the  magis- 
trats  any  suche  power,  ouer  the  peoples  lines  & libtyes  by  their 
Neg  : vo  : as  the  Answr : pretends  : but  onely  to  preserve  them,  if  by 
any  occatio  they  should  be  in  danger : I cahot  liken  it  better  to  any 
tliinge  then  to  the  brake  of  a windmill : wch  hathe  no  power,  to  move 
the  runinge  worke:  but  it  is  of  speciall  vse,  to  stoppe  any  violent 
motio,  wch  in  some  extraordinary  tempest  might  otherwise  endanger 
the  wholl  fabricke. 


REPLYE  ON  THE  KEG  : VOTE. 


435 


(1,1)  Heer  he  chargethe  me  wth  Crofsinge  my  selfe:  bee  in  one 
propositio  I saye,  that  in  the  magistr9  & Deptyes  ioyned  &c : is  the 
wholl  power  iuditiarye  &c : & after  I denye  the  people  alone  to  have 
any  Juditiary  power,  in  the  gen11  Court,  where  this  Crofsinge  lyes,  I 
confesse,  I canot  see. 

(15)  Whereas  I saye,  we  should  incurre  Scandall,  by  vndervaluing 
the  gifts  of  God,  as  wisdome,  learninge  &c,  & the  Ordinance  of  magis- 
tracye,  if  the  Judgin'  & Autye  of  any  one  of  the  Com : ranke  of  the 
people,  should  beare  equall  weight,  wth  that  of  the  wisest  & cheifest 
magistrate : this  he  layethe  to  my  charge,  as  a Scandall  indeed  : & heer 
& in  (17)  he  makes  a longe  discourse,  besids  the  scope  of  my  Arguin' 
& intentio : ffor  I acknowledge  (&  have  all  way  es  so  doone)  that  there 
are  of  the  Deptyes  men  of  wisdome  & learninge  sufficient,  & it  may 
be,  not  inferior  to  some  of  the  magistra'9 : but  yet,  if  in  Com : repute 
(especially  in  forreine  gts)  the  magistrats  be  looked  at,  as  men  prece- 
dinge  in  gifts  & experience  (for  otherwise  the  people  are  misguided  in 
their  Choyce)  then  the  Scandall  will  remaine  not  wth  stadinge.  & 
besids  I speake  not  positively  but  hypothetically : so  as  if  there  be  at 
any  tyme  one  or  more  Deptyes  so  weake,  as  will  holde  no  proportio  \vth 
the  most  able  of  the  magistrats,  then  my  Argument  will  hould  good, 
wthout  any  Scandall  or  offence  given  on  my  pte.  And  whereas  I stile 
suche  a Deptye  of  the  Com : ranke  of  ffreemen : I hope  it  is  no  dis- 
paragem'  to  any,  to  be  counted  in  that  Ranke,  wch  is  allowed  equall 
power  wth  the  Governor  & Afsistants  in  or  highest  Court,  althoughe  a 
Depty  in  Court  be  of  more  value  then  any  one  freeman,  seinge  he  rep- 
resents many:  yet  before  & after  the  Court,  he  is  but  as  another 
freeman,  & so  cahot  be  counted  in  the  same  ranke  wth  the  magistrats. 
And  I should  be  willinge  to  learne  of  the  Answr,  or  any  other,  how  I 
might  have  spoken  more  modestly,  in  this  & suche  like  passages,  & not 
have  lost  the  force  of  my  Argument : wch  (the  Lord  knowes)  was  the 
onely  thinge  I intended,  & not  to  extoll  the  gifts  &c  : of  the  magistrats, 
nor  to  debase  those  of  the  Deptyes : for  I acknowledge  it  my  dutye,  to 
honor  the  gifts  of  God  where  euer  I finde  them,  & I hope,  my  ordi- 
nary practice  hathe  not  been  different. 

(16)  He  mistakes  Demurringe  for  Democratic,  & yet  the  Sen- 
tence might  have  easyly  guided  him  to  the  worde. 

(17)  He  saythe,  that  the  Order  of  34:  is  obsolete,  because  it  was 
never  putt  in  practice.  I suppose  the  vse  of  it  being  knowne  (for  it 
hathe  been  ofte  spoken  off  in  Court)  hathe  kept  pceedings  in  that  good 
Order,  that  there  hathe  been  small  or  no  occatio  to  make  vse  of  it. 


436 


APPENDIX. 


But  if  this  were  a good  Arguin',  many  of  or  Capitall  lawes  would  soone 
be  obsolete : & by  the  same  reason,  we  should  slight  all  fortifications, 
woh  had  not  been  Afsaulted  in  10  : or  20  : yeares.  & men  should  laye 
by  their  swords  after  they  had  worne  them  suche  a tyme  wthout  any 
occatio  to  make  vse  of  them.  & many  suche  absurde  conclusios  would 
followe  vpon  suche  pmises.  but  to  helpe  the  feeblenesse  of  his  Ar- 
guin', he  tells  us,  the  Neg:  vo  was  once  called  for,  but  denyed  in 
Court:  for  wch,  seeinge  he  Cites  not  any  Record  or  other  proofe,  It 
shall  need  no  Answr  espec  seing  he  tells  vs  not,  what  pte,  or  member 
of  the  Court  denyed  it. 

(19)  He  denyethe  the  Neg:  vo  : to  be  any  forme  of  Govrt.  because 
it  is  not  (as  he  saythe)  forma  constitutiva  Gubernandi,  but  vox  consti- 
tuta : that  is : It  is  not  such  a forme  as  giues  beinge  to  the  Gcworm' : 
but  onely  a vote  constituted. 

Answ : Heer  againe  I must  give  the  Reader  notice  of  a fallacie,  in 
takinge  advantage  now  of  the  stricte  meaninge  of  those  words,  wch  in 
all  the  former  dispute  haue  been  taken  accordinge  to  the  Com : accept- 
ance. ffor  howsoeu  we  haue  carried  on  or  discourse  in  the  Termes 
of  a Neg : vote,  (the  Questio  beinge  first  started,  & since  debated, 
vnder  that  notion)  yet  it  is  an  Affirmative  vote,  wch  is  indeed  contro- 
verted, & weh  is  granted,  bothe  by  the  Patent,  & by  the  order  of  34  : 
for  bothe  doe  declare,  that  the  Consent  of  so  many  magistral  shalbe 
necefsarye  to  every  Lawe,  order  &c : Now  if  the  Lawes  &c : be 

essentiall  to  or  Govern',  & these  can  haue  no  beinge,  but  as  they  are 
Affirmed  or  assented  to,  by  the  magistra'8,  then  is  this  Afsent  (concur- 
rent wth  the  rest)  forma  constitutiua , for  thus  reimposed,  it  dothe  dare 
ejse  quod  sunt.  He  is  allso  mistaken  in  denyinge,  that  vox  constituta 
can  be  essentiall  to  a Govern' : for  then  he  may  as  well  denye  that  the 
freemens  votes  in  Elections  are  efsentiall : & suche  a vox  constituta  is 
not  a bare  Negatio,  or  poj'se  impedire,  quod  non  transit  in  Actum. 

(15)  ffor  that  probable  instance  I bringe  out  of  Jer:  26:  it  will 
hould  still,  for  aught  is  alledged  ag'  it : for  though  the  Princes  ioyned 
wth  Ahikam,  yet  he  onely  is  named  verse  24:  (for  it  is  like  he  was 
President)  & their  Neg : vo  : (if  not  his  alone)  saved  Jer  : ag'  the  minde 
of  the  Priests : as  for  the  people  they  onely  gave  their  approbatio  to 
it:  for  it  is  w*hout  questio,  that  the  people  had  no  Juditiall  power  nor 
vote  in  their  Courts:  for  the  Lord  Comandinge  them  Deut:  16,  to 
appoint  them  Judges  in  all  their  Tribes,  & those  should  iudge  them 
& c : he  excluds  them  from  all  ordinary  power  of  Judicature  them- 
selves 


REPLYE  ON  THE  NEG  : VOTE. 


437 


Diverse  other  passages  I omitt,  as  beinge  of  no  weight  in  this  con- 
kroversye,  & I leave  them  to  the  readers  Judgm*. 

There  are  2 : or  3 : Argumts  more  (wch  I haue  mett  wth  otherwhere) 
wch  may  heer  allso  receiue  Answeare. 

1 : Magdeburge  changinge  theire  Democratie  into  an  Arisr  were 
sone  after  destroyed.  Answ  : 1 : Theire  destructio  did  not  arise  out 
of  theire  newe  Gover*,  nor  for  it ; but  meerly  from  an  externall  cause  : 
viz : the  Emperors  displeasure  ag*  them,  for  refusinge  to  choose  his 
sonne  their  Administrater  or  Prince.  2 : if  this  had  befallen  them  for 
changinge  that  forme  of  Go  verm1  wch  the  providence  of  God  had  setled 
them  in : it  is  a good  warninge  to  vs,  to  take  heed  how  we  attempt  to 
change  or  owne. 

2:  The  Judges  in  England  have  no  hand  in  makinge  those  Lawes, 
by  which  they  are  to  Judge : 

Answ : The  Judges  of  the  Kings  Benche,  Comn : pleas  & Eschequer 
have  not,  & the  reason  is  because  they  onely  intende  it,  & are  to  at- 
tende  the  vpper  house  vpon  all  occations : but  it  is  vndenyable,  that 
aboue  § of  the  members  of  bothe  houses  are  Judges  of  the  laws  they 
make,  in  one  Court  or  other. 

3 : The  greatest  power  is  in  the  people : therefore  it  should  be  in 
their  Deptyes. 

Answ : originally  & vertually  it  is : but  when  they  have  chosen 
them  Judgs,  &c : their  Juditiary  power  is  actually  in  those  to  whom 
they  have  comitted  it  & those  are  their  magistra*8  in  suche  order  as 
before  is  declared. 

There  Remaines  one  obiectio,  wch  for  better  satisfactio  I shall  en- 
deavor  to  give  a more  cleare  solutio  vnto,  then  is  in  my  former  Dis- 
course. 

ob : If  the  Court  of  Afsist8  should  give  an  vniust  sentence  in  any 
Cause,  the  ptye  iniured  can  have  no  remedye  in  the  gen"  Court,  if  the 
magistra18  (as  they  are  like  to  doe)  shall  psist  in  their  former  Judgin'. 

Answ : 1 : If  any  vniust  Judgin'  be  given  in  the  Court  of  Assist8,  it 
pceeds  more  vsually  from  the  error  of  the  Jury,  then  the  corruptio 
of  the  magistra*8 : who  will  then  be  competent  Judges  of  it  in  another 
Court. 

2 : If  suche  cause  be  brought  into  the  gen11  Court  vpon  newe  evi- 
dence (wc.h  is  vsuall  & most  likely)  then  shall  the  magistra*3  have  good 
grounde,  to  change  their  Judgm*. 

3 : If  the  magistra*8  be  godly  (as  they  are  like  to  be  while  the  frame 
of  the  Com : w : remaines  suche)  then  if  they  erre  in  Judgment,  it  must 


±38 


APPENDIX. 


be  supposed  to  be  of  infirmytye,  & want  of  light : if  so,  then  there  is  no 
doubt,  hut  they  wilbe  readye  to  attende  suche  further  helpe  & light,  as 
the  wisdome  & counsell  of  the  gen"  Court  may  seasonably  afforde. 

4 : If  the  miscarriage  of  the  magistra*8  in  their  Sentence,  should  be 
evident  & notorious,  either  the  shame  of  it  would  make  them  change 
their  Judgin' : or  otherwise  they  should  be  made  manifest  to  all  the 
Countrye,  to  be  suche  as  they  are,  & then  they  would  be  soone 
removed,  & called  to  Account,  & so  their  vniust  Sentence  would  be 
reversed  in  a due  Course. 

5 : Where  absolute  safetye  canot  be  pvided,  (woh  is  & hathe  been  the 
Case  of  all  Com : ws,  even  that  of  Gods  owne  institutio)  there  reason- 
able & probable  meanes  of  safetye  must  suffice. 

6 : If  an  error  in  some  ptic  & private  Case,  should  want  redrefse,  for 
a tyme  (wch  yet  is  very  vnlikely)  then  we  may  rest  satisfied  in  this 
longe  approved  maxime  It  is  better  for  the  Com  : w : that  a mischeife 
be  tollerated,  then  an  Inconvenience  indured,  muche  more,  foundations 
of  Governfi  overthrowne,  as  must  needs  be  if  this  Neg : vo : be  layd 
downe.  And  it  is  well  proved  & concluded  by  a late  Juditious  writer, 
in  a booke  newly  come  over,  intituled  an  Answ : to  Dr.  Feme,  that 
thoughe  all  Lawes,  that  are  supstructiue,  may  be  altered  by  the  repre- 
sentative bodye  of  the  Com : w : yet  they  have  not  power  to  alter  any 
thinge  wch  is  fundamentall. 

(4)  5 — 1:643.  Jo:  Winthrop:  Gour. 


X. 


(Referred  to  on  p.  302.) 

“ List  of  Books  presented  to  the  library  of  Harvard  College  by 
Governor  John  Winthrop.  The  list  is  headed  with  these  words  : 
‘Johannes  Winthropus  Armiger,  Septies  Aughte- Gubernator,  hos 
libros  contulit.’  The  word  ‘ Nov-Angliae  ’ is  erased,  and  there  are 
some  traces  of  a word  written  above  by  way  of  correction ; but  the 
edge  has  been  pared  or  worn  from  the  page,  and  nothing  remains  of 
the  word  but  the  bottom  of  one  letter. 

1.  A French  Bible. 

2.  Bertholomseus  de  rerum  natura. 

3.  Catechismus  p Christiana? 


LIST  OF  BOOKS. 


439 


4.  Calvini  Institutio  religionis  Christian®. 

5.  Chronologia  in  Livii  Historiam. 

6.  Christianography. 

7.  Colloquium  Wormaliense  institutum. 

8.  The  Common  Prayer  Booke. 

9.  Corwelii  Comment,  in  Proverbia. 

10.  Davenatii  determinationes  quasstionum. 

11.  Edmund  bishop  of  London  his  doctrine  & homilies. 

12.  Gregorii  Decretalia. 

13.  Grasseri  Comment  in  Apocalypsin. 

14.  Harris  his  sermons. 

15.  Hosee  cum  Thargo  in  Hebr. 

16.  Jones  on  Philemon  & Hebrewes. 

17.  Jacobi  Fabrii  opera. 

18.  Juell  against  Harding.  / Parliament. 

19.  Junius  in  Genesin. 

20.  Lexicon  Gr®colatinum. 

21.  Livii  Historia  in  2 Tomis. 

22.  Ludovici  homili®  in  Jon®  librum. 

23.  Musculus  in  Matthaeum. 

24.  N.  Testament  with  notes. 

25.  Page  on  the  Lords  Prayer. 

26.  Pashingii  coin4  in  catachesin. 

27.  Piccolomin®us  de  Arte  definiendi  et  discurs. 

'28.  Polani  Comment  in  Danielem. 

29.  Polidori  Historia  Anglicana. 

30.  Randalls  Sermons  on  the  Communion. 

31.  Ortus  Sanitatis. 

32.  Sibthorpes  advisement  to  Catholickes  in  Ireland. 

33.  Sermones  discipuli  de  Comp. 

34.  Speculum  spiritualium. 

35.  Sutton’s  Lectures. 

36.  Taylor  on  the  parable  of  the  Sower. 

37.  Theatrum  terr®  Sanct®. 

38.  Whittakeri  pr®lectiones  disputationes. 

39.  The  life  of  the  Virgin  Mary. 

“ Such  are  the  titles  of  the  books  as  given  in  the  original  list,  very 
imperfectly,  as  you  perceive.  The  books  themselves,  having  formed  a 
von.  xi.  55 


440 


APPENDIX. 


part  of  the  library  which  was  destroyed  by  fire  in  1764,  are  now  lost; 
and  it  is  of  course  impossible  to  render  the  titles  more  perfect  by 
inspection.” 

The  above  list  was  kindly  sent  to  me  by  my  lamented  friend, 
Mr.  Everett,  while  he  was  President  of  the  University.  It  is 
printed  here  from  the  manuscript  in  his  own  hand,  dated, 
Cambridge,  May,  1849.  I must  not  omit  the  concluding  sen- 
tence of  his  note,  which  I certainly  could  not  gainsay:  "With 
a few  exceptions,  I think  I may  congratulate  you  that  your 
honored  ancestor  did  not  transmit  them  to  you.” 


XI. 

ARBITRARY  GOVERNMT  DESCRIBED:  & THE  GOVERNMT 
OF  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  VINDICATED  FROM  THAT  AS- 
PERSION. 

(Referred  to  on  p.  324.) 

Arbitrary  Government  described,  & the  common  mistakes  about  the  same  (both  in  the 
true  nature  thereof,  & in  the  representation  of  the  Governm4.  of  the  Massachusetts, 
under  such  a notion)  fully  cleared.  (5)  1644. 

Arbitrary  Governmi  is,  where  a people  have  men  sett  ouer  them, 
without  their  choyce,  or  allowance : who  haue  power  to  governe  them, 
& Judge  their  Causes  without  a Rule. 

God  onely  bathe  this  prerogatiue : whose  Sovereintye  is  absolute, 
& whose  will  is  a perfecte  Rule,  & Reason  it  selfe ; so  as  for  man  to 
usurpe  suche  Autye, 1 is  tiranye,  & impietye. 

Where  the  people  have  Libtyo  to  admitt,  or  reiect  their  Governours ; 
& to  require  the  Rule  by  which  they  shalbe  governed  & Judged,  this 
is  not  an  Arbitrarye  Gouerm*. 

That  the  Governing  of  the  Massachusetts  is  such,  will  appeare,  1 : 
by  the  foundation  of  it : 2 : by  the  positive  Lawes  therof : 3 : by  the 
constant  practice,  which  proues  a custome,  then  which  (when  it  is  for 
common  good)  there  is  no  Lawe  of  man  more  inviolable. 


1 Authority. 


ARBITRARY  GOYERNMT.  DESCRIBED. 


441 


1 : The  Foundation  of  this  Goverm*.  is  the  Kinges  Ltfes  Patents : 
this  gaue  them  their  Forme  & beinge,  in  disposinge  a certaine  number 
of  persons  into  a bodye  politike ; whereby  they  became  then  (in  suche 
a politike  respecte)  as  one  single  person,  consisting  of  severall  mem- 
bers : & appointing^  to  eache  its  proper  place : it  regulates  their  power 
& motions  as  might  best  conduce  to  the  preservation  & good  of  the 
wholl  bodye : 

The  parties  or  members  of  this  bodye  politike  are  reduced  under 
2 : kinds,  Gouernor  & Companye,  or  Freemen  : to  the  Governor  it 
adds  a Deputye,  & 18  : Assistants : in  these  is  the  power  of  Authority 
placed,  vnder  the  name  of  the  Governor  (not  as  a person,  but  as  a 
State)  & in  the  other  (which  is  named  the  Company)  is  placed  the 
power  of  Liberty ; — which  is  not  a bare  passive  capacitye  of  free- 
dome,  or  immunitye,  but  suche  a Lib*76,  as  bathe  power  to  Acte 
vpon  the  chiefest  meanes  of  its  owne  wellfare  (yet  in  a wa}-  of  Libtye, 
not  of  Authoritye)  & that  under  2 : generall  heads,  election,  & 
counsell : 1 : they  have  libtye  to  electe  yearly  (or  oftener  if  occa- 
sion require)  all  their  Governors,  & other  their  generall  officers,  viz  : 
suche  as  should  haue  influence  (either  Juditiall  or  ministerial!)  into  all 
partes  of  the  Jurisdiction.  2 : They  haue  lib*76  of  Counsell  in  all  the 
gen11  Assemblyes,  so  as  w‘hout  their  counsell  & consent,  no  Lawes, 
decrees,  or  orders,  of  any  publike  nature  or  concernment,  nor  any 
Taxes,  impositions,  impresses,  or  other  burdens  of  what  kinde  soeuer, 
can  be  imposed  upon  them,  their  familyes  or  estates,  by  any  Authori- 
tye in  the  Government:  which  notwithstanding  remaines  still  a dis- 
tinct member,  euen  in  those  generall  Assemblyes  : other  wise  our  state 
should  be  a meer  Democratie,  if  all  were  Gouernors,  or  magistrates, 
& none  lefte  to  be  an  obiecte  of  Governnfl  which  cant  fall  out  in  any 
kinde  of  Aristocratie. 

To  make  this  cleare,  we  will  sett  downe  the  verye  words  of  the 
Patent. 

1 : The  words  of  Constitution  of  this  bodye  politike  are  these  A : 
B : C : & all  such  others  as  shall  hereafter  be  admitted  & made  free 
of  the  Company  & society  hereafter  mentioned  shalbe  &c : one  Bodye 
politike  & Corporate,  in  fact  & name,  by  the  name  of  the  Governor 
& Company  of  the  Mattachusetts  Baye  in  N : E : And  that  from 

henceforth  for  euer  there  shalbe  one  Governor,  one  Deputye  Governor, 
& 18 : Assistants  of  the  same  Company,  to  be  from  tyme  to  tyme,  con- 
stituted, elected,  & chosen,  out  of  the  Freemen  of  the  sayd  Company 
foi  the  tyme  beinge ; In  such  maher  & forme,  as  hereafter  in  these 


442 


APPENDIX. 


presents  is  expressed,  which  said  officers  shall  applye  themselues  to  take 
care  for  the  best  disposinge  & orderinge  of  the  great  business  & Affaires 
of,  for,  & concerning  the  said  lands  & premises  hereby  mentioned  to  be 
granted,  & the  plantation  thereof,  & the  Government  of  the  people 
there. 

2 : The  distribution  of  powre  follows,  in  these  words  ensueing  — 
That  the  Gouerni  of  the  said  Company  for  the  tyme  beinge  or,  in  his 
absence  by  occasion  of  sicknesse  or  otherwise,  the  Deputie  Goffi  for 
the  tyme  beinge  shall  haue  Authoritye  from  tyme  to  tyme,  vpon  all 
occasions,  to  giue  order,  for  the  Assemblinge  of  the  said  Company,  & 
calling  them  togither,  to  consult  & Aduise  of  the  businesses  & Affaires 
of  the  said  Company : 

And  that  the  said  Gouernor  Deputye  Gouernor  & Assistants  of  the 
said  Company  for  the  tyme  beinge  shall  or  may  once  euery  month  or 
oftner  at  their  pleasures,  Assemble  & hold  & keepe  a Court,  or  Assem- 
bly of  themselues,  for  the  better  orderinge  & directing  of  their  Affaires  : 

And  that  any  7 : or  more  persons  of  the  Assistants,  togither  with  the 
Governor  or  Deputye  Governor  so  Assembled  shalbe  said  taken  held 
& reputed  to  be,  & shal  be,  a full  & sufficient  Court  or  Assembly  of 
the  said  Company,  for  the  handlinge  orderinge  & dispatchinge  of  all 
such  businesses  & occurrents,  as  shall  from  tyme  to  tyme  happen 
touching  or  concerninge  the  said  Company  or  plantation. 

Then  follows  a Clause,  whereby  Libtye  is  granted  to  holde  4 : gen- 
eral Courts  in  the  yeare,  wherein  (with  the  Advice  & consent  of  the 
maior  parte  of  the  ffreemen)  they  may  admitt  others  to  the  ffreedome 
of  the  Company,  they  may  make  all  subordinate  Officers,  & make 
Lawes  & constitutions,  for  their  wellfare  & good  Government. 

Then  followeth  a Clause  for  the  Annuall  Election  of  all  their  Officers 
in  these  words  ensuinge  — 

That  yearly  once  in  the  yeare  foreuer,  namely  on  the  last  Weddens- 
daye  in  Easter  Terme  yearly,  the  Gouernor  Deputy  Gouernor  & 
Assistants  of  the  said  Company  shalbe  in  the  generall  Court  or  Assem- 
bly, to  be  held  for  that  day  or  tyme,  newly  chosen  for  the  yeare  en- 
sueinge,  by  such  greater  parte  of  the  said  Company,  for  the  tyme 
beinge,  then  & there  present  as  is  aforesaid. 

Then  follows  another  branch,  whereby,  in  any  of  their  generall 
Courts,  any  insufficient,  or  delinquent  Officer  (of  what  sorte  soever) 
may  be  removed,  & another  forthwith  putt  in  place. 

The  last  clause  is  for  the  Governinge  of  the  Inhabitants  within 
the  Plantation.  For  it  beinge  the  manner  for  such  as  procured 


ARBITRARY  GOVERNMT.  DESCRIBED. 


443 

Patents  for  Virginia,  Bermudas  & the  Weste  Indies,  to  keepe  the 
chiefe  Governing  in  the  hands  of  the  Company  residinge  in  England 
(&  so  this  was  intended  & with  much  difficulty  we  gott  it  abscinded) 
this  clause  is  inserted  in  this  & all  other  Patents  wherby  the  Com- 
pany in  England  might  establish  a Govermn!  & Officers  here  in  any 
forme  vsed  in  England,  as  Govf  & Counsell,  Iustices  of  Peace, 
Maior,  Baylyfs  &c,  & accordingly  Mr.  Endicott  & others  with  him, 
were  established  a Gov!  & Councell  heer,  before  the  Governin'  was 
transferred  hither : & that  clause  is  expressed  in  these  words  : — 

It  shall  & may  be  lawfull,  to  & for  the  Gouernor  &c : & such  of 
the  Freemen  of  the  said  Company  for  the  tyme  beinge,  as  shalbe 
assembled  in  any  of  their  Generali  Courts  aforesaid,  or  in  any  other 
Courts  to  be  specially  summoned  & assembled  for  that  purpose,  or 
the  greater  part  of  them,  whereof  the  Gouernor  or  Dept>e  Gov!,  & 
6 : of  the  Assistants  to  be  alwayes  7 : from  tyme  to  tyme,  to  make, 
ordaine,  & establish  all  maner  of  wholesome  & reasonable  orders 
Lawes  statutes  & ordinances  directions  & instructions,  not  contrarye 
to  the  Lawes  of  this  our  Realme  of  England : as  well  for  setlinge  of 
the  formes  & Ceremonies  of  Gouernm!  & Magistracie,  fitt  & neces- 
sarye  for  the  said  Plantation,  & Inhabitants  there,  & for  naminge  & 
stilinge  of  all  sorts  of  Officers,  both  Superior  & inferior  which  they 
shall  finde  needfull  for  that  Governin'  & Plantation ; & the  distinguish- 
inge  & settinge  forth  of  the  severall  duties,  powers  & limitts  of  every 
such  office  &c.  for  disposinge  & orderinge  the  Elections  of  such  of  the 
said  Officers  as  shalbe  annuall  &c : & for  settinge  downe  formes  of 
Oathes  & for  ministeringe  of  them  &c : & for  the  directinge  Rulinge 
& disposinge  all  other  matters  & thinges,  whereby  our  said  people  in- 
habitants there,  may  be  so  religiously,  peaceably  & civily  governed, 
&c : 

Thus  it  appeares  that  this  Governm*.  is  not  Arbitrary  in  the  founda- 
tion of  it,  but  Regulated  in  all  the  partes  of  it. 

2 : It  wilbe  yet  further  found  by  the  positive  Lawes  thereof : 

And  first  by  that  of  (3)  14-1634:  where  it  is  declared,  that  The 
generall  Court  only  may  make  ffreemen : make  Lawes : choose  Gen- 
erali officers,  as  Governor,  Depl!,  Assistants,  treasurer,  &c:  remove 
suche : sett  out  their  power  & dutye  : rayse  monyes  : dispose  of  lands 
in  propriety es : not  to  be  dissolved  but  by  consent  of  the  iraior  parte. 
The  ffreemen  of  the  severall  Townes  may  send  their  depllff  to  euerye 
generall  Court  who  may  doe  all  that  the  bodye  of  ffreemen  might  doe, 
except  in  Election  of  magistrates  & officers. 


444 


APPENDIX. 


And  in  the  67  : LilfL,  it  is  thus  described  viz — It  is  the  constant 
Lib5i!  of  the  freemen,  to  choose  yearly,  at  the  Court  of  Election, 
out  of  the  freemen,  all  the  generall  Officers  of  this  Jurisdiction.  If 
they  please  to  discharge  them  at  the  Court  of  Elections,  by  vote,  they 
may  doe  it  without  shewing  Cause : but  if  at  any  other  generall  Court, 
we  hould  it  due  Iustice,  that  the  Reasons  thereof  be  alledged  & proved. 
By  Generall  officers,  we  meane  our  Governor,  Deptyo  Gov!,  Assistants, 
Treasurer,  Generall  of  our  Warres,  & our  Admirall  at  Sea ; & suche 
as  are,  or  may  be  hereafter,  of  like  generall  nature. 

3 : Accordinge  to  these  fundamentall  Rules,  & positiue  Lawes,  the 
Course  of  Governm!  hathe  been  carried  on  in  the  practice  of  publicke 
Administrations  to  this  verye  daye,  & where  any  considerable  obliqui- 
tye  hathe  been  discerned,  it  hathe  been  soone  brought  to  the  Rule  & 
redressed : for  it  is  not  possible  in  the  infancye  of  a plantation,  sub- 
iecte  to  so  many  & variable  occurrents,  to  holde  so  exactly  to  Rules, 
as  when  a state  is  once  setled. 

By  what  hathe  been  allreadye  manifested,  this  Govern mi  is  freed 
from  any  semblance  of  Arbitrarinesse  either  in  the  forme  of  it,  or  the 
generall  officers  in  it,  which  is  the  first  branche  in  the  description  of 
Arbitrary  Govern1?*. 

The  other  Branche  (wherein  the  maine  question  lyes)  is  concerninge 
the  Rule : so  as  if  it  shall  appeare  allso,  that  the  Governor  & other 
officers  are  prescribed  suche  a Rule,  as  may  be  required  of  them  in  all 
their  Administrations,  then  it  must  needs  be  granted,  that  this  Gov- 
ernm1.  (even  in  the  present  state  thereof)  is,  in  no  respecte,  Arbitrarye. 

I might  shewe  a cleare  Rule  out  of  the  Patent  it  selfe,  but  seeing  it 
is  more  particularly  (&  as  it  were  membratim ) deliniated  in  later 
Lawes,  I will  beginne  there  (3)  25—1636 : It  was  Ordered,  that  untill 

a bodye  of  ffundamentall  Lawes  (Agreeable  to  the  word  of  God)  were 
established,  all  causes  should  be  heard  & determined,  accordinge  to 
the  Lawes  allreadye  in  force : & where  no  La  we  is,  there  as  neere  the 
Lawe  of  God  as  maybe.  To  omitt  many  particular  Lawes  enacted 
uppon  occasion,  I will  sett  downe  onely  the  first  Autye  in  the  LibHf! : 
which  is  as  heere  followeth  — No  mans  life  shalbe  taken  awaye : no 
mans  honor  or  good  name  shalbe  stayned:  No  mans  person  shalbe 
arrested,  restrained,  banished,  dismembred,  or  any  wayes  punished: 
No  man  shalbe  deprived  of  his  wife  or  children : No  mans  goods  or 
estate  shalbe  taken  awaye  from  him  : or  any  waye  endamaged,  under 
colour  of  Lawe  or  Countenance  of  Autye : unlesse  it  be  by  the  vertue 
or  equitye  of  some  expresse  Lawe  of  the  Country6,  warrantinge  the 


ARBITRARY  GOYERNMT.  DESCRIBED. 


445 


same,  established  by  a generall  Court  & sufficiently  published : or,  in 
case  of  the  defecte  of  a Lawe  in  any  particular  case,  by  the  worde  of 
God,  and  in  capitall  cases,  or  in  cases  concerninge  dismembringe  or 
Banishment,  accordinge  to  that  worde,  to  be  Judged  by  the  Generall 
Court. 

By  these  it  appeares,  that  the  Officers  of  this  Bodye  politick  haue  a 
Rule  to  walke  by,  in  all  their  administrations,  which  Rule  is  the 
Worde  of  God,  & such  conclusions  & deductions,  as  are,  or  shalbe, 
regularly  drawne  from  thence. 

All  Commonwealthes  haue  had  some  principles,  or  fundamentalls, 
from  which  they  haue  framed  deductions  to  particular  cases,  as  occa- 
sion hathe  required.  And  thoughe  no  Commonwealthe  euer  had,  or 
can  haue,  a particular  positive  Rule,  to  dispence  power,  or  Iustice  by  in 
every  single  case,  yet  where  the  fundamentalls,  or  generall  Rule  holde 
forth  such  directio,  as  no  great  damage  or  injurye  can  befall,  either  the 
whol,  or  any  particular  parte,  by  any  uniust  sentence,  or  disorderlye 
proceedinge,  without  manifest  breache  of  suche  generall  Rule,  there 
the  Rule  may  be  required,  & so  the  Governm!  is  regular  & not  Arbi- 
trary e. 

The  ffundamentalls  which  God  gave  to  the  Commonwealth  of  Israeli, 
were  a sufficient  Rule  to  them,  to  guide  all  their  Affaires : we  havinge 
the  same,  with  all  the  Additions,  explanations  & deductions,  which 
haue  followed : it  is  not  possible  we  should  want  a Rule  in  any  case : 
if  God  give  wisdome  to  discerne  it. 

There  are  some  fewe  cases  onely  (beside  the  Capitalls)  wherein  the 
penalty  is  prescribed  : And  the  Lord  could  haue  done  the  like  in  others, 
if  he  had  so  pleased ; but  havinge  appointed  Gov*.s  upon  earthe,  to  be 
his  vicegerents,  he  hathe  given  them  those  fewe  as  presidents,  to  di- 
recte  them,  & to  exercise  his  guiftes  in  them:  Deut  17:  9:  10:  11: 
in  the  moste  difficult  cases,  the  Iudges  in  Supreme  Autye,  were  to 
shewe  the  sentence  of  the  Lawe : whence  3 : thinges  may  be  observed : 
1 : this  Sentence  was  to  be  declared  out  of  the  Lawe  established  ; 
thoughe  not  obuious  to  comon  understandinge  2 : this  was  to  be  expect- 
ed in  that  ordinance : therefore  v : 19  : the  Kinge  was  to  haue  a Copye 
of  the  Lawe,  & to  reade  them  all  the  dayes  of  his  life:  3 : Suche  a sen- 
tence was  not  ordained  to  be  provided  before  the  Case  fell  out,  but  pro 
re  nata , when  occation  required,  God  promised  to  be  present  in  his 
owne  Ordinance,  to  improue  suche  gifts  as  he  should  please  to  conferre 
upon  suche  as  he  should  call  to  place  of  Governm!.  In  the  Scripture 
there  are  some  formes  of  Prayers  & of  Sermons  sett  downe : yet  no 


446 


APPENDIX. 


man  will  inferre  from  thence  that  mnrs  should  haue  Sermons  & pray- 
ers prescribed  them  for  every  occasion  : for  that  would  destroye  the 
Ordinance  of  the  ministry,  i.e.  a Readinge  Priest  might  serve  in  that 
office,  without  any  learninge  or  other  gifts  of  the  Spirit.  So  if  all  pen- 
altyes  were  prescribed,  the  Iurye  should  state  the  case,  & the  booke 
holde  forthe  the  sentence  & any  Schoolboye  might  pronounce  it:  then 
what  need  were  there  of  any  speciall  wisdome,  learninge,  Courage,  zeale, 
or  faithfulnesse  in  a Iudge  ? 

This  beinge  so  great  a question  now  on  foote,  about  prescript  penal- 
tyes  {much  erased  matter  here~\  it  wilbe  of  use  to  search  as  deepe  into 
it  as  we  may  by  the  light  of  Scripture,  approued  patternes  & other 
Rationall  Arguments : not  tyeinge  our  discourse  to  methode,  but  lay- 
inge  downe  thinges  as  they  come  to  hande. 

England  in  the  right  constitution,  is  not  an  Arbitrary  Govern  ml,  nor 
is  ours  of  the  Massachusetts : yet  Iuries,  both  there  & heer,  give  dam- 
ages, which  (in  vulgar  sence)  are  Arbitrary,  in  most  cases : as  in 
Actions  of  Slander,  Trespasse,  Batterye,  Breach  of  Covenant,  &c:  all 
which  concerne  the  Peoples  Libtye3,  no  lesse  than  ffines  & other  penal- 
tyes : And  if  12  : men,  who  haue  no  Callinge  to  Office,  may  (in  expec- 

tation of  Gods  Assistance)  be  trusted  with  mens  estates  in  a way  of 
distributive  Justice  without  a prescript  Rule  etc.  why  may  not  those 
whose  callinge  & Office  hathe  promise  of  Assistance,  have  like  trust 
reposed  in  them,  in  vindictive  Justice? 

In  the  Libtyes  enacted  heere  of  purpose  to  prevent  Arbitrary  Gov- 
erning there  are  neer  40 : Lawes,  to  the  violation  whereof  no  penaltye 
is  prescribed : nor  was  ever  moved. 

God  may  pronounce  Sentence  against  an  Offender,  before  the  offence 
be  committed,  bothe  by  his  absolute  Soveraintye,  & allso  because  he 
foreseeth  all  ffacts,  with  all  their  Circumstances:  & besides  the  least 
degree  of  the  same  offence  deserves  more  then  that  full  punishment 
before  his  Iustice  : but  man  must  proceede  accordinge  to  his  Commi— 
sion : by  which  he  cannot  sentence  another  before  he  hathe  offended, 
& the  offence  examined,  proved,  layd  to  the  Rule,  and  weighed  by  all 
considerable  circumstances,  & Lib!lf  given  to  the  partye  to  answeare 
for  himselfe : nor  is  there  anythinge  more  preiudiciall  to  a subjects 
LiblJ!,  then  to  be  sentenced  before  his  cause  be  hearde. 

England  is  a State  of  long  standing,  yet  we  haue  had  more  positive 
& more  holesome  Lawes  enacted  in  our  shorte  tyme,  than  they  had  in 
many  hundred  yeares.  They  haue  indeed  some  Lawes  with  prescribed 
penaltyes  annexed,  but  they  are  for  the  most  parte  so  small  as  doe 


ARBITRARY  GOVERNMT.  DESCRIBED. 


447 


vnder  value  the  least  degree  of  those  Offences : they  haue  xija  for  an 
Oathe  : 5!  for  Drunkenesse  &c,  but  for  all  great  Offences  & misde- 
meanors, as  periurye,  fforgerye,  Conspiracyes,  Cousenages,  oppression, 
Riott,  Batteryes,  & other  breaches  of  the  Peace  &c : there  is  no  penal- 
tye  prescribed : how  it  is  in  other  States  in  Europe,  I cannot  relate 
(because  we  knowe  not  their  Lawes)  otherwise  than  what  appeares  in 
their  Histories,  where  we  finde  Some  great  offences  punished,  by  the 
discretion  of  their  Iudges. 

Iustice  ought  to  render  to  everye  man  accordinge  to  his  deservinge, 
eye  for  eye,  hand  for  hand,  etc:  & Luk:  12:  47:  the  servant,  who 
transgressed  ag*6  knowledge  was  to  be  beaten  with  more  stripes  than  he 
who  transgressed  of  ignorance  : If  we  had  a Lawe,  that  every  lye 

should  be  punished  40",  & 2 offenders  should  be  convicte  at  the  same 
tyme : the  one  a youthe  of  Honest  conversation,  never  known  to  lye 
before:  & now  suddainly  surprized  with  feare  of  some  discredit,  had 
tould  a lye  wherein  was  no  danger  of  harm  to  any  other : The  other 

an  olde  notorious  lyar:  & his  lye  contrived  of  purpose  for  a pernitious 
eude  : It  were  not  juste  to  punish  bothe  these  alike.  As  40s  were  too 

little  for  the  one,  soe  it  were  too  muche  for  the  other.  Besides  penal- 
ties (we  knowe)  cominge  of  jpcena,  should  cause  paine  or  greife  to  the 
offenders.  It  must  be  an  Affliction,  yet  not  a destruction  except  in 
capitall  or  other  haynous  Crimes : but  in  prescript  penalties  Autye 
shoots  at  adventure ; if  the  same  penalty  hitts  a Riche  man,  it  paines 
him  not,  it  is  no  Affliction  to  him  ; but  if  it  lights  vpon  a poore  man,  it 
breakes  his  back. 

Everye  Lawe  must  be  lust  in  everye  pte  of  it,  but  if  the  penaltye 
anexed  be  uniust,  how  can  it  be  held  forthe  as  a lust  Lawe?  To  pre- 
scribe a penaltye,  must  be  by  some  Rule,  other  wise  it  is  an  vsurpation 
of  Gods  prerogative : but  where  the  Lawe  makers,  or  Declarers  cariot 
finde  a Rule  for  prescribinge  a penaltye,  if  it  come  before  the  Iudges 
fro  re  nata,  there  it  is  determinable  by  a certaine  Rule,  viz : by  an 
oi’dinance  sett  up  of  God  for  that  purpose,  wch  hathe  a sure  promise  of 
Divine  assistance,  Exo : 21:  22:  Deut:  16:  18:  Iudges  & Officers 

shalt  thou  make  &c,  & they  shall  Iudge  the  people  wth  lust  Tudgml 
Deut : 25:  1:  2:&  17:  9:  10:  11.  If  a Lawe  were  made  that  if  any 
man  were  founde  drunken  he  should  be  punished  by  the  Iudges  according 
to  the  meritt  of  his  offence  : this  is  a Just  Lawe,  because  it  is  warranted 
by  a Rule  : but  if  a certaine  penaltye  were  prescribed,  this  would  not  be 
iust,  because  it  wants  a Rule,  but  when  suche  a case  is  brought  before 
the  Iudges,  & the  qualitye  of  the  gson  & other  circumstances  consid- 

56 


von.  ii. 


448 


APPENDIX. 


ered,  they  shall  finde  a Rule  to  Iudge  by;  as  if  Naball,  & Uriah,  & 
one  of  the  stronge  drunkards  of  Ephraim,  were  all  3 : togither  accused 
before  the  Iudges  for  drunkennesse,  they  could  so  proportion  their  sev- 
erall  sentences,  accordinge  to  the  severall  natures  & degrees  of  their 
offences,  as  a lust  & Divine  sentence  might  appeare  in  them  all:  for  a 
divine  sentence  is  in  the  lippes  of  the  Kinge,  his  mouth  transgresseth 
not  in  Iudgm!  Pro:  16:  but  no  suche  promise  was  ever  made  to  a 
paper  Sentence  of  humane  Auty0  or  Invention.  He  who  bathe  prom- 
ised his  servants  to  teache  them  what  to  Answeare,  euen  in  that  houer, 
when  they  shalbe  brought  before  Iudgm!  seats,  etc.  will  also  teache  his 
ministers  the  Iudges  what  sentence  to  pronounce,  if  they  will  allso  ob- 
serve his  worde,  & trust  in  him.  Care  not  for  the  morrowe,  &c,  is  a 
Rule  of  Gen1.!  extent,  to  all  cases  where  oT.  providence  may  either  crosse 
w*.h  some  Rule  or  Ordinance  of  his,  or  may  occasion  us  to  relye  more 
upon  of  owne  strengthe  & meanes,  than  upon  his  grace  & blessinge. 
In  the  Sentence  wc.h  Solomon  gave  betweene  the  2 : Harlotts : 1 : Kings: 
3 : 28 : It  is  sayd  All  Israeli  heard  of  the  Iudgm!  wch  the  Kinge  had 
Judged:  & they  feared  the  Kinge,  for  they  sawe  that  the  wisedome  of 
God  was  in  him  to  doe  Iudgm*.  See  heer,  how  the  wisdome  of  God 
was  glorified,  & the  Autye  of  the  Iudge  strengthened,  by  this  sentence  : 
whereas  in  mens  prescript  sentences,  neither  of  these  can  be  attained, 
but  if  the  sentence  hitt  right,  all  is  ascribed  to  the  wisdome  of  o!  ances- 
tors, if  otherwise,  it  is  endured  as  a necessary  evill,  since  it  may  not  be 
altered. 

Prescript  penaltyes  take  away  the  use  of  Admonition,  wch  is  allso  a 
Divine  Sentence  & an  Ordinance  of  God,  warranted  by  Scripture,  as 
appeares  in  Solomons  Admonition  to  Adonijah,  & Nehemiahs  to  those 
that  brake  the  Sabbaoth : Eccl : 12:  11:  12:  the  words  of  the  wise  are 
as  goads,  & as  nayles  fastened  by  the  masters  of  Assemblys  — by  these 
(my  sonne)  be  admonished,  Pro:  29 : 1 : Isay  11:4:  Prov.  17 : 10  : 
A reproofe  entereth  more  into  a wise  man,  than  100  stripes  into  a 
foole. 

Iudges  are  Gods  upon  earthe : therefore,  in  their  Administrations, 
they  are  to  holde  forthe  the  wisdome  & mercye  of  God,  (wc!“  are  his 
Attributes)  as  well  as  his  Iustice : as  occasio  shall  require  either  in 
respecte  of  the  qualitye  of  the  person,  or  for  a more  gen”  good,  or  eui- 
dent  repentance,  in  some  cases  of  less  public  consequence,  or  avoydinge 
imminent  danger  to  the  State,  & suche  like  prevalent  Considerations. 
Exo:  22  : 8 : 9 : for  thefte  & suche  like  Trespasses,  double  restitution 
was  appointed  by  the  Lawe : but  Lev : 6:2:5:  in  such  cases,  if  the 


ARBITRARY  GOYERNMT.  DESCRIBED. 


419 


gtye  Confessed  his  sinne  & brought  his  offeringe,  he  should  onely 
restore  the  principall,  & adde  a fifthe  gte  thereto.  Adultery  & incest 
deserved  deathe,  by  the  Lawe,  in  Iacobs  tyme  (as  appeares  by  Iuda  his 
sentence,  in  the  case  of  Thamar)  : yet  Ruben  was  punished  onely  wth 
losse  of  his  Birthright,  because  he  was  a Patriark.  David  his  life 
was  not  taken  awaye  for  his  Adulterye  & murder,  (but  he  was  other- 
wise punished)  in  respect  of  publ'  interest  & advantage,  he  was  valued 
at  10000  : cordon  men.  Batksheba  was  not  putt  to  deathe  for  her  Adul- 
terye, because  the  Kings  desire  had  wth  her  the  force  of  a Lawe.  Abia- 
thar  was  not  putt  to  deathe  for  his  Treason,  because  of  his  former  good 
service,  & faithfulnesse.  Shemei  was  Reprived  for  a tyme,  & had  his 
pardon  in  his  owne  power,  because  of  his  profession  of  Repentance  in 
such  a season.  Those  wch  brake  the  Sabbaothe  in  Nehemiah  his  tyme, 
were  not  putt  to  deathe,  but  first  admonished,  because  the  state  was  not 
setled,  etc.  Ioab  was  not  putt  to  deathe  for  his  murders,  in  Davids 
tyme,  for  avoydinge  iminent  publc  danger,  the  sonnes  of  Zeruiah  had 
the  advantage  of  David,  by  their  interest  in  the  men  of  Warre : & the 
Com  : W : could  not  yet  spare  them.  But  if  Iudges  be  tyed  to  a pre- 
script punishment,  & no  lib*76  lefte  for  dispensation  or  mitigation  in  any 
case,  heer  is  no  place  lefte  for  wisdome  or  mercye  : whereas  Sol°  saythe 
Prov : 20  : 28 : mercy  & truth  preserve  the  Kinge ; & his  throne  is 
vpholden  by  mercye. 

I would  knowe  by  what  Rule  we  may  take  vpon  vs,  to  prescribe 
penaltyes,  where  God  prescribes  none.  If  it  be  Answ : from  Gods 
example,  I might  replye  1 : God  prescribes  none  except  capital,  but 
onely  in  suche  cases  as  are  betweene  party  & party,  & that  is  rather  in 
a waye  of  satisfaction  to  the  pty  wronged,  then  to  Iustice  & intention. 
2.  Gods  examples  are  not  warrants  for  us,  to  goe  ag!  Gods  Rules : 
or.  Rule  is  to  give  a lust  Sentence,  wch  we  cant  doe  (in  most  cases) 
before  the  Offence  is  committed  etc.  53  now  may  be  more  then  20s 
heerafter  & e contra,  if  examples  in  Scripture  be  warrl  for  us  to  pro- 
ceed agst  Rule,  then  we  may  passe  by  Murders,  Adulteryes,  Idolatryes, 
etc ; wthout  capitall  punishments : then  we  might  putt  the  Children  to 
deathe  for  parents  offences,  etc : 

If  we  should  enqr.e  allso  of  the  ende  of  prescribing  penaltyes,  it  can 
be  no  other  but  this,  to  prevent  oppression  of  the  people,  by  uniust 
Sentences : then  I am  againe  to  seeke  of  a Rule  to  weaken  the  power 
& Iustice  of  an  Ordinance  of  God,  through  distruste  of  his  providence : 
& promise  of  Assistance  in  his  owne  Ordinance : who  must  give  the 
Lawe  makers  wisdome  etc.  to  prescribe  Sentences?  must  not  God?  & 


VOL.  II. 


57 


APPENDIX. 


450 


may  we  not  then  trust  him,  to  give  as  muche  wisdome  etc.  to  suche 
Iudges,  as  he  shall  sett  up  after  us?  it  is  s'!  [blank ] when  they  had 
Iudges  by  Gods  appointml,  God  was  w‘?  the  Iudge.  So  may  we  still 
believe  that  if  our  posterity  shall  choose  Iudges  according  to  God,  he 
wilbe  w‘?  ov.  Judges  in  tyme  to  come,  as  well  as  will  the  present. 

It  may  be  further  demanded,  what  power  we  haue  ouer  the  property 
& estates  of  the  succeeding  generations  ? If  we  should  now  prescribe, 
where  0!  posteritye  should  dwell:  what  quantityes  of  land  they  should 
till : what  places  they  should  tende  unto : what  diet  they  should  use, 
what  Clothes  they  should  weare  etc  : by  what  Rule  could  we  challenge 
this  power?  Yet  we  haue  example  for  some  of  these  in  Scripture,  as 
of  Ionadab  the  sonne  of  Rechab : etc : but  no  man  will  take  these  as 
warrants  for  us  to  laye  suche  iniunctions  upon  those  wch  come  after  us, 
because  they  are  to  haue  the  same  interest  & freedome  in  their  estates 
& prop5?  that  we  haue  in  0?. 

And  for  preventinge  of  oppression,  &c,  is  there  no  waye  to  helpe 
that,  but  by  breache  of  Rule?  Shall  we  runne  into  manifest  iniustice, 
for  feare  of  I knowe  not  what  future  danger  of  it?  is  there  not  a 
cleare  waye  of  helpe  in  suche  cases,  by  Appeal,  or  Petition,  to  the  high- 
est Authyo  ? If  this  will  not  releiue,  in  a gticular  case,  we  shall  then 
be  in  a very  ill  case,  for  all  o!  prescript  penaltyes.  Besides,  there  may 
be  suche  a gen1.1  Lawe  made  (as  in  Magna  Charta)  that  may  prevent 
the  ouerthrowinge  of  mens  estates,  or  lands,  etc,  by  ffines,  etc.  (and  I 
think  it  as  needful],  as  any  Lawe  or  Li  Iff?  we  haue,)  whereby  the 
Iudges  may  be  restrayned,  w^in  certaine  limitts,  woh,  (if  occasion  should 
require  to  exceede,)  may  be  referred  to  the  Gen11  Court.  And  in 
Cap"  punishmts,  a Libtyo  in  suche  & suche  cases,  to  redeeme  them  at  a 
certaine  rate.  This  would  sufficiently  assure  the  proper  gsons  & 
estates,  from  any  great  oppression,  if  w*all,  oi  Courts  of  Iudicature, 
were  kept  but  by  3 : or  5 : magistrates  at  most,  wch  may  well  be  or- 
dered, wlfout  any  deviation  from  0?  Patent.  & so  the  greater  number 
of  magistrates  should  be  free  from  ingageml  in  any  case,  wch  might 
come  to  a review  upon  Appeal  or  Petition. 

It  is  an  error  so  to  conceite  of  Lawes,  as  if  they  could  not  be  pfecte 
w‘hout  penaltyes  annexed,  for  they  are  as  truely  distinct  as  light  & 
darknesse  : Lawe  was  created  wth  & in  man,  & so  is  naturall  to  him  : 
but  penaltye  is  positiue  & accidentall.  Lawe  is  bonum  simpliciter,  but 
poena  is  simpliciter  malum  in  subiecto : therefore  Lawes  may  be  de- 
clared & given  wlllout  any  penaltyes  annexed. 

Isay,  10:  1:  Woe  to  them  that  Decree  unrighteous  Decrees:  & 


ARBITRARY  GOVERNMT.  DESCRIBED. 


451 


write  grievousnesse,  wch  they  haue  prescribed:  so  that  where  the  pen- 
altye  proues  greivous  by  the  unrighteousnesse  of  a prescript  Decree,  it 
will  drawe  a woe  after  it,  as  well  as  unrighteous  sentences  : Deut : 25  : 
15  : thou  shalt  haue  a pfect  & a iust  weight  & measure:  If  God  be  so 
stricte  in  Comutative  Justice,  that  every  Acte  therein  must  be  by  a iust 
& pfecte  Rule,  what  warrant  haue  we,  to  think  that  we  maye  dispence 
distributive  or  vindictive  Iustice  to  o'  brethren  by  gesse,  when  we  pre- 
scribe a certaine  measure  to  an  uncertaine  meritt. 

But  it  wilbe  obiected : volenti  non  Jit  injuria : the  people  givinge 
us  power  to  make  lawes  to  binde  them,  they  doe  implicitly  give  their 
Consent  to  them.  To  this  it  may  be  Answered : that  where  they  putt 
themselves  into  oT.  power  to  binde  them  to  Lawes  & penaltyes,  they  can 
intende  no  other  but  suche  as  are  iu«t  & righteous  : & althoughe  their 
implicit  Consent  may  binde  them  to  outward  obedience,  yet  it  neither 
tyes  them  to  satisfaction,  nor  frees  suche  Lawmakers  from  vnrighteous- 
nesse,  nor  the  Law  itself  from  iniustice,  nor  will  suche  a Lawe  be  a 
sufficient  warrant  to  the  Conscience  of  the  Iudge,  to  pronounce  suche  a 
sentence,  as  he  knowes  to  be  apparently  disproportionable  to  the  offence 
brought  before  him. 

Althoughe  my  argum*  conclude  ag*  prescript  penaltyes  indefinitely, 
yet  I doe  not  deny  but  they  may  be  lawfull  in  some  cases : for  an  uni- 
uersall  affirmative  pposition  may  be  true,  thoughe  it  comprehende  not 
euerye  pticr,  as  when  we  saye,  All  the  Country  was  rated  to  suche  a 
charge,  no  man  will  conceive  that  everye  pson  & every  worn",  etc,  was 
rated  ; & when  we  saye  suche  an  one  was  cast  out  by  the  wholl  churche, 
this  is  a true  Speeche  (to  coinon  intendm*)  thoughe  every  pticr  member 
did  not  consent.  Where  any  penalty  may  be  prescribed  by  a Rule,  so 
as  the  Iudge  may  pronounce  a lust  Sentence,  I have  formerly,  & shall 
still  ioyne  in  it. 

We  will  now  Answeare  such  objections  as  are  made,  ag*  the  lib*76 
required  to  be  lefte  to  Iudges,  in  their  Sentences. 

1 : ob : Iudges  are  subject  to  Temptations,  if  their  sentences  be  not 
prescribed. 

Answ  1 : We  may  not  transgresse  Rules,  to  avoyde  temptations : 
for  God  will  have  his  servants  exercised  w*h  temptations,  that  the 
power  of  his  grace  may  be  made  manifest  in  man’s  Infirmitye : A 

master  will  not  sende  his  servant  about  his  businesse  in  a darke  night, 
to  avoyde  temptations  of  ill  companye  or  the  like  wch  he  may  possibly 
meet  wth  in  the  daye  tyme : nor  will  any  Christian  man  take  in  his 
Corne  or  haye  before  it  be  readye,  for  avoyding  a Temptation  of  tak- 


APPENDIX. 


£52 


inge  it  in  upon  the  Sabbaothe  : we  doe  not  forbidd  wine  to  be  brought 
to  us,  thoughe  we  knowe  it  is  a great  occasio  of  Temptation  to  sinne. 

2 : Those  who  make  Lawes  & prescribe  penalties  are  allso  men 
subiect  to  Temptations : & may  allso  miscai’rye  throughe  Ignorance, 
heedlessnesse,  or  sinister  respects:  & it  is  not  hard  to  prove,  that  the 
Lawe  makers,  in  all  states,  have  comitted  more,  & more  pnitious  errors 
than  the  Judges:  & there  is  good  reason  for  it:  1:  they  supposinge 
themselves  tyed  to  no  Rule,  nor  lyable  to  any  accompt  are  in  the  more 
danger  of  beinge  misledd  : 2 : he  who  prescribes  a punishml  in  a case, 
wherein  no  pson  stands  before  him  to  be  judged,  caiiot  be  so  warye  of 
sheddinge  ihocent  blood,  or  sparing  a guilty  pson,  or  comittinge  other 
iniustice,  as  the  Iudge  who  hathe  the  pson  & cause  before  him.  when 
Saule  prescribed  that  Capitall  sentence  ag!i  suche  as  should  tast  ought 
before  night,  if  Ionathans  case  had  then  been  before  him  he  would  haue 
Iudged  otherwise.  3 : Lawe  makers  haue  not  so  cleare  a Calling,  in 
prescribinge  penaltyes,  as  Iudges  have  in  passinge  sentences,  & there- 
fore there  canot  be  expected  the  like  blessinge  of  Assistance  from  God. 
Iudges  are  necessarilye  tyed  to  give  Sentence  in  a Cause  before  them 
but  Lawe  makers  are  not  so  bounde  to  prescribe  Sentences. 

3 : If  a Iudge  should  sometymes  erre  in  his  sentence,  throughe  mis- 
prision or  Temptatio : the  error  or  fault  is  his  owne  : & the  iniurye  or 
damage  extends  not  farr : but  an  ei’ror  in  the  Lawe  resteth  upon  the 
ordinance  itselfe,  & the  hurte  of  it  may  reache  far,  even  to  posteritye. 
there  is  more  unrighteousnesse  & dishonor  in  one  uniust  Lawe  then  in 
many  uniust  Sentences. 

2 : ob : God  prescribed  some  certaine  penaltyes : & that  in  cases 
where  offences  doe  usually  varye  in  their  degree  & meritt : 

Answ  : 1 : We  haue  shewed  before,  how  God  mi  fit  doe  it,  in  regard 
of  his  absolute  Soveraintye. 

2 : It  is  no  Iniustice  in  him,  because  the  least  degree  of  the  smalest 
offence,  (before  his  Iudgml  Seate)  deserves  the  highest  degree  of  pun- 
ishml 

3 : In  some  of  these  (as  in  Thefte)  he  variethe  the  punishmte  ac- 
cording to  the  measure  & nature  of  the  offence.  In  others  as  deathe, 
perpetuall  servitude,  etc:  beinge  the  Just  Reward  of  suche  offences  in 
their  simple  nature,  they  haue  not  a fitt  Subiecte,  for  an  increase 
of  punishm*  to  take  place  upon : he  who  is  putt  to  deathe  for  Adul- 
terye,  cahot  dye  againe  for  Incest  concurringe  therewlk  & he  who  is 
adiudged  to  ppetuall  servitude  for  stealinge  10011  cannot  be  capeable  of 
a further  sentence,  for  batterye. 


ARBITRARY  GOVERN MT.  DESCRIBED. 


45  b’ 

4:  In  all,  or  most  of  those  offences,  the  penaltye  was  in  waye  of 
satisfaction,  to  suche  as  were  damnified  therewith  & in  such  cases,  lus- 
tice  will  not  allowe  a Iudge  any  LibT°.  to  alter  or  remitt  any  thinge  : 
nor  can  any  circumstance  leade  to  qualification : a Riche  man  hathe 
the  same  right  of  satisfaction  for  his  goods  stollen  from  him,  as  a poore 
man  : & the  poorest  mans  life  is  the  life  of  man,  as  well  as  a princes : 

5:  These  Presedents  were  given  to  the  Iudges,  not  wth  direction 
to  prescribe  penaltyes  to  other  Lawes  that  had  none : but  w4  Comand- 
ment  to  give  ludgem?  in  all  cases,  by  the  equity  of  these : (there  are 
some  formes  of  prayer  & sermons  in  scripture,  but  this  dothe  not  prove 
erg0. : all  etc.) 

3 : ob : If  the  determinatio  of  the  Lawe  were  lefte  to  the  Iudges, 
that  were  Arbitrary  Governml : & is  it  not  in  reason  the  same,  if  the 
punishmi  of  the  Transgress11  of  the  Lawe,  be  comitted  to  them  ? 

Answ,  The  Reason  is  not  alike  in  bothe  cases. 

1 : The  determinatio  of  Lawe  belonges  proply  to  God : he  is  the 
onely  Lawgiver : but  he  hathe  given  power  & giftes  to  men  to  inter- 
pret! his  Lawes : & this  belonges  principally  to  the  highest  Authye  in  a 
Com : W : & subordinately  to  other  magistrates  & Iudges  aecordinge 
to  their  severall  places. 

2 : The  Lawe  is  allwayes  the  same,  & not  changeable  by  any  cir- 
cumstances of  aggravation  or  extenuation,  as  the  penaltye  is : & there- 
fore drawes  a certaine  guilt  upon  every  transgressor,  whither  he  sinne 
of  Ignorance,  or  agl  knowledge,  or  presumptuously : & therefore 
Lawes  or  the  Interpretations  of  them,  may  be  prescribed  wthout  any 
danger,  because  no  event  can  alter  the  Reason,  or  Iustice  of  them ; as 
it  may  of  punishments. 

3 : The  Lawe  is  more  genii,  & lyetli  as  a burden  upon  all  psons  & at 
all  tymes : but  the  penaltye  reaches  to  none,  but  transgressors : & to 
suche,  onely  when  they  are  brought  under  sentence,  & not  before. 

4:  It  is  needlull  that  all  men  should  knowe  the  Lawes,  & their  true 
meanings,  because  they  are  bound  to  them,  & the  safety  & wellfare  of 
the  Com  : W : consists  in  the  observation  of  them  : therefore  it  is  need- 
full  they  should  be  stated  & declared,  as  soone  as  is  po-sible ; but  there 
is  not  the  like  necessitye  or  use  of  declaringe  their  penaltyes  before 
hande,  for  they  who  are  godly  & vertuous,  will  observe  them,  for  Con- 
science & Vertues  sake : & for  suche  as  must  be  helde  in  by  feare  of 
punishment,  it  is  better  they  should  be  kept  in  feare  of  a greater 
punishm*  • then  to  take  lib*76  to  transgresse,  throughe  the  Contempt  of 
a smaller 


454: 


APPENDIX. 


4 : ob : It  is  safe  for  the  Com : W : to  haue  penaltyes  prescribed 
because  we  know  not  what  Magistrates  or  Iudges  we  may  haue  heer 
after. 

Answ : 1 : God  foresawe,  that  there  would  be  corrupt  Judges  in 
Israel,  yet  he  lefte  most  penaltyes,  to  their  determinatio. 

2 : There  is  no  wisdome  of  any  State  can  so  provide,  but  that  in 
many  thinges  of  greatest  concernment,  they  must  confide  in  some  men  : 
& so  it  is  in  all  humane  Affaires : the  wisest  merchants,  & the  most 
warye,  are  forced  to  repose  great  trust  in  the  wisdome  & faithfulnesse 
of  their  servants,  ffactors,  masters  of  their  Shipps,  etc.  All  States,  in 
their  Gener118  of  WaiTe,  Admi rails,  Embassadors,  Treasurers,  etc : & 
these  are  causes  of  more  pub10  consequence,  than  the  Sentence  of  a 
Iudge  in  matters  of  misdemeanor,  or  other  smaler  offences. 

3 : When  we  have  provided  against  all  cordon,  & probable  events, 
we  may  & ought  to  trust  God  for  safety  from  suche  dangers,  as  are 
onely  possible,  but  not  likely,  to  come  vpon  vs : especially  when  or 
striving  to  prevent  suche  possible  dangers,  may  hazard  the  deprivation, 
or  weakninge  of  a present  good:  or  may  drawe  those,  or  other  evills, 
neerer  vpon  vs. 

This  discourse  is  runne  out  to  more  length  than  was  intended:  the 
Conclusion  is  this : The  Gouerment  of  the  Massachusetts  consists  of 
Magistrates  & Freemen : in  the  one  is  placed  the  AutlP'.6,  in  the  other 
the  LibE!  of  the  Com : W : either  hath  power  to  Acte,  both  alone,  & 
both  togither,  yet  by  a distinct  power,  the  one  of  Libtye,  the  other  of 
Authy0 : the  Freemen  Act  of  themselves  in  Electinge  their  Magistrates 
& Officers : The  Magistrates  Acte  alone  in  all  occurrences  out  of 
Court:  & both  Acte  togither  in  the  Gen1.1  Court:  yet  all  limited  by 
certaine  Rules,  bothe  in  the  greater  & smaller  affaires : so  as  the  Gov- 
erning is  Regular  in  a mixt  Aristocratie,  & no  wayes  Arbitrary. 


The  Returnes  of  the  Gomittee  of  the  house  of  Dep  : concerning  the 
Boole  about  Arbitrary  Governm u,  in  the  exam ? thereof:  § the  votes 
of  the  house  passed  upon  each  pticular,  viz : 

In  the  1 : pte  thereof 

1 : Concerninge  the  Definitio,  therein  made,  we  conceive  it  is  de- 
fective. 

2 : Concerninge  the  distinction  therein  made  of  the  bodye  Polity,  & 
the  members  thereof,  in  attributing  Autye  to  the  one,  & onely  Lib*76  to 
the  other : we  finde  not  any  suche  distinctib  in  the  Patent. 


ARBITRARY  GOVERNMT.  DESCRIBED. 


455 


3 : Concerninge  the  Clause  recited  therein  (respecting  the  gen11 
Court)  w4  gives  onely  Lib*?6  to  the  ffreemen,  to  advise  & Counsell, 
instead  of  power  & Autye  (w011  the  Patent  allowes)  we  conceive  it  a 
takinge  awaye  of  the  power  & priviledges  of  the  ffreemen. 

In  the  2 : pte  of  the  Booke,  wc?  concernes  the  Pule  by  w0!1  a people 
should  be  governed,  we  finde  these  dangerous  positions. 

1 : That  gen11  Rules  are  sufficient  to  cleare  a state  from  Arbitrary 
Governm*. 

2 : That  Iudges  ought  to  haue  Lib476  to  varye  from  such  gen11  Rules 
when  they  see  Cause. 

In  the  followinge  of  the  first  of  those  2 : positions  there  are  many 
dangerous  passages,  & bitter  censuringes  of  all  penall  Lawes.  As 

1 : That  they  are  paper  Sentences  of  humane  Autye  & inventio. 

2 : That  mens  prescript  Sentences  doe  denye  & exclude  bothe  the 
wisdome  of  God,  & the  Autye  of  the  ludge. 

3 : That  to  prescribe  Lawes  wth  certaine  penaltyes  is  an  Usurpinge 
of  God’s  Autye. 

4 : That  a Sentence  ought  not  to  be  provided  before  the  case  fall 
out,  but  ihiediate  Assistance  to  be  expected. 

5 : That  ptic14  Lawes  includinge  certaine  penaltyes,  are  not  lust, 
wanting  Rule  — 

The  Introduction  of  gticr  Instances  woh  are  brought  to  prove  this 
second  position,  wa  the  Reasons  & consequences,  are  pnitious  & dan- 
gerous. p Robt  Bridges 

By  order  etc. 

Governor  Winthrop’s  comments  on  this  Report,  as  indorsed 
by  him  on  the  same  sheet  on  which  he  had  carefully  copied  it, 
are  as  follows  : — 

Answeare,  the  Comttee  have  been  mistaken  in  most  of  their  objec- 
tions. 

1 : The  Title  shewes  that  the  Author  intended  not  any  Definitio 
but  a descriptio  onely,  & to  make  it  the  more  full  & clear,  he  layes  it 
downe  both  Affirmatively  & negatively : yet  a logitian  may  frame  it 
into  a Definitio,  — thus  Arb.  Gov.  is  a Gov.  exercised  wthout  a Rule, 
■ — but  the  description  is  fal8  by  the  causes  & by  the  effects. 

2 : There  is  no  suche  distinction  as  is  observed,  betweene  the  bodye 
Politick  & the  members  thereof,  for  that  were  to  distinguish  betweene 
the  wholl  & the  pts : but  the  distinction  betweene  the  members  of 


456 


APPENDIX. 


that  bodye,  givinge  Autye  to  the  one  & power  of  libtye  to  the  other,  is 
warranted  by  the  Patent  (as  in  other  places  so)  pticrly  in  that  clause, 
wch  sayeth  that  the  Govern!  etc,  shall  call  the  ffreemen  to  consult  & 
Advise  etc,  wc.h  is  an  acte  of  Lib*3'0  & not  of  Authye.  & for  the  other 
pte.  of  their  power,  wch  is  matter  of  Electio,  the  late  Bodie  of  Libtyes 
sayth  it  is  their  constant  Libtye,  not  Authye. 

In  the  2 : pte 

1 : We  finde  not  any  suche  positio  that  Gen11  B-ules  are  sufficient  to 
cleare  a State  from  Arbitrary  Govm*:  but  we  finde  that  the  worde  of 
God  & the  Lawes  heer  established  being  appointed  by  order  of  Court 
as  a Buie  for  the  present,  are  suche  a Buie  as  may  be  required  by  the 
Iudges  in  all  their  Administrations,  because  a Buie  may  from  thence 
be  derived  (if  God  give  wisdome  to  discerne  it)  in  any  partic.  case  wh 
may  fall  out : otherwise  the  Law  of  God  were  not  p.fect,  & from  what 
better  grounds  shall  the  Lawe  makers  drawe  all  future  Lawes  & pre- 
scribed penaltyes : 

But  if  the  Author  had  expressed  himselfe  in  the  verye  words  of  the 
position,  yet  it  will  admitt  a safe  construction,  for  all  Lawes  (not  lim- 
ited to  pticr  pties  or  occasions)  are  gen11  Buies,  & may  be  so  called 
thoughe  they  have  a certaine  penaltye  annexed. 

2 : Nor  will  the  booke  owne  the  2a  position  in  the  words  expressed, 
but  this  the  Iudges  bothe  from  their  office  (beinge  Gods  vicegerents) 
& from  diverse  examples  in  Scripture,  wh.  seem  to  hold  forthe  so 
muche,  that  some  libtye  ought  to  be  left  to  Iudges,  in  some  cases,  upon 
speciall  occasions  to  hold  forthe  the  mercye  of  God,  as  well  as  his  Ius- 
tice : nor  doe  we  consider,  that  either  in  the  Com : W : of  Israeli,  or  in 
any  other,  the  Iudges  laaue  been  wholly  restreyned  of  suche  Libtye. 

In  the  followinge  Argum1.  — 

If  the  Committee  had  founde  suche  dangerous  passages,  as  they  in- 
timate, they  should  have  doone  well  to  haue  imparted  their  pticf  obser- 
vations therein  unto  us,  that  we  might  haue  considered  of  them,  for 
want  whereof  it  cant  be  expected,  we  should  deliver  any  opinion  about 
them.  The  like  we  may  saye  for  suche  bitter  censuringes  as  they  men- 
tio  : onely  it  is  usuall  for  men  to  call  suche  thinges  bitter,  wh.  themselues 
disrelishe,  thoughe  they  may  be  harmelesse  & wholesome  not  w^stand- 
inge. 

ffor  the  5 : ptic9  mentioned,  they  are  delivuered  as  Argum*9  or  the 
Consectaryes  thereof,  so  as  the  Argum*8  must  first  be  avoyded,  before 
any  Iudgnfr  can  be  given  about  them. 

The  examples  wh  the  Author  alledgethe  out  of  Scripture,  are  onely 


ARBITRARY  GOYERNMT.  DESCRIBED.  457 

to  showe  how  God  hathe  sometymes  (in  his  wisdome  & mercye)  dis- 
pensed wth  the  rigor  of  his  owne  Lawe : & that  Princes  haue  sonae- 
tymes  doone  the  like,  upon  publick  or  other  prevalent  considerations, 
w?  cant  be  denyed  to  be  a truethe  : & for  the  warrant  they  had  for  it, 
beinge  (at  the  most)  disputable,  it  was  as  free  for  him  to  deliuer  them 
in  his  owne  & some  other  learned  & godly  mens  apprehensions,  as  it 
is  for  others  who  differ  therein : & there  can  be  no  more  danger  in 
this,  then  in  other  bookes  & Sermons,  where  the  same  or  other  pas- 
sages of  Scripture  are  truely  reported,  thoughe  not  applyed  to  the 
sense  of  every  godly  man,  as  if  one  should  reason  thus  : Dauid  putt  the 
Amorites  to  torture,  therefore,  in  some  cases  it  is  lawfull  so  to  doe  : 
this  will  not  be  iudged  a pnitious  doctrine  thoughe  some  godly  men  doe 
question  the  warrantablenesse  of  the  example.  The  like  may  be  said 
of  all  suche  examples  in  scripture  as  are  controverted  amonge  godly 
& learned  men : but  it  is  otherwise  in  suche  places  as  are  not  question- 
able, as  if  a man  should  reason  thus : Dauid  sentensed  Mephibosheth 
before  he  heard  him  : therefore  it  is  lawfull  for  a Iudge  so  to  doe,  — this 
might  truly  be  sayd  to  be  a pnitious  doctrine ; or  if  one  should  argue 
thus : Saul  made  a lawe  w*?  a prescript  penaltye  of  deathe  to  him  that 
should  transgresse  it,  therefore  it  had  been  iust,  that  Ionathan  should 
have  bene  putt  to  deathe  for  transgressinge  that  lawe : or  therefore  it 
is  lawfull  for  Princes  etc : to  prescribe  penaltyes  at  their  own  pleas- 
ures ; — these  might  be  iudged  to  be  pnitious  doctrines ; because  the 
example  is  unquestionable,  etc. 

THE  author’s  REVIEW  OF  HIS  WRITING. 

That  wch  gave  me  occasion  first  to  enqr  after  a Rule  for  prescript 
penaltyes,  was  the  inequality  I sawe  in  some  prescribed  sentences  upon 
the  breache  of  diverse  morall  Lawes : & proceedinge  in  this  enquirye, 
I kept  my  intention  still  upon  that  subiect,  wthout  respect  to  suche 
Lawes  as  are  meerly  positive,  havinge  their  Authye  onely  & wholly 
from  human6  Institutions : therefore  you  shall  find  that  all  my  in- 
stances are  of  that  kinde,  & all  my  Arguments  looke  that  waye,  as  in 
the  Instances  I bringe  of  the  Lawes  of  Engl?.  If  I had  intended  the 
positive  & Statute  Lawes,  it  had  been  a great  mistake,  for  I know 
well  that  most  of  the  later  Statute  Lawes  haue  their  penaltyes  pscribed, 
& it  must  needs  be  so,  for  suche  as  are  meerly  positiue ; for  a Iudge 
can  haue  no  Rule  for  his  Sentence  upon  the  breache  of  suche  a Lawe> 
except  he  haue  it  from  the  Lawe  itself : as,  for  instance,  if  the  Lawe 

58 


VOL.  II. 


458 


APPENDIX. 


wch  forbidds  any  man  to  kill  an  bare  or  partridge  wth  a gunne,  had  not 
allso  sett  downe  the  penaltye,  the  Iudge  could  not  haue  founde  out  any, 
w'h  might  haue  been  iust,  because  no  Lawe  of  God  or  nature  makes 
suche  an  Acte  any  offence  or  transgression.  But  for  the  Coinon 
Lawes  of  Engl'!  (wch  are  the  Ancient  Lawes  & of  farre  more  esteeme 
for  their  wisdome  & equitye  then  the  Statute  Lawes)  they  had  no  pen- 
al tyes  prescribed,  & it  may  be  conceiued  that  for  suche  of  them  as 
were  grounded  upon  the  worde  of  God,  & the  light  of  nature,  there 
must  needs  be  that  in  the  same  Worde  & in  the  same  light  of  nature 
(especially  where  the  image  of  God  in  man  is  in  pte  renewed  by 
Christ)  wch  may  lead  us  to  a iust  punishm*  for  the  Transgressor  of  such 
a Lawe.  Nor  doe  I oppose  all  prescript  penaltyes  in  morall  cases  but 
onely  suche  as  doe  crosse  some  cleare  Rules  in  the  worde  of  God,  as 
will  appeare  by  all  my  Arguments.  And  for  avoydinge  all  danger  to 
the  subiect  for  want  of  prescript  penaltyes  in  some  Cases  you  may  see 
that  to  require  some  suche  Lawe  to  be  made,  as  may  limitt  Iudges 
wthin  suche  bounds  of  moderatio,  as  may  prevent  such  dangers,  & [it]  is 
one  of  my  expresse  conclusions  in  the  first  page,  that  fudges  ought  to 
be  tyed  to  a Rule  & suche  a Rule,  as  may  be  required  of  them  in  all 
their  Administrations,  & therefore  upon  what  grounde  I should  be 
charged  to  assert  Arbitrarye  Governing  & that  Iudges  should  haue 
Libty0  to  doe  what  they  maye,  I leaue  to  your  judgf. 

As  for  Lawes,  you  shall  finde  allso,  that  I conclude  the  necessitye 
of  declaringe  & statinge  them,  so  as  all  the  people  may  knowe  them, 
for  I euer  held  it  uniust,  to  require  of  men  the  obedience  to  any  Lawe, 
wch  they  may  not  (by  coinon  Intendin')  take  notice  off.  Answearable 
thereunto  hathe  been  my  practice.  All  the  usefull  Lawes  we  haue,  had 
my  consent,  & suche  poore  helpe  as  the  Lord  enabled  me,  to  yield  to 
them  : some  of  wch  haue  prescribed  penaltyes,  & where  I haue  wthhelde 
my  consent  to  any  suche  penaltyes,  I haue  giuen  my  reasons  for  it,  woh 
haue  been  suche  as  in  some  Cases  haue  satisfied  the  Court,  & therein 
I haue  taken  no  more  lib'76  then  is  allowed  to  euery  member  of  the 
Court.  I will  not  justifie  every  passage  in  my  booke : there  are  2 : or 
3 : words  that  offence  hathe  been  taken  at,  & althouglie  I can  giue  a 
safe  account  of  them,  yet  I must  confesse  they  doe  not  nowe  please  me, 
but  when  the  matter  is  good,  & the  intention  of  the  writer  honest,  the 
Lorde  forbidds  us  to  make  a man  an  Offender  in  word. 

Whatsoeuer  is  erronious  (I  say  as  I did  from  the  first)  I shall 
leaue  it  to  its  due  censure : but  for  all  that  is  of  God,  & of  the 
trueth,  or  the  sincerity  of  my  intentions  herein  to  the  publc  weale,  or 


ARBITRARY  GOVERNMT.  DESCRIBED. 


459 


the  Libty8 1 had  by  my  place  to  propounde  suche  considerations  to  the 
Court,  if  these  be  questioned  I must  stande  & fall  wth  them. 

Jo  : WlNTHRGP. 


XII. 

ROUGH  DRAFT  OF  GOVERNOR  WINTHROP’S  LETTER  TO 
THE  EARL  OF  WARWICK. 

(Referred  to  on  p.  329.) 

RT'  HoNb“  & MY  VERY  GOOD  LORDE, 

Your  Lopps  lettres  by  Mr.  TV : I reel  the  7'!'  of  July,  w1!  were  occa- 
sion of  comfort  to  me,  bothe  for  your  Lopps  wellfare,  & for  jr.  constant 
hearty  affection  to  of  Colony,  & yl  undeserved  favor  to  my  selfe,  yof 
most  unworthy  servant,  w!  shall  so  farre  oblige  me  to  yi  good  Lopp,  as 
my  poore  prayers  & indeavors  shalbe  euer  improued  for  yoi  honor  & 
wellfare. 

Now  knowinge  that  wh  yoi  Lopp  desires  to  be  satisfied  in,  I shall 
truely  relate  to  you  the  state  of  the  Country  & of  present  condition 
therein,  so  fully  & faithfully  as  you  shall  not  need  to  inquire  any  fur- 
ther thereabout. 

For  the  Country,  it  is  for  the  most  pte  a light  soyle,  black  earth 
above  & sand  beneathe : it  is  very  well  watered  wth  rivers,  brookes  & 
springs,  wth  faire  levels  of  good  meadowe  in  many  places,  but  much  of 
it  is  full  of  hassocks  & wett  for  want  of  drayninge. 

The  Timber  is  Oak  & pine,  w*h  some  elme  & ashe  in  the  swampes, 
wch  are  not  bogge  as  in  Ireland,  but  in  the  summer  they  are  dry  & fine 
lande.  By  the  Sea  Coast  there  is  store  of  salt  marsh,  wch  is  for  3 : 4 
or  5 foote  a meere  Turfe,  wch  will  burne  well,  yet  it  beares  very  fine 
benty  grasse,  wch  will  maintain  cattle  well  both  in  summer  & winter. 

The  grounde  is  most  apte  for  Rye  & sumer  wheate  wcn  afford 
sometymes  30 : or  40  bs  of  an  acre,  yet  after  2 : or  3 : Croppes  not 
aboue  halfe  so  much,  except  cost  be  bestowed  upon  it.  Diverse  haue 
found  by  experience  that  2 : or  3 : Croppes  of  Rye  will  come  of  one 
Seedinge,  & wthout  any  nue  ploughing^.  There  is  allso  this  yeare 
great  store  of  pease  & barley,  as  good  as  I haue  seen  ordinaryly  in 
England. 


460 


APPENDIX. 


All  sorts  of  English  fruits  & garden  stuffe,  prosper  very  well 
heere.  We  haue  a croppe  of  Corne  now  upon  the  grounde  that  (in 
the  best  judgm*)  may  be  sufficient  to  serve  o!  people  for  neere  £ : 
yeares. 

Our  Cattle  thrive  & increase  as  well  as  in  Engld.  & are  of  a large 
size. 

The  ayre  is  pure  & healthfull,  wch  makes  it  the  more  hott  in  sum- 
mer & the  sharper  in  winter. 

Our  winters  are  longe,  so  as  we  are  forced  to  provide  foder  for  or 
cattle  for  5 : months,  yet  many  tymes  the  winter  is  very  milde,  & the 
snowe  lyes  so  little  tyme  as  3 : or  4 monthes  provision  will  suffice  ol 
Cattle.  The  sea  affords  great  store  of  Codd  & many  other  sorts  of 
fish,  wch  may  be  had  (some  of  them)  all  seasons  of  the  year.  Sea 
Fowle  heere  is  store,  but  not  so  easyly  to  be  taken  now  as  at  oi  first 
cominge.  Heere  are  allso  Partridges  & heathe  geese,  & great  multi- 
tude of  pigeons,  & Deare,  but  the  Country  is  too  full  of  Coverts  for 
hunting  or  hawking.  Yet  a man  may  ride  all  over  the  Countrye,  ex- 
cept the  swamps  wch  are  very  vaste  & hideous. 

Many  woulves  & foxes  heere  are,  wc.h  doe  us  much  damage,  but 
there  is  no  wild  beast  will  assault  a man. 

For  ol  Gov*,  it  is  mixed,  the  freemen  (who  are  all  Churche  mem- 
bers) choose  the  Magistrates  & cheife  Officers,  & Deputyes,  who  make 
all  the  Lawes  & levye  monyes  & minister  Iustice,  wthout  any  ajDpeale 
to  the  people.  All  ol  magistrates  are  chosen  anewe  every  yeare.  We 
haue  in  ol  Jurisdiction  20 : townes,  & in  euery  of  them  a Company 
gathered  into  Church  fellowship.  Most  of  them  haue  2 : mins*™  & one 
or  two : ruling  Elders.  The  mins*™  are  sustayned  in  some  Churches 
by  a treasury  raised  by  a weekly  contribution ; in  some  others  by  a 
voluntary  taxation. 

O'.  Courts  are  of  2 : sorts  — the  Gen!  Courts  are  for  makinge  of 
lawes  & levying  moneys,  to  wi“  every  towne  sends  one  or  2 : Deputyes. 
& the  other  Courts  held  by  the  magistrates  wh  are  for  Judicature. 
The  Mins*1.8  haue  great  power  w*h  the  people,  whereby  throughe  the 
good  correspondency  between  the  magistrates  & them,  they  are  the 
more  easyly  gouerned.  [torn] 


EPITAPH. 


461 


XIII. 

EPITAPH  APPENDED  TO  DR.  COTTON  MATHER’S  SERMON 
AT  THE  FUNERAL  OF  THE  HONORABLE  WAIT  WINTHROP, 
WHO  DIED  NOV.  7,  1717. 

(Referred  to  on  p.  398.) 

EPITAPHIUM. 

Sta,  Viator; 

Tumulumque  mirare ; 

Et  Lacrymis  Publicis  adde  Tuas ; 

Luge  jacturam  Publicam, 

Si  sis  pars  publici. 

Palatium  est  hie  Locus,  non  Tdmultjs. 

Cinis  tegitur  hoc  Marmore, 

Dignus  Lapide  Philosophorum  tegi. 

Quatuor  conduntur  in  hoc  Tumulo  Winthropi  ; 

Qui  yel  Quatuor  orbis  partes  ditare  sufficerent. 

Ignorat  Historiam  Nov-Anglicanam  qui  hanc  nescit  Familiam: 

Parvi  pendet  virtutem  Universam  qui  hanc  non  magni  facit. 

Horum  Ultimus  hoc  coemeterium  ingressus, 

Wait  Wixthrop,  Armiger, 

Cujus  hsec  ultima  Laus  fuerit, 

Quod  primos  Nov-Anglias  Honores  gesserit. 

Fuit,  Ah,  Fuit  ! 

Nov-Anglorum  decus  ac  Tutamen; 

Lumen  et  Columen. 

Massachusettensis  Colonise 
Instructor  Exercituum, 

Generosus,  at  Paciflcus ; 

Et  qui  pro  patria  et  pro  pace  mori  potuit. 

Provincise  Consili  arius  primarius, 
cui  prima  fuit  semper  cura, 

Ne  quid  R.  P.  detrimenti  caperet ; 

Et  in  quo  uno  plures  obierunt. 

Judex  prsetorius, 

Qui  Justitiam  atque  Clementiam  aeque  coluit. 

Maximis  Regionis  perfunctus  Honoribus ; 

Quos  gessit  Honores,  Ornavit ; 

Quos  non  gessit,  meruit. 

Cum  sinceritate  Pius, 

Cum  integritate  Probus  ; 

Ingenii  Cselestis  ac  Modesti, 

Infra  se  omnia  posuit, 
se  infra  omnes. 


462 


APPENDIX. 


Benignus  erga  eunetos, 

Erga  Indigos  ac  Egenos  Benignissimus. 

Ab  eo  nemo  Injuriam  accepit,  etiam  Inimicus  ; 

Nemini  Inimicus  fuit, 
etiam  Injuriis  Lacessitus. 

Ab  eo  miser  nemo  rejectus, 

Pauper  nemo  exclusus ; 

Nemo  unquam  recessit  iratus. 

Medicine  Peritus ; 

Qui  Areanis  vere  Aureis,  et  auro  preciosioribus  potitus ; 

Quseque  et  Hippopratem  et  Helmontium  latuerunt, 

Remedia  panacseasque  Adeptus ; 

Invalidos  omnes  ubicunque  sine  pretio  sanitati  restituit ; 

Et  pene  omnem  Naturam  fecit  Medicam. 

Qui  jam  sub  hoc  saxo  dormit  mortuus, 

Yivit  in  Cordibus  multorum,  imo  millium, 

Quorum  vitas  prolongavit. 

Winthropi  merita  cum  Winthropo 
non  funerabit  Oblivio. 

Natus  27  d.  XII  m.  1641. 

Denatus  7 d.  IX  m.  1717. 

Annum  Septuagesimum  Sextum  agens  moritur, 

Cui  mille  Annorum  Vitam, 

Et  plusquam  Methusalemiticam,  optarunt, 

Quibus  Vita  chara,  superstites. 

It  can  hardly  be  credited  that  this  epitaph  was  ever  actually 
inscribed  on  the  family  tombstone.  Yet  an  old  manuscript, 
believed  to  be  in  tne  handwriting  of  John  Winthrop,  F.R.S., 
the  eldest  son  of  the  foregoing,  and  which  contains  the  following 
translation  of  the  epitaph,  speaks  of  it,  as  will  be  observed,  as 
having  been  " written  in  Latin  on  the  Winthrop  tomb.”  This 
old  manuscript  runs  as  follows  : — 

The  following  is  the  translation  of  an  Epitaph  written  in  Latin  on 
the  tomb  belonging  to  the  Winthrop  family. 

Stand  Traveller 
And  Admire  the  Tomb, 

And  to  the  Public  tears  add  your  own ; 

Bewail  the  public  Loss, 

If  of  the  public  you  are  part. 

This  place  is  a Prince’s  Court, 
r Rather  than  a Tomb. 

This  Marble  covers  dust 
Worthy  to  be  enclosed  in  Gold. 


EPITAPH. 


463 


Four  Winthrops  lie  buried  in  this  Tomb  ; 

Who  were  sufficient  to  enrich  even  the  four  quarters  of  the  Earth. 
He  is  unacquainted  with  the  historj'  of  Hew  England 
Who  is  ignorant  of  this  family  ; 

And  he  has  no  regard  to  Universal  Virtue 
That  does  not  highly  value  It. 

The  last  of  these 
Here  Interred1 

Was  Wait  Winthrop,  Esquire, 

Whose  last  Honour  was  this, 

That  he  was  Governor  of  Hew  England ; 

He  was,  alas  ! he  was  ! 

Of  Hew  England  the  Glory  and  defence 
The  Light  and  Stay. 

Major  General  of  Massachusetts  Colony, 

Of  a noble  yet  peaceful  Disposition 
And  who  for  his  Country  and  for  peace  could  die. 
President  of  the  Council  for  the  Province 
Whose  chiefest  care  it  always  was, 

That  the  Commonwealth  might  receive  no  damage ; 

And  in  whom  many  died. 

Chief  Judge, 

Who  paid  an  equal  regard  to  Justice  and  Clemency. 

H?  went  through  the  most  honorable  stations  in  the  Government, 
And  adorned  the  honours  which  he  bore, 

Deserving  those  he  bore  not. 

A person  of  the  most  undissembled  piety 
And  unspotted  probity, 

Of  an  Exalted  yet  Modest  Genius, 

He  placed  all  things  beneath  himself, 

Himself  beneath  all  Men. 

Benevolent  towards  all, 

And  most  so  to  the  Poor  and  Heedy; 

Injurious  to  none,  not  even  to  Enemies. 

An  Enemy  to  none, 

Even  though  highly  provoked. 

Ho  unhappy  person  was  by  him  rejected, 

Hor  poor  one  refused  admittance, 

Hor  did  any  ever  go  away  displeased. 

He  was  skilful  in  Physick  ; 

And  being  possessed  of  Golden  secrets, 

Indeed  more  valuable  than  Gold  itself; 


1 Among  the  more  recent  tenants  of  this  tomb  are  the  late  Hon.  Thomas  Lindall 
Win  Prop,  for  m?ny  years  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Massachusetts,  and  President  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  and  his  wife,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Bowdoin  Winthrop,  and 
his  elder  sister,  Mrs.  Anne  Winthrop  Sears  (the  mother  of  Hon.  David  Sears),  whose 
name  is  inscribed  on  the  present  tablet. 


464 


APPENDIX. 


And  having  obtained  universal  remedies, 

Which  Hippocrates  and  Hdmont  never  knew, 

All  that  were  sick,  wherever  he  came, 

He  freely  restored  to  Health ; 

And  made  almost  his  whole  study  of  Nature 
Subservient  to  Medicine. 

He  that  under  this  stone  now  sleeps  in  Death 
Still  lives  in  the  Hearts  of  Thousands, 

Whose  Lives  he  has  prolonged. 

The  merits  of  Winthrop  with  Him 
Oblivion  shall  not  bury. 

He  was  born  the  27th  day  of  December,  1641, 

Died  the  7th  day  September,  1717, 

In  the  76th  year  of  his  Age.1 
They  who  value  Life  and  still  enjoy  it 
Wished  him  a Thousand  years  continuance  here, 

An  age  exceeding  that  of  Methuselah. 

Cotton  Mather,  in  composing  this  Epitaph  upon  his  friend 
Wait  Winthrop,  clearly  forgot  the  commendation  of  brevity 
with  which  he  had  introduced  the  following  Epitaph  upon  John 
Winthrop,  the  Third,  (commonly  known  as  Fitz-John  Win- 
throp), at  the  close  of  the  Sermon  preached  at  his  funeral,  just 
ten  years  before  : — 

EPITAPHIUM. 

Of  Old,  The  Shorter  the  Epitaph,  the  Better  and  Brighter  it  was 
accounted ; so  it  contained  the  Achievements  of  the  Person  there 
Deposited.  Plato  thought  Four  Lines  Enough : And  these  Few  Lines, 
if  not  Enough,  yet  will  carry  a great  deal  of  Merit  in  them. 

LECTOR. 

Lacrymis  Publicis  nunc  adde  Tuas  ; 

Meretur  utrasque  Jactura  Publica. 

Hie  jacet, 

Johannes  Winthropus  Tertius. 

Nescit  Historiam  Novanglicam  qui  hanc  Familiam  nescit. 

Fuit 

Johannis  Winthropi  Boni,  Filius, 

Johannis  Winthropi  Magni,  Nepos. 

Didicit,  ab  illo  Prasstare  Bona,  ab  hoc  Magna. 

Pater  Patrice : Yivus,  Connecticotse  Delicium  ; Mortuus,  Desiderium. 


1 The  translator  has  clearly  made  a mistake  in  the  dates  of  the  birth  and  death,  by 
not  allowing  for  the  Old  Style,  used  in  the  Latin  original,  and  agreeably  to  which  tha 
year  commenced  in  March.  December  should  be  February  (1S41— 2),  and  September 
should  be  November. 


A FUNERAL  ELEGY. 


465 


XIY. 

PERCrVAL  LOWELL’S  ELEGY  ON  GOVERNOR  WINTHROP. 

(Referred  to  on  p 399.) 


A FUNERAL  ELEGIE 

( Written  many  years  since) 

ON  THE  DEATH  OF  THE  MEMORABLE  AND  TRULY  HONOURABLE 
JOHN  WINTHROPE  ESQ: 

Governour  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony  in  N-England  For  the  fpace  of  19  years,  who  died  in  the 
63d.  Tear  of  his  Age,  March  26. 1649 


You  English  Mattachusians  all 
Forbear  sometime  from  lleeping, 

Let  every  one  both  great  and  small 
Prepare  themselves  for  weeping. 

For  he  is  gone  that  was  our  ffeind. 

This  Tyrant  Death  hath  wrought  his  end. 
Who  was  the  very  Chief  among 
The  chiefest  of  our  Peers 
Who  hath  in  peace  maintain’d  us  long 
The  space  of  nineteen  years, 

And  now  bee’s  breathless,  lifeless,  dead, 
Cold  earth  is  now  become  his  bed. 

The  Jews  did  for  their  Moses  weep 
Who  was  their  Gubemator, 

Let  us  for  Winthrope  do  the  like. 

Who  was  our  Conservator 
With  Lines  of  gold  in  Marble  ftone 
With  pens  of  steel  engrave  his  name 
0 let  the  Mufes  every  one 
In  prose  and  Verse  extol  his  Fame, 
Exceeding  far  those  ancient  Sages 
That  ruled  Greeks  in  former  Ages. 

O fpightfull  Death  and  also  cruel 

Thou  hast  quite  (lain  New  Englands  Jewel •. 

Shew  us  vile  Tyrant  if  thou  can 

Tel  where  to  find  out  such  a man  ? 

Methinks  I hear  a spirit  breathe 

Non  est  inventus  here  beneath. 

He  was  (we  Purely  may  fay  this) 

Kara  avis  in  terris, 


VOL.  II. 


69 


46(j 


APPENDIX. 


Therefore  let  us  give  him  his  due, 

To  him  is  due  this  ftile. 

He  was  an  Israelite  full  true 
Without  all  fraud  or  guile. 

Let  Winthrops  name  dill  famous  be, 
With  us  and  our  Posterity. 

What  goods  he  had  he  did  not  fpare, 
The  Church  and  Commonwealth 
Had  of  his  Goods  the  greatest  lhare,  • 
Kept  nothing  for  himself. 

My  tongue,  my  pen,  my  rustick  art 
Cannot  express  his  true  desert. 

The  nature  of  the  Pelican 
Read  ftoryes  what  they  say, 

To  her  I would  compare  this  man 
If  lawfully  I may. 

To  Moses  meek,  to  Abraham, 

To  Joseph  and  to  Jonathan. 

He  was  New-E uplands  Pelican 
New-Englands  Gubernator 
He  was  New-Englands  Solomon 
New-Englands  Conservator. 

Time  and  Experience  the  best  tryal, 
Thefe  two  admit  of  no  denial : 

Let  nineteen  yeares  then  witness  be 
Of  Wintrops  true  lineerity. 

Such  gifts  of  grace  from  God  had  he, 
That  more  than  man  he  seem'd  to  be. 
But  now  hee’s  gone  and  clad  in  clay, 
Grim  Death  hath  taken  him  away. 
Death  like  a murth’ring  Jesuite 
Hath  rob’d  us  of  our  hearts  delight. 
Let’s  fhew  our  love  to  him  by  weeping 
That  car’d  for  us  when  we  lay  deeping 
0 that  our  dry  eyes  fountains  were, 
Our  heads  a living  spring, 

0 that  our  fighs  the  clouds  could  tear, 
And  make  an  eccho  ring : 

Let  us  lit  down  in  forrow  fel, 

And  now  with  tears  ring  out  his  knel. 
Bright  fhining  Phoebus  hide  thy  face 
Let  misty  clouds  make  dark  thy  sky, 
Eair  Cynthia  count  it  no  disgrace 
To  aid  us  with  thy  weeping  eye. 

0 weep  with  us  for  Joshua 
The  Loadstone  of  America. 

My  fences  they  are  all  too  weak 
His  praises  due  to  write  or  speak 


EXTRACT  FROM  LETTER  OF  JOHN  HAYNES. 


467 


Now  I must  leave  it  to  their  skill 
Who  can  endite  and  write  at  will. 

New-England  thou  hast  cause  to  mourn, 

For  that  thy  fpecial  friend  is  gone, 

Yet  fee  you  mourn  with  moderation, 

No  cause  you  have  of  Desparation, 

They  yet  furvive  who  may  renew 
Decay'd  and  dying  hopes  in  you 
With  honour  due  let  us  respect  them, 

No  cause  we  have  for  to  reject  them, 

They  are  to  us  as  true  Directors 
And  under  God  our  chief  Protectors. 

Here  you  have  Lowells  loyalty, 

Pen  d with  his  flender  lkill 
And  with  it  no  good  poetry, 

Yet  certainly  good  will. 

Read  thefe  few  verfes  willingly, 

And  view  them  not  with  Mourns  eye, 

Friendly  correct  what  is  amifs, 

Accept  his  love  that  did  write  this. 

Percifal  Lowle. 


XV. 

EXTRACT  FROM  LETTER  OF  JOHN  HAYNES,  GOVERNOR  OF 
CONNECTICUT,  TO  JOHN  WINTHROP,  Jr. 

(Referred  to  on  p.  400.) 

“ Sir,  — I had  not  a season  befor  this  present,  to  return  you 
thankes  for  your  courteous  lettre  & newes,  somme  time  since  sent  mee, 
neither  had  I oportunity  to  condole  with  you,  that  sad  losse  of  yours 
in  particuler,  & of  all  in  generall,  of  that  worthy  servaunt  of  Christ,  & 
great  instrument  of  soe  much  good  in  these  Westerne  parts  (your  deare 
ffather,)  who  served  worthily  in  his  generation,  fallen  asleepe,  & now 
at  rest.  The  memorial  of  the  righteous  is  blessed,  &c.  The  Lord 
shew  us  what  Hee  calls  for  in  these  great  breaches  in  Church  & State 
with  us. 

“ Hartford,  this  18th  of  the  31?  mo.  1649.” 


468 


APPENDIX. 


EXTRACT  FROM  LETTER  OF  WILLIAM  CODDINGTON,  GOV- 
ERNOR OF  RHODE  ISLAND,  TO  JOHN  WTNTHROP,  Jr. 

“Worthy  Sir,  — I haue  ever  sence  I came  ashoer,1  waited  for  an 
oportunetie  to  salute  you  & yours ; but  I have  not  had  it  till  nowe, 
God  haveing  taken  to  himselfe  your  aged  faither,  my  indeared  frind. 
Wee  tou  eke  a very  sol  erne  leave  one  of  an  other,  twice  weeping  at  our 
parting,  which  did  presage  to  me  that  wee  should  neuer  see  one  an 
other  in  this  life.  Now,  Sir,  you  are  his  eldest  sonn  & haire,  and 
therfore  I desire  that  muteall  love  and  frindshipe  might  bee  continued 
betweene  us.  Thy  frind  & thy  faither’s  frind  forsake  thou  not. 

“ From  New  Lodge  in  Newport,  Ffeb.  19th,  1651.” 


1 Coddington  had  recently  arrived  from  England,  after  an  absence  of  two  years  and 
a half. 


INDEX. 


INDEX, 


A. 

Accidents  in  the  Colony,  389. 

Adam’s  chair,  103. 

Adams,  John,  extract  from  a letter  of, 
to  Judge  Tudor,  5 n. 

African  race,  the,  in  Massachusetts, 
1639,  263. 

Agawam.  See  Ipswich. 

Agreement  at  Cambridge,  230.  Its 
conditions  ratified  by  the  Company 
in  London,  ib. 

Alarm,  the,  to  the  fleet,  15. 

Allen,  Bozoun,  330.  Chosen  captain 
of  the  militia  company  of  Hingham, 
331. 

Allen,  Rev.  John,  preaches  before  the 
synod  of  churches,  in  1648,  376. 

Allerton,  Isaac,  his  visit  to  the  Arbella, 

21. 

Almanac  printed  in  New  England,  1639, 
238. 

Ambrose,  ship,  rear-admiral  of  the 
fleet,  5. 

American  Antiquarian  Society,  283. 

Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery  Com- 
pany, 396.  Salutes  fired  at  the  fu- 
neral of  Governor  Winthrop  by  the, 
397. 

Anderson,  Rev.  James,  author  of 
“ Memorable  Women  of  the  Puri- 
tan Times,”  370. 

Andrew,  Governor  John  A.,  Commis- 
sioners on  statues  in  the  Capitol  ap- 
pointed by,  409  n. 

Antinomian  Controversy,  145, 146-149. 
Mrs.  Hutchinson’s  opinions,  145. 
Governor  Winthrop’s  opposition  to 
her  views,  ib.  146.  Doctrines  of 
Rev.  John  Wheelwright,  ib.  147.  Ef- 
forts for  a reconciliation,  ib.  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  General  Court  against 
the  Antinomians,  207,  208.  Notice 
of  the  Antinomians,  ib.  Resolution 
of  the  General  Court  disarming 
them,  ib. 

Appleton,  Samuel,  44. 


Aquinas,  St.  Thomas,  325. 

Arbella,  ship,  4.  Admiral  of  Governor 
Winthrop’s  fleet,  5.  Account  of  her 
voyage,  14.  Her  arrival  at  Salem,  2] . 

“ Arbitrary  Government  Described  and 
the  Government  of  the  Massachusetts 
Vindicated,”  by  Governor  Winthrop, 
324,  440. 

Archisden,  Thomas,  the  chum  of  Forth 
Winthrop  at  Cambridge,  81  n. 

Aspinwall,  William,  an  Antinomian, 
disfranchised,  205.  The  author  of 
the  remonstrance  or  petition,  ib. 
Banishment  of,  ib. 

Assembly  or  synod  of  elders  convened 
at  Newtown.  Contentions  in  the,  202. 
Resolutions  adopted,  203.  Women’s 
meetings  prohibited,  ib.  Adjourn- 
ment of  the,  204.  Failure  of  the,  205. 


B. 

Bancroft,  George,  his  sketch  of  Gov- 
ernor Winthrop’s  character,  404. 

Barnardiston,  Sir  Nathaniel,  offers  aid 
to  Governor  Winthrop,  258  n. 

Baulstone,  William,  chosen  one  of  the 
board  for  division  of  Boston  lands, 
129. 

Beaver  Brook  receives  its  name,  103. 

Belknap,  Rev.  Jeremy,  founder  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
164.  Author  of  “ American  Biog- 
raphy,” 400. 

Bellingham,  Richard,  on  the  board  for 
division  of  Boston  lands,  129.  Chosen 
Governor,  267. 

Berkeley,  Sir  William,  letter  from,  to 
the  Governor  of  New  England,  308. 

Blackstone,  William,  24.  His  settle- 
ment at  Shawmut,  51. 

Blessing  of  the  Bay  built,  63. 

Body  of  Liberties,  composed  by  Rev. 
Nathaniel  Ward,  267.  Printed  in  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Collections, 
ib.  n. 


472 


INDEX 


Books  presented  to  the  library  of  Har- 
vard College  by  Governor  Winthrop, 
302.  List  of,  438. 

Boston,  settlement  of,  24,  51,  52.  Re- 
ceives its  name,  52.  General  Court 
held  at,  61.  Division  of  lands  be- 
longing to,  128.  Boston  Common, 
130.  Account  of  a meeting  held  in, 
133.  Articles  drawn  up  at  the  meet- 
ing, 135.  Renewal  of  the  church 
covenant,  138.  Discussion  in  the 
church  of,  146-149.  Deputies  chosen, 
177.  Contentions  and  dissensions 
in  the  church,  179,  201.  Meeting  ot 
the  ministers  at,  222.  Course  to  be 
pursued  in  case  of  the  arrival  of  a 
General  Governor  from  England, 
ib.  Decision  of  the  ministers,  223. 
Change  of  opinion  in  the  church  of, 
259.  Training-day  at,  313.  Account 
of  a marriage  at,  371.  Meeting  of 
Commissioners  at,  372. 

Bradford,  Governor  William,  his  visit 
to  Governor  Winthrop,  90, 107.  Let- 
ters from  Governor  Winthrop  to,  re- 
lating to  the  Pequot  War,  194.  His 
History  of  Plymouth  Plantation, 
ib.  n. 

Bradstreet,  Simon,  marriage  of,  6. 
Chosen  Commissioner  at  the  Court 
of  Elections,  374. 

Brand,  Sir  Joseph,  37  n. 

Brewster,  William,  receives  Governor 
Winthrop  at  Plymouth,  105. 

Bridges,  Robert,  signer  of  the  Report 
on  Winthrop’s  Discourse  on  Govern- 
ment, 327.  Chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee, ib.  Chosen  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Deputies,  ib.  Elected  an 
Assistant,  ib.  Chosen  a Magistrate, 
359. 

Brooks, , his  testimony  against 

Ewre,  191. 

Bunyan,  John,  163. 

Burleigh,  Captain,  Governor  of  Yar- 
mouth Castle,  liis  visit  to  the  Ar- 
bella,  9. 


c. 

Cambridge,  England,  agreement  at, 
230. 

Cambridge,  New  England,  printing- 
house  begun  at,  238.  Eirst  Com- 
mencement at  Harvard  College,  301. 
Synod  of  churches  held  at,  346.  The 
synod  broken  up,  ib. 

Cape  Ann,  landing  at,  22.  Settlement 
of,  24.  J.  Wingate  Thornton’s  ac- 
count of  the,  ib.  n. 


Caulkins,  Miss  Erances  M.,  .tract 
from  her  “ History  of  New  London,” 
112  n. 

Chamber  of  Deputies  in  Massachusetts . 
325.  Their  censure  of  Governor 
Winthrop’s  treatise,  ib. 

Charles,  ship,  4. 

Charlestown,  settlement  of,  25.  Re- 
moval of  Winthrop  to,  33.  Court  of 
Assistants  held  at,  44.  First  church 
formed  at,  45.  Covenant  of  the 
church,  ib.  Failure  of  water  at,  51. 
Extract  from  the  early  records  of,  ib. 

Cherton.  See  Charlestown. 

Child,  Dr.,  petition  of,  346,  347. 

Church  at  Boston,  Covenant  of  the,  138. 
Dissensions  in  the,  179,  201. 

Church  of  England,  farewell  letter  to 
the,  from  Governor  Winthrop  and 
the  Company,  10. 

Cicero,  his  ridicule  of  superstition,  263 
n. 

Cleaves,  Mr.,  his  testimony  relating  to 
Governor  Winthrop,  401. 

Coddington,  William,  his  departure  for 
America,  6.  A signer  of  the  “ Hum- 
ble Request,”  12.  His  return  to  Eng- 
land, 61.  Appointed  on  the  Land 
Board,  129.  Left  out  of  the  Assist- 
ants, 176.  His  letter  to  John  Win- 
throp, jun.,  on  the  death  of  Governor 
Winthrop,  457. 

Coggeshall,  John,  dismissed  from  the 
office  of  deputy,  205.  Disfranchised, 
ib.  See  Coxeall. 

Colburn,  or  Colbron,  William,  appointed 
one  of  the  Boston  Land  Board,  129. 

Commencement,  first,  at  Cambridge, 
1642,  301. 

Commissioners  of  Plantations,  order 
from  the,  346. 

Conant,  Roger,  his  attempt  to  settle 
Nantasket,  24.  His  settlement  at 
Cape  Ann,  ib.  His  connection  with 
the  Naumkeag  settlement,  ib.,  26. 

Conant’s  Island  granted  to  Governor 
Winthrop,  117.  Name  changed  to 
the  Governor’s  Garden,  ib.  Terms 
of  the  grant,  ib. 

Concord,  visit  of  Winthrop  and  Dudley 
to,  101. 

Confederation,  meeting  for  agreement 
on  the  Articles  of,  235.  Formation 
of  the  New-England  Union  and,  306. 

Connecticut,  jealousies  and  differences 
with  Massachusetts  in,  234,  236.  Op- 
position of,  to  the  confederation,  235. 

Constitutional  controversy  in  New 
England,  280. 

Cotton,  Rev.  John,  his  arrival  in  New 
England,  112.  His  influence,  ib.  His 


INDEX, 


473 


Election  Sermon,  113.  His  views  on 
civil  government,  ib.  Appointed  on 
the  Boston  Land  Board,  129.  Extract 
from  his  “ Model  of  Moses  his 
Judicials,”  143.  Extract  from  a let- 
ter of,  to  Lord  Say  and  Sele,  ib.  His 
reproof  of  the  deputies,  262.  Extract 
from  his  Fast  Sermon  on  Governor 
Winthrop’s  illness,  393. 

Council  for  life,  142,  144.  Abolished, 
269. 

Coup  d’&at,  the  New-England,  205. 

Covenant  of  the  first  church  at  Charles- 
town, 45,  138,  416.  Signers  of  the, 
ib.  Renewal  of  at  Boston,  138. 

Covenant  of  Grace,  149. 

Covenant  of  Works,  149,  150. 

Cowes,  the  fleet  sails  from,  7.  Fleet 
at,  30  n. 

Coxeall,  or  Coggeshall,  John,  appointed 
Commissioner  by  the  General  Court 
on  the  accounts  of  Governor  Win- 
throp,  115. 

Coytmore,  Thomas,  deputy  to  the 
General  Court  from  Charlestown, 
380.  Death  of,  381. 

Cradock,  Matthew,  Governor  of  the 
Massachusetts  Company,  his  visit 
to  the  Arbella,  9.  His  house  at 
Medford,  10  ra.  His  movement  for 
transferring  the  Charter  to  New  Eng- 
land, 27.  Demand  on,  for  the  Char- 
ter of  Massachusetts,  221.  Answer 
to  his  letter,  ib. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  his  scheme  to  re- 
move the  Massachusetts  Colony  to 
the  West  Indies,  248. 


D. 

D’Aulnay,  Charles  de  Menou,  his  con- 
troversy with  La  Tour,  311,  349. 

Davenport,  Lieutenant  John,  danger- 
ously wounded  in  the  war  with  the 
Pequots,  198. 

Day,  John,  one  of  the  printers  of  the 
Bible,  238  n. 

Day,  Stephen,  establishes  the  first 
printing-house  in  America,  165,  238. 

Deane,  Charles,  106  n.,  230  n. 

Deane,  Sir  Drew,  414. 

Deputies,  their  claim  to  exercise  judi- 
cial authority,  323.  Chamber  of, 
325.  Their  censure  of  Governor 
Winthrop’s  treatise,  ib. 

De  Tocqueville,  his  quotation  from 
Governor  Winthrop’s  speech,  343. 

Disarming  of  the  Antinomians,  207. 

Downing,  Emanuel,  236.  His  marriage 
with  Lucy  Winthrop,  240  n.  Date 

VOL.  II. 


of  his  arrival  in  New  England,  ib 
Extract  from  a letter  of,  to  Governor 
Winthrop,  254. 

Dudley,  Rev.  Samuel,  marries  Mary, 
daughter  of  Governor  Winthrop,  33, 
101  n.  Death  of  his  wife,  321. 

Dudley,  Thomas,  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, 6.  His  family  embark  for 
America,  ib.  A signer  of  the  “ Hum- 
ble Request,”  12.  Extracts  from  his 
letter  to  the  Countess  of  Lincoln,  28, 
33.  Signs  the  covenant  of  the  church 
at  Charlestown,  45.  Sketch  of  his 
character,  92.  His  controversy  with 
Governor  Winthrop,  93,  94-100.  Re- 
signs his  deputyship,  93.  Accepts 
the  office  again,  94.  His  visit  to 
Concord,  101.  Inscription  on  a re- 
puted portrait  of,  ib.  n.  Chosen  Gov- 
ernor, 113.  Member  of  the  commis- 
sion for  military  affairs,  130.  Chosen 
Councillor  for  life,  142,  269.  Ap- 
pointed lieutenant-colonel  of  the 
first  regiment  of  militia,  150.  Ap- 
pointed Deputy-Governor  for  the 
third  time,  176.  Chosen  Governor, 
260.  Elected  an  Assistant,  269.  Re- 
fuses to  act,  ib.  Accepts  the  office, 
ib.  Elected  Governor  in  1645,  330. 
Deputy-Governor  in  1646,  345.  Dep- 
uty-Governor, 374.  His  request  to 
Governor  Winthrop  on  his  death  bed, 
393. 

Dummer,  Richard,  left  out  of  the  Assist- 
ants, 176.  His  aid  to  Governor 
Winthrop,  261. 

Dunkirk,  Spanish  cruisers  at,  14. 

Dunster,  Henry,  first  President  of  Har- 
vard College,  164.  Marriage  of,  to 
the  widow  of  Jose  Glover,  238  n. 


E. 

Eagle,  the  ship,  5. 

Eames,  Anthony,  330.  Captain  of  the 
militia  company  of  Hingham,  381. 

Easter  Monday,  March  29,  1630,  com- 
mencement of  Governor  Winthrop’s 
Journal  on,  7. 

Eaton,  Governor  Theophilus,  Letter 
from,  to  Governor  Stuyvesant  on 
Governor  Winthrop’s  death,  400. 

Election  Sermon,  preached  by  John 
Cotton  in  1634,  113  ; by  Ezekiel 
Rogers  in  1643,  305. 

Elections,  Court  of,  held  at  Newtown, 
175.  Petition  before  the,  176.  Tu- 
mult in  the,  176.  General  elections, 
239.  Proceedings  of  the,  240-243. 
Sitting  of  the,  260.  Opening  of 

60 


474 


INDEX. 


the  court,  1046,  345.  Opening  of  the 
court,  1647,  359. 

Eliot,  John,  embarks  for  America,  89. 
Teacher  of  the  Roxbury  church, 
352.  His  manner  of  teaching  the 
Indians,  ib. 

Endicott,  Governor  John,  418.  His 
visit  to  the  Arbella,  22.  Renewal 
of  the  settlement  of  Naumkeag,  24. 
Succeeds  Roger  Conant  as  Governor 
of  London’s  plantation,  26.  Chosen 
Councillor  tor  life,  176.  Letter  from, 
to  Governor  Winthrop,  255.  Deputy- 
Governor,  267.  Elected  Governor  of 
Massachusetts,  322.  Appointed  Ser- 
geant-Major-General and  Commis- 
sioner for  the  United  Colonies,  345, 
374. 

England,  the  Lords  Commissioners 
demand  the  Charter  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Colony,  220,  223,  224,  228, 
229.  Committee  sent  to,  from  the 
Massachusetts  Colony,  ib.  Order 
from  the  Commissioners  of  Plan- 
tations requiring  free  admission  to 
Gorton  and  Holden  into  New  Eng- 
land, 346. 

Epidemic  in  New  England,  362. 

Epitaph  appended  to  Cotton  Mather’s 
sermon  at  the  funeral  of  Wait  Win- 
throp, 461 ; translation  of  the,  462  ; 
on  Eitz-John  Winthrop,  464. 

Everett,  Edward,  notice  of  the  second 
centennial  address  by,  33  n.  His 
notice  of  the  efforts  of  Winthrop  for 
the  establishment  of  Harvard  Col- 
lege, 801.  His  note  accompanying 
the  list  of  books  given  by  Governor 
Winthrop  to  Harvard  College,  440. 


F. 

East  on  board  the  Arbella,  20  ; in 
Massachusetts,  changed  to  Thanks- 
giving, 57.  General,  25th  of  Febru- 
ary, 1635-6,  138  ; in  1637,  180. 

Fathers  of  Massachusetts,  their  char- 
acter, 2.  Strictness  of  the,  in  hold- 
ing their  rulers  to  account,  123. 

Peake,  Robert,  his  marriage  with  Henry 
Winthrop’s  widow,  88  n.  Represent- 
ative of  Watertown  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts Court  of  Deputies,  ib. 

Feake,  Mount,  in  Waltham,  88  n. 

Feme,  master  of  the  Hector,  his 
treatment  of  Lord  Leigh,  190. 

Fiennes,  William,  Viscount  Say  and 
Sele.  See  Say  and  Sele. 

Fines,  or  Fiennes,  Charles,  a signer  of 


the  “ Humble  Request,”  12 ; said  to 
have  been  a brother  of  Lady  Arbella 
Johnson,  13  n. 

Firmin,  Giles,  letter  from,  to  Governor 
Winthrop,  253. 

First  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  ques- 
tion of  the,  27  n. 

Folsom,  Hon.  George,  372  n. 

Fort  Winthrop,  118. 

Free  schools  established  in  Massachu- 
setts, 328,  407.  Subscription  for,  in 
Boston,  329. 

Frothingham,  Hon.  Richard,  a Com- 
missioner on  Statues  to  be  placed  in 
the  Capitol  at  Washington,  409  n. 


G. 

Gager,  Dr.  William,  death  of,  47. 
General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  order 
regarding  the  militia,  150.  Legisla- 
tion by  the,  180.  Order  to  keep  out 
dangerous  persons,  ib.  Efforts  to  end 
the  religious  feuds  in  the  church,  205. 
Order  against  the  Antinomians,  207. 
Resolutions  of  the,  against  the  Anti- 
nomians, 208.  Session  of  the,  216. 
Order  refusing  to  send  home  the 
charter,  223.  Order  relating  to  dep- 
uties, 241.  Petition  for  its  repeal, 
242.  Order  on  the  authority  of  the 
Governor,  ib.  Rising  of  the  Court, 

242.  Order  on  the  number  of  magis- 
trates, ib.  New  order  of  magistrates, 

243.  Order  on  abolishing  the  custom 
of  drinking  healths,  246,  247.  Ses- 
sion, June,  1641,  267.  Body  of  Liber- 
ties, ib.  Inquiry  into  Mr.  Saltonstall’s 
book  on  the  Standing  Council,  270. 
Breviate  of  the  case  of  Richard  Sher- 
man and  Captain  Robert  Keayne, 

284.  Evidence  before  the  Court, 

285.  The  strife  renewed,  288. 
Order  against  the  magistrates  and 
deputies  sitting  together,  ib.  Dis- 
cussions on  the  administration  of 
government,  322.  Controversy  on 
judicial  authority  before  the,  323. 
The  Hingham  case  before  the,  331. 
Petition  of  Hingham,  334.  Rising 
of  the,  342.  The  case  of  Gorton  and 
Holden  before  the,  347. 

Gibbons,  Major  Edward,  349. 

Glover,  Rev.  Jose,  embarks  for  New 
England  with  a printing-press,  164. 
His  death,  165,  238.  Marriage  of 
his  widow  to  President  Dunster,  ib. 
n.  Marriage  of  his  daughters,  ib.  n. 
Gorges,  Robert,  settlement  of,  24. 


INDEX. 


475 


Gorton,  Samuel,  case  of,  346.  Order 
granting  him  permission  to  land  in 
New  England,  ib. 

Government,  discourse  on,  by  Gov- 
ernor Winthrop,  323,  324.  Arbitrary, 
described,  and  that  of  Massacbnsetts 
vindicated,  440. 

Governor-General,  proposal  to  send  a, 
to  Massachusetts,  223. 

Governor’s  Garden,  the  (Conant’s  Is- 
land), 117.  Purchased  by  the  United 
States,  118. 

Grahame,  James,  342. 

Gray,  Hon.  Erancis  C.,  267  re. 

“ Great  House,”  built  at  Charlestown, 
44. 

Greenough,  Richard,  409. 

Griffin,  arrival  of  the  ship,  222. 

Groton,  manor  of,  proposal  to  sell,  68. 
The  sale  of,  77.  Price  of,  78. 

Gurdon,  Brampton,  marriage  of  his 
daughter  to  Richard  Saltonstall,  jun., 
62  re.  High  Sheriff  of  Suffolk,  68. 
Offers  aid  to  Governor  Winthrop, 
258  re. 


H. 

Hale,  Sir  Matthew,  his  injunction  to 
Ms  grandchildren,  52  re. 

Hall  of  historical  statues  in  the  Capitol 
at  WasMngton,  409. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  his  views  on  the 
tenure  of  judicial  offices,  237  re. 

Harvard,  Rev.  John,  his  bequest  to  the 
College,  301. 

Harvard  College  established,  301,  407. 
Pirst  Commencement  at,  301.  Do- 
nation of  books  to,  by  Governor 
Winthrop,  302.  List  of  books  pre- 
sented to  the  library  of,  by  Governor 
Winthrop,  438. 

Hathorne,  John,  deputy  to  the  General 
Court,  261,  270.  His  motion  against 
the  old  magistrates,  ib. 

Hawthorne,  Nathaniel,  394  re. 

Haynes,  John,  Governor,  chosen  As- 
sistant by  the  General  Court,  114. 
Elected  Governor,  130.  His  letter 
to  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  on  the  death 
of  Governor  Winthrop,  457. 

Hibbins,  William,  his  departure  for 
England,  297.  Chosen  a magistrate, 
306. 

Higginson,  Rev.  Erancis,  settled  at 
Naumkeag,  24.  Death  of,  47. 

Hingham,  controversy  in,  330. 

History  of  New  England,  by  Governor 
Winthrop,  commencement  of  the,  7. 

Holden,  .Randall,  order  giving  him  per- 


mission to  land  in  New  England  and 
return,  346.  His  arrival,  ib. 

Holmes,  Oliver  Wendell,  M.D.,  Ms  ac- 
count of  the  prescriptions  of  Dr. 
Edward  Stafford,  266  re. 

Hooker,  Rev.  Thomas,  235,  236  re.,  416. 
Length  of  Ms  sermons,  244.  Letter 
from,  to  Governor  Winthrop,  310. 
Death  of,  362.  Tribute  of  Win- 
throp to,  ib.  Draft  of  Governor 
Wmthrop’s  letter  to,  421. 

Hopewell,  the  ship,  4. 

Hopkins,  Governor  Edward,  his  be- 
quest to  Dr.  Nathaniel  Wright,  38  re. 

Hubbard,  Rev.  Joshua,  332. 

“ Humble  Request,”  the,  to  the  Church 
of  England,  10. 

Humiliation,  day  of,  appointed,  202. 

Humphrey,  John,  extract  from  a letter 
from,  to  Governor  Winthrop,  32. 
Chosen  Deputy-Governor,  32  re.  His 
return  to  England,  299. 

Hutchinson,  Governor  Thomas,  Ms 
opinion  of  Governor  Winthrop’s  in- 
tegrity, 122.  His  “ Collection  of 
Original  Papers  ” cited.  187. 

Hutchinson,  Mrs.  Ann,  religious  views 
of,  145.  Charge  against,  206.  Her 
revelations,  ib.  Her  banishment,  ib. 
See  Antinomian  Controversy. 

Hutchinson  manuscripts,  Governor 
Winthrop’s  paper  on  the  negative 
vote  in  the,  293,  427. 

Hutchinsonian  party  disarmed,  207. 


I. 

Impeachment  and  acquittal  of  Win- 
throp, 330. 

Indians,  their  dealmgs  with  Governor 
Winthrop,  244.  Captive,  held  as 
slaves,  252.  John  Eliot’s  labors 
with  the,  352. 

Invasion,  fears  of  an,  from  England, 
221. 

Ipswich,  settlement  of,  111.  Visit  of 
Governor  Winthrop  to,  ib.  Meeting 
of  the  elders  at,  271.  Consideration 
and  judgment  of  the  elders,  on  Mr. 
Saltonstall’s  book,  ib.,  272.  Offence 
given  at,  on  the  aid  rendered  to  La 
Tour,  316.  The  Ipswich  protest, 
ib.,  317.  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  at, 
415  re. 

J. 

Jermin,  Sir  Thomas,  his  report  of  the 
proceedings  and  progress  of  the  Colo- 
ny, 220. 


476 


INDEX. 


Jewel,  ship,  4.  Captain  of  the  fleet,  5. 

Johnson,  Lady  Arbella,  her  departure 
for  America,  6.  Death  of,  45.  Note 
relating  to,  47  n. 

Johnson,  Edward,  on  the  trials  of  the 
Massachusetts  Colony,  51. 

Johnson,  Isaac,  Esq.,  his  departure  for 
America,  6.  A signer  of  the  “ Hum- 
ble Request,”  12.  Signs  the  Charles- 
town Church  Covenant,  45.  Death 
of,  46.  A stockholder  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Company,  ib.  n.  Execu- 
tors of  his  will,  47  n.  His  burial 
place,  ib.  n. 

Jones,  Margaret,  her  arrest,  trial,  and 
imprisonment  for  witchcraft,  375. 
Execution  of,  ib. 

Judicial  authority  of  the  Government 
of  Massachusetts,  144. 

Judicial  office,  tenure  of,  237. 


K. 

Keayne,  Captain  Robert,  to  have  charge 
of  the  weapons  of  the  persons  dis- 
armed in  1637,  208.  Commander  of 
the  Ancient  and  Honorable  Artillery 
Company,  ib.  n.  The  stray  sow 
case,  281.  His  trial  and  acquittal,  ib. 
His  second  trial  and  acquittal,  ib. 


L. 

La  Tour,  Claude  Etienne  de,  arrival  of, 
in  New  England,  311.  His  reception 
by  Governor  Winthrop,  313,  350. 
His  departure,  315. 

La  Tour  controversy,  the,  311. 

Leigh,  Lord,  his  arrival  from  England, 
190.  His  sympathy  with  Governor 
Yane,  ib.  His  investigation  into  the 
loyalty  of  the  colonists,  191.  De- 
clines to  dine  with  Governor  Win- 
throp, ib.  Calls  Mr.  Ewre  to  account 
for  treason,  ib.  His  return  to  England, 
192. 

Letter  to  the  Lords  Commissioners  from 
Governor  Winthrop  in  reply  to  the 
order  demanding  the  charter,  226. 

Leveredge,  Rev.  William,  415. 

Levett,  Captain,  his  visit  to  the  Arbella, 

22. 

Lincoln,  Hon.  Solomon,  a Commission- 
er on  Statues  in  the  Capitol  at  Wash- 
ington, 409  n. 

Lion,  ship,  sent  to  England  for  pro- 
visions, 56.  Her  arrival  from  Eng- 
land, 57. 

London,  General  Court  of  the  Compa- 


ny at,  accepts  the  agreement  a 
Cambridge,  230. 

Lothrop,  Rev.  John,  his  arrival  from 
England,  222. 

Louis,  Monsieur,  his  arrival  at  Boston, 
349. 

Lowell,  Percival,  elegy  by,  on  the 
death  of  Governor  Winthrop,  399, 
465. 

Ludlow,  Roger,  chosen  Deputy-Gover- 
nor, 113.  Appointed  Commissioner 
of  the  General  Court  on  Governor 
Winthrop’s  accounts,  115. 

Luxford,  James,  253  n. 

Lyford,  John,  his  attempts  to  form  a 
settlement  at  Nantasket,  24. 

Lyons,  Captain  Henry,  his  marriage 
with  the  grand-daughter  of  Samuel 
Winthrop,  370. 

Lyons,  Lord,  96. 


M. 

Magistrates,  jealousy  of  the,  240. 

Magnalia  Christi  Americana,  letter 
from  Governor  Winthrop  to  his  son, 
contained  in  the,  319. 

Manwaring,  Alderman,  of  London,  the 
purchaser  of  Groton  Manor,  78  n. 

Marie,  Monsieur,  his  arrival  at  Boston, 
349. 

Marriage  ceremony  in  Massachusetts, 
371. 

Marriage  certificates  issued  by  magis- 
trates, 372  n. 

Masconomo,  Sagamore  of  Agawam, 
visits  the  Arbella,  22. 

Massachusetts  Bay,  journey  of  explo- 
ration by  Winthrop  to,  33. 

Massachusetts  Bay,  Charter  of,  trans- 
ferred to  New  England,  1,  230.  Re- 
newed efforts  of  the  Lords  Commis- 
sioners in  England  to  obtain  the 
surrender  of  the,  220.  Again  de- 
manded, 223,  224.  Renewed  at- 
tempts, 224,  228,  229. 

Massachusetts  Bay,  Colony  of  the, 
condition  of  the,  28,  29.  Account  of 
the,  31.  Deaths  in  the,  47.  Trials 
of  the,  51.  Spirit  of  the,  114.  Rep- 
resentative system  in,  115.  General 
court  of,  115.  Inquiry  into  the  pecu- 
niary affairs  of  the,  115,  119.  Ac- 
counts of  Governor  Winthrop,  120. 
Limit  of  the  power  of  transporting 
persons  and  things,  126  n.  Religious 
and  civil  controversy  in  the,  145. 
Eirst  regiment  of  militia  in,  150,  239. 
General  muster,  ib.  Personal  bitter- 
ness in  the,  179.  Effort  to  restrict 


INDEX. 


477 


tlie  privileges  of  the,  220.  Fears  of 
an  invasion  from  England,  221. 
Laws  made  in  the,  ib.  Fortifications, 

223.  Petition  of  the  Colony  to  the 
Lord  Commissioners  of  England, 
226.  First  patent  of,  229.  Jealousy 
in  the,  239-243,  270.  Attempt  to 
remove  the  Colony  to  the  West  In- 
dies, 248.  Superstition  in  the,  262. 
Condition  of  the  African  race  in  the, 
263.  Fresh  controversies  in  the, 
269.  Troubles  of  the  Colony,  296. 
Pecuniary  difficulties,  ib.  Crisis  in 
the  affairs  of  the,  298.  Desertions 
from  the,  ib.  Pecuniary  troubles  and 
destitute  condition  of  the,  302.  Meet- 
ing of  the  elders  on  the  La  Tour  case, 
314.  Political  controversy  in  the, 
322.  Contention  of  the  magistrates 
and  deputies,  ib.  Harmony  in  the, 

345.  Renewed  controversy  in  the, 

346.  Government  of  the,  vindicated 
by  Governor  Winthrop,  440. 

Massachusetts  Company,  the  letter 
from,  to  the  Church  in  England,  10. 
Arrival  of  the,  at  Naumkeag,  21. 
Removal  to  Charlestown  of  the,  33. 
Removal  of  the,  to  Boston,  52. 
Massachusetts,  the  fathers  of,  their 
character,  2.  Date  of  colonization 
of,  23. 

Massachusetts  Historical  Collections, 
Governor  Winthrop’s  “ Modell  of 
Christian  Charity,”  printed  in,  20  n. 
Mather,  Rev.  Cotton,  his  epitaph  on 
Chief-Justice  Wait-Still  Winthrop, 
398,  461.  Brief  narrative  of  the 
career  of  Governor  John  Winthrop, 
401.  Epitaph  on  Governor  Win- 
throp, 404  n. 

Maverick,  Samuel,  his  settlement  on 
Noddle’s  Island,  25. 

Mayflower,  account  of  the  ship,  5. 
Mead  Ground,  grant  of,  to  Governor 
Winthrop,  118. 

Medical  prescriptions,  by  Governor 
Winthrop,  265.  Account  of  Dr. 
Edward  Stafford’s,  &c.,  by  Dr.  O.  W. 
Holmes,  266  n. 

Merry  Mount,  the  settlement  at,  24. 
Mewtis,  Thomas,  Clerk  of  the  Council, 

224.  Letter  to  the  Massachusetts 
Colony  demanding  their  charter,  226. 

Milbourne,  Peter,  master  of  the  Ar- 
bella,  5. 

Militia,  organization  of  the,  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 150. 

Milton,  John,  his  ode  on  the  passion, 
7 n. 

Mistick,  the  Blessing  of  the  Bay 
built  at,  63.  Governor  Winthrop’s 


residence  at,  ib.  Grant  of  the  weir 
at,  to  him,  118. 

“ Modell  of  Christian  Charity,”  Winth- 
rop’s discourse  so  entitled,  18. 

“ Modern  Universal  History,”  cited, 
343. 

Morton,  Nathaniel,  author  of  “New- 
England’s  Memorial,”  27  n.  His  eu- 
logy of  Governor  Winthrop,  396. 

Morton,  Thomas,  his  attempted  settle- 
ment at  Merry  Mount,  24. 

Mount  Auburn,  statue  of  Governor 
Winthrop  in  the  chapel  at,  408. 

Mount  Feake,  origin  of  the  name,  88  n., 
104. 

Muster  of  the  Massachusetts  militia  at 
Boston,  6th  May,  1639,  239. 


N. 

Nantasket,  attempt  to  settle  at,  24. 

Napier,  Lord,  Gov.  of  Madras,  372  n. 

Naumkeag,  settlement  of,  24.  Num- 
ber of  inhabitants  in  1629,  25. 

Negative  voice,  controversy  respecting 
the,  277,  280,  283.  The  strife  re- 
newed, 287.  Governor  Winthrop’s 
Reply  to  the  Answer  made  to  the  Dis- 
course about  the,  427. 

Negro,  a,  admitted  to  the  church  in 
Boston,  263. 

Newcastle,  Clinton,  Duke  of,  his  col 
lection  of  family  portraits  at  Clum- 
ber Park,  47  n. 

New  England,  condition  of  affairs  in, 
on  the  arrival  of  Winthrop,  23. 
Plantation  at  Naumkeag,  25.  Popu- 
lation of  in  1629,  ib.  Extract  from 
a narrative  concerning  the  settle- 
ment of,  30.  Severity  of  the  first 
winter  in,  56.  Fears  of  famine,  ib. 
First  Thanksgiving  in,  57.  Scarcity 
in,  297.  Confederation  of  the  colo- 
nies, 306,  407.  Meeting  of  the  com- 
missioners, 307.  Articles  of  con- 
federation, 308.  Epidemic  in,  362. 

New-England  Almanac,  238. 

New  Haven,  difficulties  between  the 
colonies  of  New  Netherlands  and, 
372,  373. 

New  Haven  ship,  376. 

Newtown,  Court  of  Elections  held  at, 
175.  Assembly  of  teaching  elders 
convened  at,  202.  See  Cambridge. 

Ninigret,  Sachem,  379  n. 

Noddle’s  Island,  settlement  on,  25. 

Norfolk,  Duke  of,  370. 

Norris,  Rev.  Edward,  teacher  of  the 
church  at  Salem,  271.  Preaches 
the  election  sermon,  1646,  345. 


478 


INDEX. 


Nowell,  Increase,  embarks  for  America 
with  Winthrop,  6.  Secretary  of  the 
Massachusetts  Colony,  380. 


0. 

Oldham,  John,  his  attempt  to  settle 
Nantasket,  24. 

Old  South  Church  in  Boston,  410. 

Oliver,  John,  of  the  board  for  division 
of  the  Boston  lands,  129. 

Oliver,  Mrs.,  opinions  of,  232.  Com- 
plaint against  for  disturbing  the 
church,  233.  Her  arrest  and  im- 
prisonment, ib.  Public  punishment 
of,  ib. 

Otis,  James,  statue  of,  at  Mount  Au- 
burn, 348. 


P. 

Painter,  Rev.  Henry,  his  marriage  with 
the  widow  Fones,  41  re.,  416  n.  Letter 
from  Governor  Winthrop  to,  416. 

Palfrey,  Hon.  John  G.,  his  “ His- 
tory of  New  England  ” cited,  5 re., 
187.  His  sketch  of  the  character  of 
Governor  Winthrop,  405,  406  re. 
Commissioner  on  statues  for  the  na- 
tional Capitol,  409. 

Patent,  transferred  to  New  England, 
230. 

Payton,  Bezaleel,  his  deliverance  from 
shipwreck,  388. 

Pelham,  Herbert,  Commissioner  for 
the  United  Colonies,  345  re. 

Pequod  Plantation,  354. 

Pequot  Indians,  war  with  the,  194-200. 
Close  of  the  war,  194.  Sufferings  of 
the,  194-200.  Pequot  prisoners  sent 
to  Bermuda,  199. 

Perkins,  William,  sketch  of,  his  death, 
168  re. 

Peter,  Hugh,  418.  His  arrival  in 
America,  131.  Notice  of  his  biog- 
raphy by  Dr.  Yonge,  ib.,  re.  His 
preaching  and  movement  to  raise 
stock  for  fishing,  132.  His  rebuke 
to  Governor  Vane,  201.  His  depart- 
ure for  England,  297. 

1 ster,  Rev.  Thomas,  his  connection 
with  the  Pequod  Plantation,  354. 

Petition  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony 
to  the  Lord  Commissioners  for 
Foreign  Plantations,  226. 

Phillips,  Rev.  George,  embarks  for 
America,  6.  A signer  of  the  “ Hum- 
ble Request,”  12.  Catechises  and 
preaches  on  board  the  Arbella,  17. 


Phillips,  Mr.,  299. 

Pierce,  Captain  William,  his  visit  to 
the  Arbella,  22.  Sent  to  England  for 
provisions,  56.  Almanac  made  by 
him,  printed  at  Cambridge,  238. 

Pigeons  in  New  England,  388. 

Plantations,  Commissioners  for,  order 
from  the,  346. 

“ Planter’s  Plea,”  extract  from  the,  25. 

Plymouth,  settlement  of,  23.  Number 
of  inhabitants  in  1630,  ib.  Fine  on 
refusal  of  the  Governorship  of  the 
Colony  of,  107.  Differences  with 
Massachusetts,  234.  Commissioners 
from,  at  the  first  session  held  at 
Boston  under  the  confederacy,  307. 

Political  Sermon,  the  first,  113.  Con- 
tentions, 175.  Agitations  in  New 
England,  175-178.  Controversy  in 
Massachusetts  in  1644,  322. 

Prince,  Thomas,  Governor  of  Plymouth 
Colony,  Governor  Winthrop’s  letter 
to,  238  re.,  419. 

Prince,  Rev.  Thomas,  an  occupant  of 
Governor  Winthrop’s  house  in  Bos- 
ton, 409  re. 

Prince  Society,  their  edition  of  Hutchin- 
son’s “ Collection  of  Original  Papers,” 
187  re. 

Providence,  disturbances  in  the  church 
at,  233. 

Pulpit  politics,  114. 


Q. 

Quincy,  Josiah,  extract  from  his  cen- 
tennial discourse  in  1830,  188. 

Extract  from  his  History  of  Harvard 
University,  301.  Sketch  of  the 
character  of  Governor  John  Win- 
throp by,  406. 


R. 

Rainsborough,  Judith,  her  marriage  to 
Stephen  Winthrop,  360. 

Religious  and  civil  controversy  in  Mas- 
sachusetts, 145,  146.  Contention, 
175.  Efforts  to  end  the  feuds,  200- 
205. 

Rogers,  Rev.  Ezekiel,  letter  from,  to 
Governor  Winthrop  cited,  254. 
Preaches  the  election  sermon,  1643, 
305.  Letter  to,  from  Gov.  Winthrop. 
419. 

Roxbury,  petition  of  the  freemen  of,  to 
repeal  the  order  diminishing  the 
number  of  deputies,  241. 

Royal  Charter  obtained,  26 


INDEX. 


479 


S. 

Sagamore  (The)  of  Agawam  (Mas- 
conomo)  visits  the  Arbella,  22. 

Salem,  arrival  of  Governor  Winthrop 
at,  22.  Settlement  of,  by  Conant,  24. 
Endicott  and  Higginson  at,  ib.  Ac- 
count of  in  the  “Planter’s  Plea,”  25. 
Plantation  at,  33.  Henry  Winthrop 
drowned  at,  34.  Death  of  Francis 
Higginson  at,  47.  Governor  Win- 
throp’s  visit  to,  65.  Called  “ Lon- 
don’s Plantation,”  322. 

Saltonstall,  Gurdon,  Governor  of  Con- 
necticut, 62  n. 

Saltonstall,  Hon.  Leverett,  a descen- 
dant of  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  62  n. 

Saltonstall,  Sir  Richard,  6.  A signer 
of  the  “ Humble  Request,”  12.  Em- 
barkation with  his  family  for  America, 
ib.  His  return  to  England,  61,  62. 
Sketch  of,  61  n.  His  expected  re- 
turn to  Massachusetts,  ib.  Elected 
Assistant  by  the  General  Court,  ib. 
Ambassador  to  Holland,  ib.  Notice 
of  his  letter  to  Rev.  J.  Cotton  and 
Rev.  J.  Wilson  on  intolerance,  ib. 

Saltonstall,  Richard,  jun.,  marriage  of, 
62  n.  Appointed  Assistant  at  the 
Court  of  Elections,  176.  Author  of 
the  treatise  on  the  Standing  Council, 

270.  Before  the  General  Court,  ib. 
Judgment  of  the  Court  on  his  book, 

271.  Opinion  of  the  elders,  272. 

Sassacus,  Chief  Sachem  of  the  Pequots, 

198.  His  escape,  ib. 

Say  and  Sele,  William,  Viscount,  his  cor- 
respondence with  Governor  Winth- 
rop on  the  removal  of  the  Colony, 
&c.,  248,  249,  His  letter  to  Governor 
Winthrop,  422. 

Scarcity  in  Nevv  England,  1641-42, 
296,  302. 

Sears,  Mrs.  Ann  Winthrop,  397  n. 
Buried  in  the  Winthrop  tomb,  463  n. 

Sharp,  Thomas,  returns  to  England,  61. 

Shawmut,  settlement  of,  24.  See  Bos- 
ton. 

Shepard,  Rev.  Thomas,  his  arrival  in 
America,  130.  At  Cambridge,  421. 

Sherman,  Mrs.,  action  against,  281. 

Sherman,  Ursula,  her  engagement  to 
Forth  Winthrop,  78.  Letter  from,  to 
John  Winthrop,  jun.,  83. 

Shipwreck  on  Long  Island,  218. 

Simonds,  Samuel,  chosen  a magistrate, 
306. 

Skelton,  Rev.  Samuel,  his  visit  to  the 

__  Arbella,  22. 

Smith,  Captain  John,  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia and  Admiral  of  New  England, 


his  account  of  the  condition  of 
affairs  in  New  England,  29,  30. 

Snake  story,  the,  377. 

Southampton,  England,  sailing  of  Win- 
throp’s  fleet  from,  7.  Embarkation 
at,  30  n. 

Sow,  the  stray.  See  Stray  sow  case. 

Spanish  cruisers,  14. 

Sparks,  Jared,  LL.D.,  his  “ American 
Biography”  cited,  187. 

Stafford,  Dr.  Edward,  account  of  his 
prescriptions,  by  Dr.  Holmes,  266  n. 

Standing  Council,  142,  269. 

Stanton,  Thomas,  interpreter  to  the 
Pequots,  198. 

Statue  of  Governor  Winthrop  at  Mount 
Auburn,  408.  Proposal  that  one  be 
placed  in  the  Capitol  at  Washington, 
409. 

Statues  for  the  Capitol  at  Washington, 
extract  from  the  report  of  the  Com 
missioners  on,  409  n. 

Stevesantor  Stuyvesant,  Judith,  372  n. 

Story,  George,  action  against,  281. 

Stoughton,  Israel,  appointed  Commis- 
sioner by  the  General  Court,  115. 
Appointed  Assistant  by  the  Court  of 
Elections,  176. 

Stray  sow  case,  280.  Action  of  the  Gen- 
eral Court,  284.  Evidence  in  the 
case,  285.  Renewal  of  the  strife,  287. 

Stuyvesant,  Peter,  Governor  of  New 
Netherlaud,  372.  His  arrival  at  Mo- 
nados,  ib.  Claims  the  land  between 
the  Connecticut  and  Delaware  Riv- 
ers, ib.  Letter  to,  from  Governor 
Winthrop,  373.  His  reply  to  Gov- 
ernor Eaton’s  letter,  400. 

Success,  the  ship,  4. 

Superstition  in  the  Massachusetts  Co- 
lony, 262,  375. 

Symmes,  Rev.  Zechariah,  pastor  of  the 
Charlestown  church.  Preaches  the 
election  sermon  1648,  374. 

Synod  of  churches  held  at  Cambridge, 
346,  376. 

Synod  of  elders  convened  at  Newtown 
1637,  202. 

T. 

Talbot,  ship,  vice-admiral  of  the  fleet,  5. 

Temperance,  first  movement  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 52,  246.  Pledging  healths 
prohibited,  246. 

Ten-Hills  Farm  granted  to  Governor 
Winthrop,  64.  Becomes  the  property 
of  the  Temple  family,  and  is  finally 
made  a stock-farm,  ib.  n. 

Thanksgiving,  the  first  Massachusetts, 
57. 


480 


INDEX. 


Thornton,  J.  Wingate,  his  “Landing at 
Cape  Anne  ” cited,  24  n. 

Toleration,  controversy  between  Yane 
and  Winthrop  about,  176. 

Trerice,  Nicholas,  trial  of,  245. 

Trial,  the  ship,  4. 

Trimontaine  called  Boston,  52. 

Trumbull,  J.  Hammond,  Esq.,  236  n. 

Tyndal,  Arthur,  his  return  to  England, 
36,  37  n.  Letter  from,  to  Governor 
Winthrop,  413. 

Tyndale,  Deane,  letters  from,  to  Gover- 
nor Winthrop,  258,  414. 


u. 

Underhill,  Captain  John,  disfranchised 
and  banished,  206. 

LIncas,  Monahegan  Sachem,  his  visit 
to  Boston,  219.  His  speech  to  the 
Governor,  220. 

Y. 

Vandyke,  his  portrait  of  Governor 
Winthrop,  408. 

Vane,  Sir  Henry,  his  arrival  in  America, 
admitted  to  the  church  of  Boston, 
132.  Elected  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, 142.  His  popularity,  144. 
Salute  fired  on  his  election,  145.  His 
administration,  ib.  Sustained  by  Bos- 
ton, 175.  Controversy  with  Win- 
throp about  toleration,  176.  Left 
out  as  Assistant  by  the  Court  of 
Elections,  ib.  Refuses  to  sit  in  the 
Magistrate’s  seat  in  church,  180.  His 
visit  to  Boston,  ib.  His  notice 
of  the  reply  to  Governor  Win- 
throp’s  defence  of  an  order  of  the 
General  Court,  186,  187.  Refuses  to 
dine  with  Governor  Winthrop,  191. 
His  departure  for  England,  192.  Let- 
ter from,  to  Governor  Winthrop,  193. 
Life  of,  by  Hon.  Charles  W.  Upham, 
reference  to,  187  n. 

Vassall,  William,  embarks  for  Ameri- 
ca, 6. 

Veils,  debate  on  the  wearing  of,  109. 

w. 

Walford,  Thomas,  his  settlement  at 
Mishawum  (Charlestown),  24. 

Ward,  Nathaniel,  pastor  of  the  church  at 
Ipswich,  267.  Author  of  the  “Body 
of  Liberties,”  ib.,  and  of  the  “ Simple 
Cobbler  of  Agawam,”  268.  His  elec- 
tion sermon,  ib. 


Warwick,  Robert,  Earl  of,  President  of 
the  Council  for  New  England,  &c., 
329.  Draft  ot  Governor  Winthrop’s 
letter  to,  459. 

Weir  at  Mistick,  118. 

Welde,  Rev.  Thomas,  his  departure  for 
England,  297. 

Wessagusset,  or  Weymouth,  settlement 
of,  24. 

West  Indies,  attempt  to  remove  the 
Massachusetts  Colony  to  the,  248. 

Weston’s  Company  at  Wessagusset,  24, 

Weymouth.  See  Wessagusset. 

Whale,  the  ship,  4. 

Wheelwright,  Rev.  John,  effort  to  sei 
tie  him  as  teacher  of  the  Boston 
church,  146.  His  doctrines,  ib.  Ob- 
jections to  his  teachings,  ib.  Called 
to  the  new  church  at  Mount  Wollas- 
ton, 147.  Petition  for  the  revocation 
of  his  sentence,  176.  His  opinions, 
205.  Banishment  of,  206.  His  ap- 
peal to  the  King,  ib. 

White,  Rev.  John,  minister  of  Dor- 
chester, 13. 

Wiggin,  Thomas,  extract  from  a letter 
from,  to  Sir  John  Cooke,  Knight,  31. 
Date  of  his  arrival  in  America,  and 
his  return  to  England,  31  n. 

Will  made  by  Governor  Winthrop  in 
1639,  250. 

William  and  Francis,  ship,  4. 

Williams,  Roger,  his  refusal  to  join  the 
Church  at  Boston,  14.  Visit  to  Ply- 
mouth, 105.  Reputed  portrait  of,  106 
n.  Censure  and  condemnation  of,  137. 
Arrest  and  exile  of,  ib.  Letters  of, 
138  n.  His  banishment,  186.  Ex- 
tract from  a letter  of,  to  John  Win- 
throp, jun.,  369. 

Wilson,  Rev.  John,  6.  Signs  the  Charles- 
town Church  Covenant,  45.  Elected 
teacher  of  the  church,  ib.  His  return 
to  England,  61.  Visit  to  Plymouth, 
105.  His  interpretation  of  the  com- 
bat between  the  mouse  and  the  snake, 
108.  His  stump  speech,  177.  Lati» 
postscript  by,  to  a letter  of  Gov- 
ernor Winthrop,  266.  Letter  from,  to 
John  Winthrop,  jun.,  395. 

Winslow,  Edward,  chosen  Governor  of 
Plymouth,  107.  Letter  from,  to  Gov- 
ernor Winthrop,  256.  Chosen  Com- 
■ missioner  to  England,  347. 

Winslow  Papers,  letter  from  Governor 
Winthrop  to  Thomas  Prince  in  the, 
238  n.,  419. 

Winter,  severity  of  the,  in  New  Eng- 
land, 56,  218. 

Winthrop,  Adam,  embarks  for  America, 
6.  Conversion  of,  109.  His  marriage 


INDEX. 


4b  1 


with  the  daughter  of  Jose  Glover, 
165.  Descendants  of,  369.  Death 
of  his  wife,  381  n.,  382.  Letter  from, 
to  John  Winthrop,  jun.  391. 

Winthrop,  Anne,  birth  and  baptism  of, 
67.  Death  of,  89,  368. 

Winthrop,  Benjamin,  his  marriage  with 
Judith  Stuy  vesant,  372  n. 

Winthrop,  Benjamin  Robert,  Vice-Pre- 
sident of  the  New  York  Historical 
Society,  372  n. 

Winthrop,  Deane,  at  school  in  England, 
88.  His  residence  in  England,  88  n. 
His  marriage  with  a daughter  of  Jose 
Glover,  165.  Death  of,  369. 

Winthrop,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Bowdoin, 
buried  in  the  Winthrop  tomb,  463  n. 

Winthrop,  Fitz-John,  Governor  of  Con- 
necticut, burial  of,  in  Boston,  398. 
Cotton  Mather’s  epitaph  on,  464. 

Winthrop,  Forth,  sketch  of,  78,  81. 
Letter  to,  from  John  Winthrop,  jun., 

79.  Letter  from,  to  Mary  Winthrop, 

80.  Death  of,  81. 

Winthrop,  Brigadier-General  Frederic, 
408  n. 

Winthrop,  Henry,  6.  Account  of  his 
detention  in  England,  16.  Drowned 
at  Salem,  33,  67.  Birth  of  his  daugh- 
ter, 67  n. 

Winthrop,  John,  chosen  Governor  of 
the  Company  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay,  1.  Sketch  of  his  character, 
3.  Account  of  his  voyage,  4. 
His  fleet,  4,  5.  Departure  with  his 
sons  in  the  Arbella,  6.  His  jour- 
nal, 7.  Extracts  from  the  journal, 
8,  9,  15,  16,  17,  18,  20,  21,  25,  46, 
52,  57,  62,  63,  64,  65,  89,  90, 101, 103, 
104,  105,  106,  107,  108, 109,  111,  112, 
113,  115,  116, 117,  129, 132, 133,  138, 
145,  146,  147,  148,  161, 176, 178, 180, 
181,  182,  189,  190,  191,  192, 193,  202, 
203,  204,  205,  207,  208,  209,  219,  221, 
222,  223,  224,  228,  232,  233,  236,  238, 
239,  240,  244,  245,  246,  259,  260,  261, 
262,  263,  267,  269,  270,  271,  280,  288, 
294,  297,  298,  301,  302,  305,  307,  308, 
311,  315,  316,  323,  326,  328,  331,  342, 
345,  347,  349,  352,  354,  359,  362,  363, 
371,  372,  374,  375,  376,  377,  388,  389. 
Extract  from  his  sermon  entitled 
“A  Modell  of  Christian  Charity,” 
18.  His  arrival  in  New  England,  22. 
His  administration,  26,  27.  His  eman- 
cipation of  the  bond  servants  of 
the  planters,  29.  Account  of,  30, 
31.  His  visit  to  Massachusetts  Bay, 
33.  His  removal  to  Charlestown,  ib. 
Letter  from,  to  his  wife  on  the  death 
of  their  son,  36.  Letter  to  his  wife  on 


the  affairs  of  the  Colony  and  direc. 
tions  for  her  voyage,  37,  38.  Letters 
to  his  son  John,  39,  40,  43,  49,  59, 
123,  125,  151,  152-159.  Presides  at 
the  first  Court  of  Assistants,  44.  Signs 
the  church  covenant  at  Charlestown, 
45.  Letter  to  his  wife  on  the  deaths 
in  the  Colony,  48.  His  removal  to 
Boston,  53.  His  first  letter  to  his  wife, 
from  Boston,  ib.  His  humanity,  56. 
Letter  to  his  wife  regarding  her  ar- 
rival, 58.  Re-elected  Governor,  2, 
61.  Building  of  the  Blessing  of  the 
Bay,  63.  Incident  at  Ten  Hills,  64. 
Visit  to  Salem,  65,  181,  231.  Dam- 
age to  his  house  at  Mistick,  66.  Birth 
of  his  daughter  Anne,  67.  Death 
of  his  daughter  Anne,  89.  Political 
controversy  with  Deputy-Governor 
Thomas  Dudley,  91-94.  His  His- 
tory of  New  England,  93.  Recho- 
sen Governor,  94,  103.  Renewal  of 
the  quarrel  with  Deputy-Governor 
Dudley,  95.  His  visit  to  Concord, 
101.  Traits-  of  character,  102,  181. 
His  expedition  up  Charles  River, 
103.  Visit  to  Medford,  104.  Visit 
to  Plymouth,  104.  Dream  of,  110. 
Re-elected  Governor  for  the  fourth 
time,  111.  Extra  duties,  111.  Ap- 
pointed head  of  the  Board  of  Assist- 
ants, 114.  His  pecuniary  relations 
with  the  Massachusetts  Colony,  116, 
119.  His  speech  before  the  General 
Court,  ib.  His  salary,  ib.,  117.  His 
share  of  the  common  lands,  ib.  Land 
grants,  ib.,  118.  His  account,  120. 
Elected  chairman  of  the  Board  to 
divide  lands  belonging  to  Boston, 
128.  Member  of  a commission  for 
military  affairs,  130.  His  impeach- 
ment and  acquittal,  ib.,  330.  Re- 
elected head  of  the  Board  of  Assist- 
ants, 130.  Difference  with  Governor 
Dudley  on  the  condition  of  the  plan- 
tation, 133.  Lenity  of,  134,  136. 
Chosen  Councillor  for  life,  142,  269. 
Speech  against  Mr.  Wheelwright, 
147.  Deputy-Governor,  ib.,  149  a. 
His  opposition  to  Mrs.  Hutohinson’s 
views,  150.  His  Christian  experience, 
150,  160,  161,  162,  163,  165.  Ap- 
pointed colonel  of  the  first  Massa- 
chusetts regiment  of  militia,  ib. 
Appointed  Governor  for  the  fifth  time, 
176,  177.  Discourtesy  to,  178.  Let- 
ter from,  to  Margaret  Winthrop,  179. 
His  popularity,  181.  Visit  to  Saugus 
and  Salem,  ib.  His  defence  of  an 
order  of  Court  made  1637,  182.  His 
replication,  186.  Vindicates  freedom 


VOL.  II. 


482 


INDEX 


of  speech,  191.  His  opinion  of  Gov- 
ernor Vane,  193.  Letters  from,  to 
Governor  William  Bradford,  194, 
197.  tie  threatens  the  Newtown 
assembly  with  the  interposition  of 
civil  authority,  202.  His  satisfaction 
at  the  result  of  the  assembly,  204. 
Censure  against,  regarding  the  An- 
tinomians,  208.  Attempt  made  to 
call  him  to  account  by  members  of 
the  church,  209.  His  argument,  ib. 
His  essay  on  the  power  of  the  church 
to  sit  in  judgment  on  a civil  magis- 
trate, 211.  Letter  to  William  Cod- 
dington  and  others,  214.  Letters  to 
lxis  wife,  216,  217.  Letter  to  his 
son  John,  ib.  Elected  Governor  for 
the  sixth  time,  219.  Illness  of,  ib. 
His  intercourse  with  Uncas,  the  Mon- 
ahegan  sachem,  ib.  Refuses  to  send 
the  charter  to  Governor  Cradock, 
221,  223.  Policy  of,  222.  Letter  to 
the  Lords  Commissioners  of  Eng- 
land, 226.  Elected  Governor  for  the 
seventh  time,  230.  His  statue  at 
Mount  Auburn,  ib.,  348.  Letter 
from,  to  his  wife,  231.  On  the  fash- 
ions, 232.  On  the  Connecticut  dif- 
ferences, 236.  Abstract  of  his  first 
letter  to  Thomas  Hooker,  237.  His 
notice  of  the  printing-house  at  Cam- 
bridge, 238.  Notice  of  his  letter  to 
Thomas  Prince,  ib.  n.  Elected  Gov- 
ernor for  the  seventh  time,  239.  Op- 
position to,  240.  His  dealings  with 
the  Lndians,  244.  His  contest  with 
the  treasurer  of  the  Colony  in  1639, 
245.  Memorandum  on  the  temper- 
ance movement,  246.  Correspond- 
ence with  Lord  Say  and  Sele,  248. 
Pecuniary  circumstances  of,  250.  His 
second  will  signed,  1639,  ib.  253. 
Dishonesty  of  his  bailiff  in  England, 
ib.  Aid  rendered  him  by  the  church 
of  Boston,  260.  Retires  from  public 
office,  ib.  Proposed  indignity  to,  261. 
Re-elected  head  of  the  Board  of  As- 
sistants, 252,  267.  Letter  to  his  son 
John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  265.  Chosen 
Governor  for  the  eighth  time,  268. 
Letter  showing  his  views  of  Mr. 
Saltonstall  and  his  book,  274.  His 
propositions  on  the  decisions  of  the 
elders,  275.  Letter  from,  addressed 
the  elders  of  Ipswich,  277.  Crisis 
in  the  affairs  of  the  Massachusetts 
Colony,  298.  His  self-denial,  ib. 
Connection  with  Harvard  College, 
301.  Tribute  to,  ib.  Chosen  Gov- 
ernor for  the  ninth  time,  305.  Chief 
Commissioner  of  Massachusetts,  306. 


Appointed  President  of  the  New- 
England  Confederation,  ib.  Rev. 
Thomas  Hooker’s  tribute  to,  310. 
His  acknowledgment  of  his  errors 
regarding  the  La  Tour  affair,  315. 
Extract  from  his  answer  to  the  Ips 
wich  letter  concerning  La  Tour,  317. 
Fragment  of  a letter  from,  to  John 
Winthrop,  jun.,  319.  Elected  Dep- 
uty-Governor, 322.  His  treatise 
on  arbitrary  government  in  Massa- 
chusetts, 324.  Censure  of  his  trea- 
tise by  the  deputies,  325.  Reviews 
his  treatise,  328.  Chosen  Deputy- 
Governor  in  1645,  330.  His  speech 
on  his  acquittal  from  the  charge 
brought  against  him,  339.  Proposal 
to  send  him  to  England,  347.  His 
reception  of  distinguished  strangers 
in  Boston,  349.  Letters  from,  to  his 
son  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  Governor 
of  Connecticut,  355,  356,  357,  360. 
Unsuccessful  attempt  to  remove  him 
from  office,  359.  Elected  Gover- 
nor for  the  eleventh  time,  359. 
Marriage  certificate  signed  by,  372 
n.  His  letter  to  Peter  Stuyvesant, 
373.  Elected  Governor  for  the 
twelfth  time,  374.  Letters  from,  to 
his  son  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  377, 
379,  382,  383,  385,  386.  His  marriage 
with  Martha  Coytmore,  380.  Inden- 
tures of  the  marriage  covenant,  381. 
His  illness,  ib.,  382.  His  religious 
character,  387.  His  last  illness,  392. 
His  preparation  for  death,  392,  393. 
His  death,  394.  Arrangements  for  his 
funeral,  ib.  Morton’s  eulogy  of,  396. 
Funeral  salutes,  ib.,  397.  Burial  place 
of,  ib.  Elegy  upon,  398.  His  age,  ib. 
Feeling  in  the  Colony  at  his  death, 
ib.  Sketches  of  his  character  by  dif- 
ferent authors,  400,  404-407.  Brief 
sketch  by  Rev.  Cotton  Mather,  401. 
His  charity,  ib.  Portrait  of,  by  Van- 
dyke, 408.  His  house,  ib.  n.  Let- 
ter from  Arthur  Tyndal  to,  413. 
Letter  from  Deane  Tyndal  to,  414. 
Letter  to  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  415. 
Draft  of  a letter  from,  to  Rev.  Henry 
Painter,  416 ; to  John  Winthrop,  jun., 
418  ; to  Thomas  Prince,  419.  Draft 
of  a letter  from,  to  Rev.  Ezekiel 
Rogers,  ib.  Draft  of  his  letter  to 
Rev.  Thomas  Hooker,  1638,  421. 
Letter  from  Lord  Say  and  Sele  to, 
422.  His  “ Reply  on  the  Negative 
Vote,”  427.  List  of  books  presented 
to  the  library  of  Harvard  College  by, 
438.  His  description  of  arbitrary 
government,  and  vindication  of  the 


INDEX. 


483 


Massachusetts  government,  440. 
Draft  of  his  letter  to  the  Earl  of 
Warwick,  459.  Elegy  on,  by  Perci- 
val  Lowell,  465. 

Winthrop,  John,  jun..  Governor  of 
Connecticut,  letter  from,  to  his 
mother,  68  n.  Letters  from,  to  Gov- 
ernor Winthrop,  69,  71,  73,  264.  His 
marriage,  75.  His  marriage  license, 
75  n.  Letter  from,  to  Eorth  Win- 
throp, 79.  Settles  at  Ipswich,  111. 
Death  of  his  first  wife,  112.  Depart- 
ure for  England,  123,  303.  His  re- 
turn from  England,  130.  Appointed 
Governor  of  the  Connecticut  Colony, 
ib.  His  second  marriage,  ib.  His 
term  of  office  as  Governor  at  Say- 
brook  closed,  217.  Returns  to  Ips- 
wich, ib.  Letters  from,  to  his  father, 
264.  His  medical  prescriptions,  266 
n.  Sails  for  England,  1641,  303. 
Letter  to,  from  Margaret  Winthrop, 
ib.  His  connection  with  the  Pequod 
Plantation,  354.  Letter  to,  from  Rev. 
John  Wilson  and  others  on  the  death 
of  his  father,  395.  His  death  and 
burial  in  Boston,  397.  Letters  to, 
from  his  father,  415,  418. 

Winthrop,  Colonel  John,  369  n. 

Winthrop,  John,  E.R.S.,  his  marriage 
to  Ann  Dudley,  101  n. 

Winthrop,  John,  LL.D.,  professor  of 
mathematics  in  Harvard  College, 
369.  A Eellow  of  the  Royal  Society 
of  England,  ib. 

Winthrop,  Joshua,  birth  of,  381  n. 
Death  of,  ib. 

Winthrop,  Lucy,  her  marriage  with 
Emanuel  Downing,  240  n. 

Winthrop,  Margaret,  letter  from,  to 
John  Winthrop,  jun.,  67,  77.  Letter 
from,  to  Martha  Winthrop,  76.  Let- 
ters from,  to  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  85, 
86,  87.  Embarks  for  America,  88. 
Her  arrival,  89.  Day  of  thanks- 
giving on  her  arrival,  90.  Letter 
from,  to  Governor  Winthrop,  178. 
Her  hopeful  spirit,  303.  Letter  from, 
to  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  ib.  Illness  of, 
360.  Death  of,  363.  Sketch  of  her 
character,  ib , 370.  Extract  of  a 
letter  from,  to  Governor  Winthrop, 
364.  Her  children,  368.  Burial 
place  of,  371. 

Winthrop,  Mary,  her  marriage  with 
Rev.  Samuel  Dudley,  101  n.  Death 
of,  321. 


Winthrop  family  arms,  English  version 
and  anagram  of  the  motto  on  the, 
53. 

Winthrop,  Nathaniel,  368. 

Winthrop  School,  Boston,  329  n. 

Winthrop,  Stephen,  embarks  for  Amer- 
ica, 6.  His  exercises  of  mind,  and 
conversion,  109.  His  departure  for 
England,  303.  Engaged  in  military 
service,  ib.  Marriage  of,  360  n. 
Letter  from  to  Governor  Winthrop, 
366.  Extract  from  a letter  of,  to 
Governor  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  of 
Connecticut,  367.  Recorder  of  Bos- 
ton, 368.  Member  of  the  Colonial 
Legislature,  ib.  IPs  departure  for 
England,  ib.  A colonel  in  Crom- 
well’s army,  ib. ; and  member  of 
Cromwell’s  Parliament,  ib.  His 
death,  369. 

Winthrop,  Samuel,  letter  from,  to 
Governor  Winthrop,  368.  Deputy 
Governor  of  Antigua,  369.  His  con- 
nections by  marriage,  ib.  Marriage 
of,  381. 

Winthrop,  Sarah,  368. 

Winthrop,  Major  Theodore,  408  n. 

Winthrop,  Hon.  Thomas  Lindall,  buried 
in  the  Winthrop  tomb,  463  n. 

Winthrop  tomb,  inscriptions  on  the, 
397  n.,  462.  Burials  in  the,  463  n. 

Winthrop,  Major-General  Wait-Still. 
356  n.  His  medical  prescriptions, 
266  n.  Epitaph  on  the  tomb  of,  398. 
Epitaph  appended  to  Cotton  Mather’s 
sermon  at  the  funeral  of,  461. 

Winthrop,  William,  368,  369  n. 

Winthrop,  town  of,  369. 

Witchcraft  in  New  England,  375. 

Women’s  meetings  prohibited,  203. 

Woodhouse,  Captain,  appointed  Go 
vernor  of  Virginia,  222. 

Wright,  Dr.  Nathaniel,  his  defence  of 
Brampton  Castle  against  the  Royal- 
ists, 38  n.  Physician  to  Oliver  Crom- 
well, ib. 


Y. 

Yarmouth,  the  Arbella  at,  7.  Visit  of 
the  Governor  of  the  Castle  on  board, 
9.  The  “Humble  Request”  ad- 
dressed from,  10. 

Young,  Rev.  Alexander,  D.D.,  his 
sketch  of  the  character  of  Governor 
Winthrop,  407. 


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— Joto  Wirsthrrvp. 


923.273  W792  P v.2 


